: Pourquoi ce tel engouement pour les opérations de Public to Private au cours des dernières années ? Cette question nous a conduits à identifier d'une part les motivations qui incitent les sociétés à sortir de la bourse et à évaluer d'autre part l'impact qu'elles ont sur la richesse des actionnaires. Notre recherche porte sur la période 2000-2007 selon différentes zones géographiques : les Etats-Unis, l'Europe et l'Asie. Elle est organisée en deux parties. La première partie est consacrée au cadre théorique. Une analyse de la mise en place d'une telle opération et son évolution dans le temps font l'objet de notre chapitre 1. La revue de la littérature (chapitre 2) montre les limites de la recherche française et internationale en la matière, ce qui nous a encouragés à développer cette analyse internationale. Ensuite, nous avons formulé dans le chapitre 3, les différentes hypothèses à tester ainsi que la méthodologie employée. La deuxième partie est réservée aux analyses empiriques basées sur les motivations des opérations de Public to Private (chapitre 4). Ces dernières sont déterminées en faisant une comparaison entre l'échantillon de notre étude et un échantillon de contrôle dont ce dernier est constitué de sociétés cotées en bourse. Tous les deux comportent 413 firmes. L'évaluation de la richesse des actionnaires est mesurée par deux indicateurs : la prime et la rentabilité anormale moyenne cumulée (chapitre 5). Ces derniers représenteront les variables dépendantes de notre modèle étudiant l'impact des opérations de Public to Private sur la richesse des actionnaires (chapitre 6). Nos analyses confirment le rôle important de l'économie fiscale, du contrôle au sein de la société, des perspectives de croissance faibles, de la sous-évaluation comme déterminants des sociétés à sortir de la bourse et comme sources de richesse pour les actionnaires.

This study examines a case of cooperation between banks, commerce, police and the municipality of Skövde, which in a project has the target to reduce the use of cash by 15 % in the city during 2011. The purpose of this study is to increase the understanding of the importance of cooperation in which different actors come together to reach a common goal, such as speed or interfere with an ongoing change, while they must meet their own interests. In this study the case of cooperation has been studied by using a qualitative approach. The methods used in this study are participant observation and a group interview as well as personal interviews. The theories underlying the study revolve around the concepts of collaboration between organizations with similar interests, changes in society, conflict and resistance to change.

This thesis explores the transformation of public spaces, with reference to power relations and the struggle for power. In this regard Tehran has been chosen as the main concern and the case of the study, while in its short history of being the political center of the country, the city has been hosting several uprisings and political tensions that are projected on the body of the city. The agencies of this power struggle will be analyzed sociologically and politically, to comprehend the way public spaces of the city and the conception of space are transformed. The spatial analysis of the case of the study in different periods of its history, in relation to socio-political elements of effect, will cause the study to evolve around a simultaneous concentration on spatial transformation and power relations. With such a framework this thesis will question the role of architecture and urban design in the transformation of space, which is dominated by the power struggle, and its balance. The primary aim here is to understand how public space becomes a political apparatus in using urban public spaces historically, in the struggle over power, and how the ruling power represents its ideology in public spaces and how in response the resisting forces of the society manifest their demand for change in public spaces and appropriate those v spaces to live in. Alongside the theoretical discussions, the case of Tehran will provide a multi dimensional source for these explorations / the discussions will mainly focus on a great public square of Tehran (Azadi Square), and the entrance of Tehran University, as the critical and symbolic nodes of public gatherings in the recent history of this city, to analyze how public spaces which are created by one authority of power might totally change in terms of function and meaning, and be transformed into a new entity with similarities and contradictions with the previous one.

The dissertation examines the economic and behavioral factors influencing 'sector-switching' in Kazakhstan's health care industry. Sector-switching involves doctors moving from the national to the private system, which is not well established, thereby raising questions about why the switch occurs. It addresses the question: why health care professionals in Kazakhstan switch from the public sector to similar jobs in the private or nonprofit sectors? This study addresses a key issue in public management (sector switching) and also offers insights into the dynamics of the transition from a centralized economy to a market economy. As such, its findings have `real-world' applications beyond the particular case being studied i.e. Kazakhstan. This study is based on two simple claims. First, fundamental to the reforms that characterize transitional economies is effectively moving public sector employees to a nascent private sector. Second, such switches are unique because the risks related to transitioning to the private sector are different in transitional economies than in established market economies. Thus, the study considers: the degree to which economic and behavioral factors interact with different perceptions of sectoral risk, and subsequently shape the decision to move from the public sector to the private sector; in particular in Kazakhstan's health industry. The data supporting this study come from a survey covering approximately 1,000 health care professionals (practicing physicians working in both the public and private health care sectors) from nine regions of Kazakhstan. The data includes information about individual incentives physicians have for switching sections and their perceptions of perceived risks and uncertainties given the economic transition currently underway in Kazakhstan. The findings of the research suggest the strong support for the proposed hypotheses and have revealed some of the dynamics of sector switching behavior and the characteristics of "sector switchers" in Kazakhstan. The results demonstrate that physicians' overall job dissatisfaction, relative salary compared to physicians in a different sector, their risk-taking behavior, the national health care system's deterioration compared to previous years, as well as problems with providing medical services in the country affect physicians in making their decision to change their employment sector.

The urban space is subjected to countless transformations depending on multiple reasons such as urban planning decisions, the administrative system and regulations. In this context, the aim of this thesis is to reveal the spatial transformation of an urban area at the conjunction of the old and new districts of a historical city. A morphological analysis method depending on quantitative and qualitative chaarcteristics will be utilized to understand its changing spatiality.

No description available.

Public Private Partnership (PPP) is a well established methodology for procuring public works projects. By incorporating the private sector’s expertise, efficiency, innovation, business sense, risk sharing, financing etc. into public works projects, the quality of public services and facilities can be uplifted. Like many jurisdictions, Hong Kong is also keen to take aboard this methodology which is so familiar but yet so distant. Although they have been one of the first jurisdictions to utilise the private sector in public works projects, their comfortable financial reserves has meant that there has been no urge to push the movement until recently. PPP has become increasingly popular amongst governments. The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) government is no exception. Some of the more active works departments have commissioned studies to investigate the best ways to deliver these projects, others have even trialed the method themselves. The efficiency Unit of the HKSAR government has also become an active arm in conducting research in this area. Although so, the information that is currently available is still very broad. Building from their works there is a need to develop a best practice framework for implementing PPP projects in Hong Kong by incorporating international experiences. To develop a best practice framework will require thorough investigation into the benefits, difficulties and critical success factor of PPP. PPP should also be compared with other procurement methods. In order to do so it is important to clearly understand the local situation by an analysis of projects conducted to date. Lessons learnt can further be derived from other countries and incorporated to those derived locally. Finally the best conditions in terms of project nature, complexity, types, and scales for adopting PPP should be derived. The aim and objectives of this study were achieved via a comprehensive literature review, in-depth case analyses, interview survey with experts from both Hong Kong and overseas, and finally a large scale data collection was conducted via a questionnaire survey with PPP practitioners. These findings were further triangulated before they were used as the basis to form the best practice framework presented in this thesis. The framework was then further validated by PPP experts to ensure it is comprehensive, objective, reliable and practical. This study has presented a methodology that can be adopted for future studies. It has also updated our knowledge on the development trends of PPP as well as opened up the experiences of other jurisdictions. The findings have shown that the local industry is familiar with “what” should be done in PPP projects but they are unsure of “how” these goals can be achieved. This framework has allowed this further knowledge to be delivered to PPP practitioners. As a result, the development of this framework can help to resolve the current economic crisis by encouraging more developments and business opportunities for the private sector. In addition, the correct projects can be delivered by PPP, the advantages of PPP can be maximised, and the general public can benefit from the private sector’s participation.

This thesis "Restrictions in public and private lives of Jews during the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia - legal regulations and their practical application" deals with how Jews were excluded from public and private life, after the commencement of Nazi occupation, all this taking place legally. The work is concerned with how the exclusion of Jews was legally anchored. This work is arranged systematically, and it is divided into ten chapters. Specifically, the thesis pays attention to the origins of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia and its characteristics, law making in the protectorate, outset of the Solution to the Jewish Question that already appeared in Second Republic, introduction to Jewish politics in the protectorate, definition of the term Jew in the protectorate, exclusion of Jews in public life, racial bans, exclusion of half-Jewish people, as well as husbands or wives of Jews from public life, and concluding with restriction of Jews in private life. Key words Jews Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia Restrictions in public and private lives

Pourquoi, si la démocratisation de l’Espagne après la dictature franquiste est exemplaire, les archives judiciaires font parfois état d’une répression contre des subjectivités homosexuelles jusque dans la deuxième moitié des années 1980 à Barcelone ? Si l’on met à distance la mémoire épique des luttes LGBT postfranquistes, d’autres subjectivités sexuelles apparaissent qui refusent de s’identifier à la Constitution de 1978 garante des droits formels des Espagnols. L’étude s’intéresse à la moralisation du répertoire lexical de la démocratisation espagnole et essaie de mettre au jour l’économie morale de la « Transition » démocratique, portée par un sujet théorique, les « classes moyennes ». Elles sont dotées d’un capital symbolique fort alors que l’Espagne entre dans le capitalisme de consommation, dès les années 1960 sous Franco. Si le consensus est le maître-mot de la Transition, tous les Espagnols n’en font pas la même expérience : pour certaines subjectivités gay, c’est une « barbarie institutionnalisée ». Ces voix et leur répression politique, dont l’étude est inédite, permettent de montrer que la « sphère privée », où les sexualités minoritaires sont tolérées avec la Constitution de 1978, s’apparente à une segmentation du sexuel et du social, qui vise à séparer par un usage disciplinaire du « public » et du « privé » ce que des subjectivités politiques homosexuelles faisaient tenir ensemble. Les valeurs morales des classes moyennes de Franco pénètrent les langages de la démocratie, ceux des Droits de l’Homme notamment. Ce faisant, ils immunisent certains sujets et en exposent d’autres à une violence politique oubliée de la « Transition ». L’étude cherche à réviser un des postulats des démocraties occidentales actuelles, qui garantissent des droits fondamentaux comme celui de la « vie privée » : replacé dans son contexte d’énonciation de l’Espagne postfranquiste, il retrouve une intention disciplinaire contre les sujets résistants au consensus démocratique. Poursuivis par l’État, devenus « marginaux » et pour beaucoup perdus dans les années 1980, toxicomanes et prostitués, ils n’ont pas droit aux conquêtes des luttes qu’ils ont incarnées, la libre disposition du corps et des sexualités. Envisagé par une histoire post-sociale des « révolutions sexuelles » des années 1970, le paradigme queer, qui parfois autonomise les sexualités, ne montre pas que tous les sujets n’ont pas eu accès à ce droit moralisé en Espagne. Cette étude discute et historicise ces catégories qui travaillent les logiques de reconnaissance des minorités sexuelles du temps présent. / If the democratization of Spain after the fall of the Franco regime is exemplary, then why do criminal records indicate that repressive actions have sometimes been conducted against homosexual subjectivities in Barcelona until the late 1980's ? If one puts aside the epic memory of the LGBT fights that took place after the end of Francoism, other sexual subjectivities appear which refuse to accept the Spanish Constitution of 1978. This study looks into the moralization of the vocabulary of the Spanish democratization and attempts to highlight the moral economy of the democratic « Transition », whose carrier is a theoretical subject, the « middle class ». It shows an important symbolic capital at the time when Spain enters consumption capitalism, starting from the 1960's. Even though consensus is the key term of the Transition, not every Spaniard experiences it the same way : for some gays, it is an « institutionalised barbarism ». These voices and their political repression, which has not been studied so far, help to demonstrate that the « private sphere », where minority sexualities have been tolerated since the 1978 Constitution, is akin to a segmentation of social and sexual domains which aims at separating, making a disciplinary use of the concepts « publicness » and « privacy », what political homosexual subjectivities held together. The moral values of Franco's middle class contaminate the languages of democracy, especially those of Human Rights. Thus, they protect certain subjects while exposing others to a political violence of the « Transition » which has been forgotten. This study aims at questioning one particular postulate of today's western democracies, which guarantee fundamental rights like that to « privacy » : in it's context of enunciation, right after the end of Francoism, it bears a disciplinary intent against those resisting the democratic consensus. Persecuted by the government, they became « marginals » and, often in the 1980's, drug addicts and prostitutes : they are not entitled to the rights they fought for, namely the free use of one's body and sexuality. Seen through the filter of a post-social history of the « sexual revolutions » in the 1970's, the queer paradigm, which sometimes grants autonomy to sexualities, does not show that all subjects did not access this moralized right in Spain. This study discusses and historicizes these categories which underlie the recognition logics of today’s sexual minorities. / Si la democratización de España después de la dictadura franquista es ejemplar, ¿por qué los archivos judiciales a veces dan cuenta de una represión contra subjetividades homosexuales hasta la segunda mitad de los años 1980 en Barcelona? Si nos distanciamos de la memoria épica de las luchas épicas LGTB posfranquistas, otras subjetividades sexuales aparecen y se niegan a identificarse a la Constitución de 1978, a pesar de que garantice los derechos formales de los españoles. El estudio está interesado en la moralización del repertorio léxico de la democratización española y trata de desvelar la economía moral de la “Tranción” democrática, encarnada en un sujeto teórico, “las clases medias”. Están dotadas de un capital simbólico fuerte mientras España ingresa en el capitalismo de consumo y desde los años 1960 bajo Franco. Si el consenso es el concepto clave de la transición, no todos los españoles lo experimentan de la misma manera: para determinadas subjetividades gays, es una “barbarie institucionalizada”. Esas voces y su represión política, cuyo estudio es inédito, permiten mostrar que la “esfera privada”, en la que se toleran las sexualidades minoritarias con la Constitución de 1978, se parece a una segmentación de lo sexual y lo social, que apunta a separar con un uso disciplinario de lo “público” y de lo “privado” aquello que subjetividades homosexuales experimentaban juntamente. Los valores de las clases medias de Franco penetran los lenguajes de la democracia, los de los Derechos Humanos entre otros. Inmunizan determinados sujetos y exponen a otros a una violencia política olvidada de la “Transición”. El estudio pretende revisar los postulados de las democracias actuales que garantizan derechos fundamentales como la “vida privada”: en el contexto posfranquista en que acontece, cobra una intencionalidad disciplinaria hacia sujetos que resisten al consenso democrático. Represaliados por el Estado y convertidos en « marginados », perdidos en los 1980, drogadictos y prostituidos, no acceden a las conquistas de las luchas que encarnaron, la libre disposición del cuerpo y de las sexualidades propias. Enfocado desde una historia post-social de las “revoluciones sexuales” de los setenta, el paradigma sociológico queer, que a veces autonomiza las sexualidades, no muestra que no todos los sujetos accedieron a ese derecho moralizado en España. Este estudio discute e historiciza estas categorías que operan en las lógicas de reconocimiento de las minorías sexuales del tiempo presente.

Este estudo tem o objetivo de analisar os sentidos produzidos no e sobre o trabalho docente a partir da incidência do Projeto Jovem de Futuro - PJF do Instituto Unibanco (IU) em escolas públicas estaduais de Porto Alegre no período de 2010 a 2013. A partir dos movimentos internacional e nacional de reestruturação do capital, e das articulações entre o político e o econômico, identifico o papel do Brasil e da educação nesse processo, debatendo sobre as “novas” formas de conservar a organização da educação ligada aos interesses do capital. Levando isso em conta, situo as condições sócio-históricas em que se constituem os discursos sobre a educação e a ela se atribuem sentidos filiados ao “mundo dos negócios”, evidenciando a Formação Discursiva Neoliberal. A incidência dos projetos privados sobre o trabalho docente em escolas públicas estaduais se caracteriza pela padronização, e contraditoriamente, pela possibilidade de alternativa que atua como contraponto entre a resistência e o consentimento. Com base no estudo de caso, realizado em duas escolas estaduais de Porto Alegre, a coleta de dados ocorreu no período de 2010 a 2013, sustentada teorico-metodologicamente pela interface entre os autores Antonio Gramsci e Michael Pêcheux, entre o inventário e a Análise de Discurso. Deste emergem os efeitos de sentidos sobre a falta de valorização da educação e do trabalho docente, bem como, sobre o Estado não – o que não cumpre com as suas responsabilidades, nas falas dos sujeitos entrevistados. / This dissertation aims to analyze the meanings produced in and about the teaching work from the incidence of Instituto Unibanco’s project named Jovem de Futuro in public state schools of Porto Alegre city in the period 2010-2013. Based on the international and national capital restructuring movements, as well as on the interrelationships between politics and economics, I identity the role played by the country and education in this process, discussing about “new” ways of preserving the organization of education linked to the interests of capital. Taking this into account, I situate the socio-historical conditions that constitute the discourses on education and that end up assigning meanings affiliated to the “business world”, showing the neoliberal discursive formation. I hold that the hypothesis according to which the incidence of private projects about teaching work in public state schools is characterized by the standardization and, paradoxically, the possibility of an alternative that acts as a counterpoint between resistance and consent. The present research was conducted based on a case study, carried out in two public state schools of Porto Alegre. Data collection was made in the period 2010-2013, and its theoretical background is composed by the interface of authors such as Antonio Gramsci and Michael Pêcheux.