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No / There has been a recent rise in optimism about Africa's prospects: increased economic growth; renewed regional and national political commitments to good governance; and fewer conflicts. Yet, given current trends and with less than eight years until 2015, Africa is likely to fail to meet every single one of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). Home to almost one-third of the world's poor, Africa's challenges remain as daunting as ever. Despite highly publicized increased growth in some economies, the combined economies of Africa have, on average, actually shrunk and are far from meeting the required 7 per cent growth needed to tackle extreme poverty. A similar picture emerges from the analysis of Africa's performance on the other MDGs. In a world where security and development are inextricably connected in complex and multifaceted ways, Africans are, as a result, among the most insecure. By reviewing a select number of political, security and socio-economic indicators for the continent, this analysis evaluates the reasons underlying Africa's continuing predicament. It identifies four critical issues: ensuring peace and security; fostering good governance; fighting HIV/ AIDS; and managing the debt crisis. In assessing these developmental security challenges, the article recalls that the MDGs are more than time bound, quantified targets for poverty alleviation¿they also represent a commitment by all members of the international community, underwritten by principles of co-responsibility and partnership, to an enlarged notion of development based on the recognition that human development is key to sustaining social and economic progress. In recent years, and often following failures, especially in Africa, to protect civilian populations from the violence and predation of civil wars, a series of high-level commissions and expert groups have conducted strategic reviews of the UN system and its function in global politics. The debate has also developed at the theoretical level involving both a recon-ceptualization of security, from state centred norms to what is referred to as the globalization of security around the human security norm. There has also been a reconceptualization of peacekeeping, where the peacekeeping force has enough robustness to use force not only to protect populations under the emergent responsibility to protect norm, but also enough conflict resolution capacity to facilitate operations across the conflict¿development¿peacebuilding continuum. This article opens up a discussion of how these ideas might be relevant to security regime building and conflict resolution in African contexts, and suggests how initiatives in Africa might begin to make a contribution to the theory and practice of cosmopolitan peacekeeping.

No / This chapter proposes the application of the people, context, deal and opportunities (PCDO) model to support entrepreneurship advancement in Africa. This proposal recognises patterns of conflicts and crises fuelled by both internal and external forces in some African countries, and that this pattern inhibits entrepreneurship advancement. However, undaunted by the seemingly unfavourable conditions, in 2013, African leaders set Africa on a 50-year journey towards an integrated, peaceful, progressive and prosperous Africa of the future in what is known as Agenda 2063. The proposal is anchored by Aspirations 4 and 6 of Agenda 2063, which propose that people, peaceful and secured environment are necessary for the achievement of the ‘Africa we want’, which arguably, will in turn promote entrepreneurship advancement in Africa. The chapter argues that reforms in the legal and institutional framework of the Africa Union (AU) should consider the application of the PCDO model to maximise opportunities for entrepreneurship development in Africa.

This paper takes its point of departure in the skewed attention towards the ‘protection’ of women rather than the ‘participation’ of women when talking about ‘Women, Peace &Security’ (WPS) in the UN Security Council. Given the centrality of Sweden, as the first country in the world with a feminist foreign policy, this thesis fills a gap in the current research as it investigates whether this skewed attention was reflected during Sweden’s time as a non-permanent member in the UNSC 2017-2018 or not. A quantitative content analysis of 318 Swedish statements in the UNSC 2017-2018 conducted in this paper shows an overall result where Sweden mentions women in the context of participation more frequently than protection. This outcome is further explained by three Government Officials active during Sweden’s time in the UNSC, as resulting from the Swedish strategy and the feminist foreign policy. Furthermore, the results of this study indicate a change in how frequently Sweden refers to participation over protection between 2017 and 2018; the strategy of attaching larger focus to participation is significantly clearer the second year. The interviewees explain that this was due to the increased experience in the UNSC and increased credibility for Sweden among the other member states. The current stage of the conflict or peacekeeping operation in question, i.e. in the country of discussion in the UNSC, was also considered as a large part of the strategy, suggesting the nature of the conflict to be of importance for the results and hence relevant to analyze in future research on the attention payed to participation versus protection in the UNSC.

The thesis analyses the systems, dynamics and conditions of international cooperation/non-cooperation in the international community that is embodied through international/regional institutions and organisations. As Robert Cooper describes, the international community consists of the three worlds in which the differences between them may be confrontational in international cooperation. While the post-modern civilisation and values are introduced into the institutions and organisations for international peace and security, the state actors from the pre-modern and modern civilisations and values are vigorously defending the traditional version of state sovereignty. Then, all these are equally the member of the international community and, as Robert Axelrod's Prisoner Dilemma game sets, neither state actors nor structural actors of international relations can escape from it. Therefore, it is hoped that, as Axelrod's theory suggests, the closed community, in the end, produces cooperation and a positive peace for a better future for all. In the case studies, the OSCE faces a number of non-cooperative state actors, like Russia. An anti-OSCE civilisation exists and is resisting the organisational values, while it is staying in the framework. Thus, the organisation is suffering from defectors and free-riders. Knowing the limitation of the organisation, it still has a space for improvement and a useful function which is to provide a long term process to make a non-cooperate actor cooperative.

Mass humanitarian atrocities – many of them perpetrated by governments against their own people – continue to wreak havoc across Africa. These crises demand decisive action by the African Union (AU), the intergovernmental organisation that presides over peace and security on the continent. Since its formation, the AU has established a set of norms and institutions that reflect the principles of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P), and by its own declaration, has shifted its approach away from the notion of ‘non-interference’ (as espoused by its predecessor, the Organisation of African Unity) to a new position of ‘non-indifference’. However, despite its rhetorical commitment to the implementation of R2P, the AU’s handling of the 2010 Côte d’Ivoire crisis was so weak that the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) authorised an intervention led by France. The incapacity of the AU to resolve the conflict raised questions about the organisation’s rhetoric of ‘African solutions to African problems’. This study analyses the AU’s handling of the Côte d’Ivoire crisis, and thereby implicitly investigates the organisation’s challenges in operationalizing the R2P in Africa. The methodology of an extensive literature survey is employed to gather evidence of conceptual and institutional deficiencies within the AU, and possible coordination problems between the AU, ECOWAS and the UNSC in their management of African conflicts. The purpose of the study is thus to contribute to the wider intellectual discourse on R2P operationalization, and specifically aimed at strengthening the AU’s ability to implement its own peace and security agenda. / Mini-dissertation (MSecurity Studies)--University of Pretoria, 2015. / Political Sciences / Unrestricted

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The core research question is: how does intelligence and security services of Member States to the AU and established regional and continental security intelligence organisations collectively contribute to the implementation of the APSA? The study empirically reconstructs – descriptively, functionally and analytically – the mechanisms, magnitude and processes of intelligence cooperation at the regional and continental level within the framework of the APSA. In line with the above, the study answers these research questions: i. What are the contributions of the CEWS, as a form of open-source intelligence outfit, to the APSA? ii. What are the roles and contributions of CISSA to the AUC with particular reference to the APSA? iii. How does the Nouakchott and the Djibouti Processes contribute to implementing the APSA? Acknowledging that intelligence cooperation is strategically poised, the interest of this study is directed towards identifying, examining and evaluating established institutions and frameworks and their respective processes of intelligence cooperation. Thus, the study looks at the contribution of security intelligence towards the implementation of the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) of the African Union (AU), and the thesis is divided into seven chapters. Chapter 1 introduces the study and outlines the research problem, methodology, sources and materials. The second chapter provides an overview of the academic debates around intelligence cooperation. The third chapter empirically reconstructs the configurations of the APSA and conceptualise the function and service roles of each pillar in a descriptive, functional and analytical lens. Chapter 4 reconstructs the operationalisation and institutionalisation of the Continental Early Warning System (CEWS) and further examine its methodology and how it aligns early warning to decision making and early action. Chapter 5 examined the roles and contributions of the Committee of Intelligence and Security Services of Africa (CISSA) to the African Union Commission (AUC) with particular reference to the APSA. Chapter 6 provides extensive analysis and reconstruction of the operationalisation of the APSA through intelligence cooperation in the Sahelo-Saharan, East and Horn of Africa regions through the Nouakchott Process and the Djibouti Process, respectively, and the last chapter concludes the study by synopsising and reflecting on the research questions and outlining the significant contributions of the study.:Acknowledgements ii List of Figures viii List of Abbreviations ix Chapter One 1 Introduction and Overview of the Study 1 1.1 Introduction 1 1.2 State of the art 3 1.2.1 Global Intelligence Services 3 1.2.2 Intelligence Services in Africa 9 1.2.3 Intelligence Cooperation and the AU 11 1.3 Research Question 14 1.4 Research Design 15 1.4.1 Methodology 17 1.4.2 Methods 18 1.4.3 Sources and Materials 20 1.5 Organization of the thesis 21 Chapter Two 24 Intelligence Cooperation in International and Regional Organisations 24 2.1 Introduction 24 2.2 Intelligence Cooperation in International Organisations 25 2.3 Intelligence Cooperation in Regional Organisations 35 2.4 Intelligence Cooperation Typologies 44 2.5 Intelligence Cooperation Methodologies 47 2.6 Chapter Summary 49 Chapter Three 51 The African Peace and Security Architecture 51 3.1 Introduction 51 3.2 Structure of the APSA 52 3.2.1 Peace and Security Council 55 3.2.2 Panel of the Wise 60 3.2.3 Continental Early Warning System 67 3.2.4 African Standby Force 68 3.2.5 Peace Fund 73 3.3 APSA’s Strategic Priorities 75 3.4 APSA and RECs 80 3.5 Chapter Summary 84 Chapter Four 87 The CEWS, Intelligence cooperation and the APSA 87 4.1 Introduction 87 4.2 Intelligence Cooperation, Early Warning and the OAU 90 4.3 The PSC Protocol and the CEWS 97 4.4 The Operationalisation of the CEWS 100 4.5 The Institutionalisation of the CEWS 107 4.5.1 The Situation Room 107 4.5.2 The African Media Monitor 109 4.5.3 Africa Reporter 110 4.5.4 Africa Prospects 111 4.5.5 Indicators and Profile Module 111 4.5.6 The CEWS Portal 112 4.5 The CEWS Methodology 113 4.5.1 Information Collection and Monitoring 113 4.5.2 Conflict and Cooperation Analysis 118 4.5.3 Formulation of Options 121 4.5.4 Responses 123 4.6 Early Warning, Decision Making and Early Action 124 4.7 The CEWS and RECs 131 4.8 The CEWS and other Early Warning Mechanisms 134 4.8.1 Continental Structural Conflict Prevention Framework 135 4.8.2 African Peer Review Mechanism and Conflict Prevention 137 4.8.3 Horizon Scanning 139 4.9 Challenges to the CEWS 140 4.10 The Evolution and Future of the CEWS 146 4.11 Chapter Summary 149 Chapter Five 153 Committee of Intelligence and Security Services of Africa and the APSA 153 5.1 Introduction 153 5.2 Genesis 154 5.3 Mandate, Vision and Mission 157 5.4 Objectives 157 5.5 Principles 162 5.6 Functions 163 5.7 Structures of CISSA and their Functions 164 5.7.1 The Conference 164 5.7.2 Panel of Experts 178 5.7.3 Bureau of the CISSA Conference 179 5.7.4 The CISSA Regions 180 5.7.5 Troika 182 5.7.6 The Secretariat 182 5.7.7 Specialised Technical Committees 187 5.8. Relationship between CISSA and the AU 188 5.9 The Intelligence and Security Committee \ CISSA Liaison Unit 189 5.10 CISSA and Regional Security Intelligence Institutions 196 5.11 Challenges to the performance of CISSA 198 5.12 Chapter Summary 210 Chapter Six 213 Intelligence Cooperation in the Nouakchott and Djibouti Processes, 2013-2021 213 6.1 Introduction 213 6.2 The Nouakchott Process 216 6.2.1 Genesis 216 6.2.2 Inauguration 219 6.2.3 Implementation of the Nouakchott Conclusions 228 6.2.4 The Nouakchott Declaration 233 6.2.5 The Nouakchott Process vis-à-vis other Regional Frameworks 236 6.2.6 Post-declaration, Challenges and Prospect 237 6.3 The Djibouti Process 245 6.3.1 Background 245 6.3.2 Rationale 246 6.3.3 Establishment 247 6.3.4 Implementation Meetings 252 6.4 The Nouakchott and the Djibouti Processes 257 6.4.1 Joint Meeting 257 6.4.2 Points for Action 259 6.5 Past for the future in the present 261 6.6 Influence and Power Contestations 265 6.7 Chapter Summary 273 Chapter Seven 275 Conclusion 275 7.1 Introduction 275 7.2 Summary of key arguments 276 7.3 Contributions and suggestions for future research 286 8. References 293 8.1 Sources 293 8.2 Literature 303 8.3 Interviews 337 Assurance 338

There is a feminist scholarly debate on what role military institutions play in translating the goals of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda into practice. Where idealists on the one side question if militaries should ever be involved with such responsibilities and argue that feminist purposes risk being co-opted. Whereas pragmatists on the other, argue that military institutions can be ‘regendered’ and transformed to better engage with feminist visions of security and thus implement the agenda meaningfully. To go beyond this debate there is a need to include the perspectives of those who work with bringing these policies into practice during operations. The conclusions in this thesis rely on a qualitative interview study with Swedish civilian and military gender advisors (GENADs) to attempt to bridge the disagreement described above. These GENADs constitute a central mechanism within the implementation and can therefore provide an increased understanding of the military’s role in the implementation of the WPS agenda. It intends to explore how their experiences can shed further light on the debate between pragmatists and idealists. Through an abductive thematic analysis, it is possible to interpret the answers from the semi-structured interviews conducted as three dilemmas: instrumentalization, military hierarchies, and civil-military collaboration. The findings suggest that the debate is simplified as the arguments on both sides of the debate appear to correspond with reality within international operations. It is therefore suggested that the debate should leave its deterministic mentality between idealist and pragmatist notions and shift its focus from asking whether at all, to in which situations and how militaries should play a role within the implementation. It is also contended that more emphasis in research needs to be on how to create organizational change in norms and attitudes at a systemic level.

[pt] A juventude passou ao longo dos séculos por construções ambíguas que informam suas mobilizações na política internacional. Entre narrativas de problema e/ou solução, os jovens foram assimilados e diferenciados dos adultos, passando por percepções de imaturidade, desenvolvimento, ingenuidade, inexperiência, recurso para o futuro e agentes da paz. Diante disso, este trabalho tem como propósito abordar como a categoria juventude é construída de maneira relacional a outras construções, como a de adulto, e os desdobramentos disso para a manutenção da ordem social. Com foco especial na agenda Juventude, Paz e Segurança (JPS), o trabalho propõe analisar como os jovens são mobilizados na política internacional por meio de debates sobre a participação da sociedade civil em processos de paz. O argumento central a ser desenvolvido é de que se por um lado a agenda JPS é um arcabouço normativo para os jovens exigirem políticas de inclusão em processos de paz, por outro ela pode ser usada como ferramenta da paz liberal, contribuindo para a manutenção de práticas de exclusão e participação simbólica dos jovens. A partir disso e com uma abordagem pós-estruturalista e pós-colonial, a dissertação busca engajar com os estudos críticos de juventude, questionando a partir deles formulações tidas como naturais e universais que regem a política internacional. / [en] Over the centuries, youth have undergone ambiguous constructions that inform their mobilizations in international politics. Between narratives of problem and/or solution, young people have been assimilated and differentiated from adults, passing through perceptions of immaturity, development, naivety, inexperience, a resource for the future, and agents of peace. In light of this, the purpose of this work is to address how the category of youth is constructed in a relational way to other constructions, such as that of adults, and the consequences of this for the maintenance of the social order. With a particular focus on the Youth, Peace, and Security (YPS) agenda, this paper proposes to analyze how young people are mobilized in international politics through debates about the participation of civil society in peace processes. The central argument to be developed is that although on the one hand, the YPS agenda is a normative framework for young people to demand inclusion policies in peace processes, on the other hand, it can be used as a tool of liberal peace, contributing to the maintenance of practices of exclusion and symbolic participation of young people. Based on this and with a post-structuralist and post-colonial approach, the dissertation seeks to engage with critical youth studies, questioning, in light of their contributions, formulations taken as natural and universal that govern international politics.