The Lambl's family was a part of the famous intellectual family in Bohemia in the second half of the 19th century. The Lambl's brothers were respected experts in their profession. František Sudimír became a highly educated economic officer, Karel Milan was a highly educated economic pedagogue, Vilém Dušan was a very famous doctor and Jan Baptista was a highly educated agricultural expert and at the same time he worked as a organizer of the economic school systém. Eight of the brothers and sisters lived to an adult age, four sisters (Marie, Barbora, Eliška, Anna) and four brothers. All the brothers got married and set up their own families, only one of the sisters - the youngest Ann, got married. The brothers and sisters took a part in the Bohemia patriotic life (for example Vilém Dušan was politically active in 1848, he was in correspondence, apart from others, with Karel Havlíček). The sisters then were involved in the women's society mainly. All brothers and sister made up a compact group for the duration of seventy years. They kept the warmly family relationships and supported each other. The brothers and sisters have not lost contact during their adult age. The sisters helped their unmarried or widowed brothers and helped them with a household, and looked after them in places of their...

This thesis is an intellectual biography of the Swedish statesman Johan Skytte (1577–1645), focusing on his educational ideals and his contributions to educational reform in the early Swedish Age of Greatness. Although born a commoner, Skytte rose to be one of the most powerful men in Sweden in the first half of the seventeenth century, serving three generations of regents. As a royal preceptor and subsequently a university chancellor, Skytte appears as an early educational politician at a time when the Swedish Vasa dynasty initiated a number of far-reaching reforms, including the revival of Sweden’s only university at the time (in Uppsala). The contextual approach of the thesis shows how Skytte’s educational reform agenda was shaped by nationally motivated arguments as well as by a Late Renaissance humanist heritage, celebrating education as the foundation of all prosperous civilizations. Utilizing a largely unexplored source material written mostly in Latin, the thesis analyzes how Skytte’s educational arguments were formed already at the University of Marburg in the 1590s, where he learned to embrace the utility-orientated ideals of the French humanist Petrus Ramus (1515–1572). Moreover, the analysis shows that the expanding Swedish state administration in the early seventeenth century was in urgent need of educated civil servants, and that this basic demand favored an ideology based on education, skill and merit. It is shown that Skytte skillfully combined a Ramist and patriotic rhetoric with narratives of individual merit and rewards, conveying not least himself as an example. The thesis argues that Skytte’s rhetoric reflects the formation of a new professional category in the Swedish society, one that was distinguished from the royal courtier, the clergyman, the merchant, the warrior, and the scholar. This category is the professional civil servant whose identity was dependent on skills and education.

Fino ad oggi, la storiografia occupatasi dell'atteggiamento tenuto dai vescovi italiani nel corso del primo conflitto mondiale aveva affrontato il tema in base a un’ottica essenzialmente politica, volta a stabilire la maggiore o minore adesione dell'episcopato agli ideali patriottici e il suo grado di sostegno alla guerra. In questo studio, da una parte l'analisi del discorso pastorale pubblicamente prodotto dall'episcopato italiano sulla e nella Grande Guerra, dall'altra l'analisi del discorso indirizzato all'interno della gerarchia ecclesiastica sia verso il basso (sacerdoti-soldati e chierici combattenti) sia verso l'alto (S. Sede), consentono di evidenziare le reali categorie interpretative con cui l'evento-guerra venne compreso e giudicato dai vescovi. Il quadro che ne emerge appare variamente articolato: se la retorica patriottica non mancò di manifestarsi, il discorso dominante fu tuttavia rappresentato dalla lettura provvidenzialistica del conflitto, che, culminando nell'attribuzione di un significato salvifico alla morte per la patria in guerra, svolse una funzione decisiva nel legittimare la partecipazione dei fedeli ad essa. L'analisi della corrispondenza tra i vescovi e i chierici combattenti e tra i vescovi e la S. Sede mostra l'esistenza di sfumature e di altre sensibilità, certamente importanti da registrare, ma non sufficienti a mutare il profilo complessivo emerso dall'analisi del discorso pubblico. / Until today, the historiography concerning the attitude of Italian bishops during the First World War dealt with the subject from essentially a political perspective, focused on bishops' commitment to patriotic ideals and the level of support for the war. This research takes into account, on the one hand, the analysis of the pastoral discourse made publicly by the Italian bishops about and during the «Great War», and on the other hand, the analysis of the discourse inside of the church hierarchy addressed both downwards (to priest-soldiers and fighting seminarists) and upwards (to the Holy See). Thus, the actual explanatory categories by which the war-event was understood and judged by bishops are revealed. The picture that emerges is heterogeneous: beyond patriotic rhetoric, the most dominant finding is represented by providential reading of the conflict. By attaching a redemptive meaning to death from fighting for one's country, it proved to be a decisive factor in legitimising the participation of the faithful. The analysis of the correspondence between the bishops and fighting seminarists, and between the bishops and the Holy See demonstrates the existence of different tones and sensibilities. Although worth recording, they do not seem to change the overall picture that the public discourse displays.

En 2007, le Premier ministre du Québec, monsieur Jean Charest, a établi la Commission de consultation sur les pratiques d’accommodement reliées aux différences culturelles afin de donner suite aux conflits émanant des différences ethniques et culturelles. La commission a pour mandat de dresser le bilan des pratiques d’accommodement au Québec, d’analyser la problématique, de consulter la population et de formuler des recommandations au gouvernement afin d’assurer la conformité des pratiques d’accommodement avec les valeurs de la société québécoise. En premier lieu, ce mémoire démontrera que deux facteurs, dont l’évolution de l’identité de la majorité francophone et l’évolution des pays d’origine des immigrants, ont contribué à un malaise de gestion de la diversité et, par conséquent, ont rendu l’établissement de la commission pertinent. En deuxième lieu, m’appuyant sur une revue de la méthodologie, des conclusions et des recommandations de la commission, ainsi que la réplique du Ministère de l’Immigration et des Communautés culturelles, je vais illustrer que, malgré un mandat pertinent et achevé, la réponse gouvernementale fut inadéquate. Finalement, je démontrerai que les modèles de gestion de diversité soutenus par le rapport de la Commission, la laïcité inclusive et l’interculturalisme, sont des aspects nécessaires de la gestion de la diversité. Cependant, ils en découlent des philosophies politiques de neutralisme et pluralisme dont la force et le compromis en sont les buts. Je crois que le Québec peut être meilleur gestionnaire de sa diversité et peut obtenir de vraies réconciliations en prônant la conversation; une approche patriotique de la gestion de diversité. / In 2007 and in response to conflicts stemming from ethnic and religious difference, Quebec Premier Jean Charest established the Consultation Commission on Accommodation Practices Related to Cultural Differences. The Commission’s mandate was to take stock of accommodation practices in Quebec, analyse the issues, consult the population and formulate recommendations to the government to ensure accommodation practices’ congruence with the values of Quebec society. This mémoire will first argue that two factors, namely the evolution of the francophone majority population’s identity and changes to immigrants’ origins, contributed to Quebec’s malaise with diversity management and thus made the establishment of the Commission relevant. Second, through a review of the Commission’s methods, findings, recommendations and the Ministry of Immigration and Cultural communities’ response to the recommendations, it will be argued that while the Commission’s mandate was both pertinent and fulfilled, the government’s response was inadequate. Finally, it will be argued that while open secularism and interculturalism, diversity management methods proffered by the Commission’s report, are necessary components of diversity management, they espouse the political philosophies of neutralism and pluralism which respectively result in force and compromise. I will argue that Quebec can manage difference more effectively and achieve true reconciliation by embracing conversation, a patriotic approach to diversity management.

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Le sentiment d'appartenance nationale au sein de la population réunionnaise semble une constante dans l'histoire de la colonie et n'a jamais été durablement remis en cause. Le travail proposé confirme pour la période étudiée sa vigueur, particulièrement à l'occasion des conflits coloniaux et mondiaux. Mais il montre aussi que cette adhésion inclut la conscience d'une singularité qui n'est pas seulement la conséquence de la géographie mais aussi le fruit de l'histoire. Le sujet permet de croiser une approche d'histoire sociale et d'histoire des représentations sur une séquence coloniale cohérente qui englobe les prémices de la Troisième République jusqu'au processus de départementalisation. En proposant de « dénationaliser le national » par le biais d'une étude se penchant sur les principes identitaires en situation coloniale, il s'agit de mettre en évidence la spécificité des processus d'acculturation en situation coloniale et l'interconnexion des territoires coloniaux (île Maurice et Madagascar) dans la définition d'un sentiment d'appartenance en cours de construction. La première partie sur le sentiment d'appartenance en situation coloniale cherche à poser les enjeux et la méthode de la recherche. La deuxième partie se penche sur les liens entre le colonialisme et le sentiment d'appartenance nationale en focalisant l'analyse sur l'impérialisme réunionnais comme vecteur d'une reconnaissance commune au reste de la Nation. La troisième partie prend en compte les différentes manifestations de patriotisme et leur influence sur la définition d'un sentiment d'appartenance nationale. Enfin, la quatrième partie se focalise sur les vecteurs de l'acculturation nationale en tenant compte du rôle de l'école, de l'église et de l'armée dans la construction d'un sentiment d'appartenance nationale spécifique à La Réunion, sentiment auquel les élites ont apporté leur concours tout en étant les principales bénéficiaires de la quête d'une reconnaissance de la Nation. / The feeling of national membership among the Reunionese population seems to be a regular fact in the colony history and has never been really questioned. This work confirms its strength in the period in study, and more particularly during the colonial and world conflicts. But it also shows that this support includes the conscience of a singular feeling, which is not only the consequence of geography, but also of history. This subject allows us to mix a social historical approach with a historical representation approach on a coherent colonial period, which goes from the beginning of the Third Republic up to the region establishment. By suggesting to « denationalise the national » through a study dealing with the identity principles in a colonial situation, we mean to focus on the particular acculturation processes in a colonial period and the interconnection of colonial territories (Mauritius, Madagascar) in defining a constructing feeling of membership. The first part deals with the feeling of membership in a colonial period and tries to analyse what is at stake in the research methods. The second part studies the links between colonialism and the feeling of national membership and focuses on Reunionese imperialism as a trigger to a recognition shared by the rest of the Nation. The third part takes into account the different signs of patriotism and their influence on the definition of what a feeling of national membership is about. Finally, the fourth part focuses on the triggers of national acculturation while taking into account the role of school, church, and the army in the building up of a typical Reunionese national membership feeling, shared by the elite which mainly benefited from the quest of a recognition from the Nation.

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En France, lorsque l’éducation primaire est devenue laïque, gratuite et obligatoire avec les lois Jules Ferry (1881-1882), les pédagogues républicains valorisaient un enseignement par l’émulation. À l’aide de grandes figures de l’histoire nationale, ces acteurs souhaitaient fournir aux jeunes écoliers et écolières des exemples moraux et patriotiques, lesquels incarnaient les grandes vertus républicaines. En général, les modèles exposés aux garçons et aux filles sur les bancs d’école reflétaient et perpétuaient la division des sexes dans la société française : les images montrées aux garçons illustraient un rôle public, militaire et politique tandis que celles présentées aux filles indiquaient plutôt un rôle privé, domestique et maternel. La plupart des études réalisées jusqu’à présent se sont concentrées uniquement sur le contenu des manuels scolaires officiels. Cependant, les exemples féminins mis en évidence dans la littérature jeunesse, en particulier dans les populaires biographies collectives, n’ont pas encore fait l’objet de recherches historiques approfondies. Ce genre littéraire prisé par le public français de la fin du XIXe siècle, mais déprécié dans les cercles universitaires, offre pourtant un riche éventail de modèles pour la jeunesse. Ce mémoire propose ainsi une analyse des icônes morales, civiques et patriotiques dans trois biographies collectives féminines publiées dans la décennie suivant les réformes scolaires (précisément entre 1886 et 1893). Cette étude permet de mettre en lumière, voire de redéfinir, l’identité « féminine » et « française » véhiculée par les auteurs de ces œuvres, lesquels soumettent des modèles alternatifs, moins figés dans les conventions, qui s’éloignent des exemples traditionnels axés sur la différence sexuelle et introduits dans les ouvrages scolaires à la même époque. / As Jules Ferry’s Laws (1881-1882) rendered French primary education secular, mandatory and free, most republican pedagogues designed educational lessons developed on the principle of emulation. By promoting national historical figures and heroes, they mostly sought to provide moral and patriotic models, embodying republican values, to all young boys and girls. Many examples offered in classrooms illustrated and perpetuated a vision of French society based on the sexual division of labor: masculine icons expressed public, military, and political roles while feminine icons revealed private, domestic, and maternal attributes or responsibilities. Previous academic studies on the subject explored almost exclusively the content of primary official textbooks. Meanwhile, feminine models presented in children’s literature, especially within popular collective biographies, have not yet been the object of extensive historical research. Although this literary genre was consumed in great numbers by the public in fin-de-siècle France, it has until recently always been sidelined in academic studies. However, it can be argued that collective biographies showed a significant diversity of role models to French youth. Thereby, this Master’s thesis proposes an analysis of moral, civic, and patriotic icons, which schoolgirls were meant to emulate, included in three collective feminine biographies published during the years following Ferry’s school system reforms (between 1886 and 1893). This study attempts to define the « feminine » and « French » identity shaped by the authors of these books, which recommended less conventional and alternative models, different from traditional examples usually seen in official textbooks of the period.

This thesis explores precarization of work and subject formation in seven post-referendum Brexit novels through theories of cognitive capitalism and biopolitical production. The analysis is anchored in Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri’s reconceptualization of Michel Foucault’s notion of biopolitics. Hardt and Negri combine the concept of biopolitics with contemporary theories of cognitive capitalism and immaterial labour, to illuminate how subjects are subsumed into a system of biopower in which capitalistic production has become biopolitical production. I argue that the Brexit novels examined in this thesis demonstrate how the intrinsic bond between production and life shapes the characters’ relationship to the referendum. As the characters are caught between individual goals and communal values, in a system that demands that they take sole responsibility for their own success while also being responsible democratic citizens, the referendum produces conflicted subjects that experience deep internal and external conflicts in relation to Brexit.