中國於1971年加入聯合國，藉此重返國際社會；但在毛澤東主政下，中國仍自我封鎖。鄧小平於1976年接替毛澤東後，終於在1979年開啟中國的大門；此時國際環境中現有的規則、制度及價值，大多為西方國家所主導。中國做為後來者，在二十年間成為亞洲經濟的動力來源，世界各國無不密切觀察其快速的崛起；對於中國在國際體系中扮演的角色，以及該如何面對中國竄升的實力，國際間出現兩種看法。 第一種看法將中國視為必須加以防堵的威脅，第二種則將中國視為可透過交往加以運用的機會。「中國威脅論」之說，在1989年的六四天安門鎮壓事件發生後到達顛峰，中國面臨遭到國際孤立的局面，中國政府因此深刻體認到國際聲譽及形象受損的嚴重後果。而當中國共產黨執政的正當性日益仰賴經濟改革成果之際，中國政府更急於塑造友善的國際環境，使其經濟改革得以前進。中國政府開始啟動了全面的國際形象改造，以緩和將中國視為威脅的國際氛圍。 中國領導人自此大力宣傳其「和平崛起」，並在其傳統文化中尋找「軟實力」元素，做為推展多面向公眾外交的後盾。本文內容主要檢視中國擁有的軟實力資源，及其推動高層官員出訪、積極參與國際論壇、主辦北京奧運及上海博覽會等公眾外交作為，結論認為中國的國際形象改造計畫，在全球不同的區域獲致不同的成效。 / China reentered the international community in 1971 when it joined the United Nations, but it remained a closed country under Mao’s watch. Deng Xiaoping succeeded Mao in 1976 and he opened China’s door in 1979 to a global environment where existing rules, institutions, and values had been largely shaped by western countries. In two decades the latecomer has become the economic powerhouse in Asia and has had other states watching its rapid rise in the global community. Two rival views have since emerged as to China’s role in the international order and how to deal with its rising power. The first deems China as a threat to be contained. The second projects China as an opportunity that can be employed through engagement. The “China threat” argument reached its height after the crackdown on student protest at the Tiananmen Square on June 4, 1989. The aftermath of international isolation seriously alerted the Chinese government to the effect of severe damage to its reputation and image internationally. As the Chinese Communist Party’s power legitimacy increasingly relies on delivering economic success, the Chinese government became ever more eager to create a friendly international environment where its economic development may be furthered. The Chinese government has since launched a sweeping reform of its global image to smooth away the perception of China as a threat. Chinese leaders have since touted its “peaceful rise” and turned to its traditional culture for soft power resources to better support its public diplomacy on all possible fronts. Examining China’s soft power resources and its efforts in staging high-level official visits, actively participating in international forums, and hosting the Beijing Olympics and the Shanghai World Exposition, this thesis finds that China’s global image promotion has reaped various degree of success in different regions.

The present thesis evaluates the responses of the contemporary Greek foreign policy structures and processes, conceptualised as the Greek foreign policy system, in the face of the transformation of world politics. This transformation, precipitated by the concurrent complex processes of globalisation and regionalisation, pose empirical and analytical challenges to the national management of foreign policy. Consequently, government departments and agencies assigned with responsibility for the conduct of what has been traditionally termed foreign policy, namely the national foreign policy machinery with the foreign ministry and the diplomatic network at its core, find themselves challenged as roles and responsibilities are relocated. Such change underpins the machinery s institutional responses and the need to rethink its role and structure. The thesis synthesises several literatures, primarily those identified with international relations, transformational foreign policy analysis, and new approaches to diplomatic studies informed by insights from institutionalist approaches. This is combined with extensive fieldwork within the Greek bureaucracy and the diplomatic network, and seeks to cast light on a relatively understudied area: namely the organisation and nature of the Greek foreign policy system in an era of considerable change. The thesis draws a dual image of the contemporary Greek foreign policy system which displays elements of both continuity and change. According to the first image, the Greek foreign policy machinery embraces contemporary foreign policy developments, and is enmeshed in a process of change and adaptation as a response to its changing operational environment. The second image depicts the foreign policy system as traditionalist conforming to geopolitical approaches, which are linked to compartmentalisation in the organisation of foreign policy. This image is supported by evidence which suggests that the Greek foreign policy machinery is infused with elements of hierarchy, centralisation and verticality in its organisation, which prevent the adoption of integrated and horizontal models prescribed by globalist approaches to the management of foreign policy.

如今，全球化進程和大規模跨界過程對全球轉變具有很大的影響，在這個情況下信息和通信技術對國外社會的影響發揮關鍵的作用。目前國際關係專家指出兩種這樣的影響。第一個影響官方結構，即外交官和政治家，第二個影響公共組織，商業結構和不同國家的人口。最後一個是稱之為 “公眾外交”，這有助於使用媒體機制公開對特定國家活動的國外意見。與印刷媒體平行，可以強調，現在的電視媒體對國外意見和國際進程的動態有很大的影響。為了提高電視媒體的獨特特徵，媒體分析家提出了“電視外交”的概念來解釋國家領導人和外交官決定把全球電視廣播當成政治平台。 目前大眾媒體討論的主要議題是國際恐怖主義、國內及國際戰爭、非法毒品和人口販運、新疾病的出現和擴散、氣候變化和其他問題。不同的國家使用自己的方法來研究這些問題，並導致一般公眾對當今發生的事情看法有所不同。這表示每個國家傳導訊息的方法有所不同，這些方法與各國家的外交政策直接相關。因此，本論文專注於國家新聞網對當代國際關係的影響，特別側重於CNN和RT及其對美國和俄羅斯聯邦發展外交政策戰略的影響。 / Nowadays there are transformations affected by the globalization processes and large-scale cross-border activities, where information and communication technologies have started to play a crucial role in terms of influencing foreign societies. Up to date international relations specialists emphasize two levels of such impact. The first one influences on the official structures, namely diplomats and politicians, while the second one has an impact on public organizations, business structures and population of different countries. The last one we are used to calling "Public Diplomacy", which help to form foreign opinions about the activities of a particular country, using media mechanisms. Drawing a parallel with printed media, one can stress that nowadays television media has a great impact on foreign opinion and the dynamics of international processes. In order to outline TV-media distinctive features, media analysts presented the concept "telediplomacy", where state leaders and diplomats have started to use the global television broadcast as a platform for the proclamation of their political decisions. The main topics mass media discusses today are all about the international terrorism, local and international wars, illegal drug and human trafficking, emergence and spread of new diseases, climate change and other issues. Different countries use their own approaches to examine these problems, which lead to completely different interpretation of general public on what is happening nowadays. It means that in each country there are different methods of supplying information materials, which are directly related to the foreign policy of any country. Therefore, this study is focused on the impact of national information networks on contemporary international relations, and particularly focused on CNN and Russia Today and their influence on the development of foreign policy strategies in the United States and the Russian Federation.

O presente trabalho pretende analisar as motivações de uma internacionalização do ensino básico, com uma atenção especial ao Ensino Médio. Por meio de uma análise qualitativa e dedutiva, a pesquisa teve como hipótese que as motivações estão diretamente relacionadas a elementos político-institucionais e sociológico, em um contexto de globalização e de novas estratégias de atuação internacional de atores nacionais e subnacionais, sendo que, no caso da Educação, o principal instrumento para essa atuação é o ensino de línguas estrangeiras modernas. A análise teórica foi desenvolvida no campo das Relações Internacionais, Ciência Política, Sociologia e Direito; bem como no campo prático, ao analisar possíveis fatores de internacionalização na Secretaria da Educação do Estado de São Paulo. Ao fim, conclui-se que o processo de globalização (e seu caráter integrador e excludente), o processo de integração regional, as novas estratégias de ação dos estados por meio da diplomacia pública e da paradiplomacia, as novas estratégias de escolarização das famílias (e dos Estados), a retomada da importância do ensino de línguas estrangeiras modernas a partir da Lei de Diretrizes e Bases, de 1996, além da demanda crescente por conhecimento nesse campo, fizeram com que houvesse o ambiente e as condições necessárias para que o tema da internacionalização e o ensino básico entrassem na agenda e no campo das políticas publicas pertinentes / This paper discusses the motivations that drive the internationalization of basic education, with special attention to high school. Through a qualitative and deductive analysis, the research has the hypothesis that the inclusion of the theme of internationalization of basic education in public schools is directly related to the politicalinstitutional and sociological motivations, in the context of globalization and new strategies for international operations national and subnational actors, and, in the case of the Education, the main instrument for this action is the teaching of modern foreign languages. The analysis was developed through theoretical analysis in the field of International Relations, Political Science, Sociology and Law, as well as the practical field, to analyze possible factors of internationalization in the Secretariat of Education of the State of São Paulo. At the end, it is concluded that the process of globalization (and its integrative and exclusionary character), the process of regional integration, new strategies of action states through public diplomacy and paradiplomacy, the new strategies for schooling from families (and from states), the resumption of the importance of teaching modern foreign languages from the LDB 1996, and the growing demand for knowledge in this field, had caused the environment and the conditions required for the issue of the agenda and enter in the field of public policy

A Diplomacia Pública trata da comunicação dos temas de política externa de um país para participar na discussão do tema no país, apresentando como objetivo verificar como as características da cultura organizacional do Itamaraty impactam no papel da Assessoria de Imprensa do Gabinete do Ministério das Relações Exteriores no desenvolvimento da Diplomacia Pública. A análise foi realizada em comparação aos princípios elaborados por James Grunig (2002) na Teoria da Excelência em Relações Públicas. Os dados selecionados para análise de conteúdo foram recolhidos por meio de entrevistas com diplomatas ligados à Assessoria de Imprensa do Gabinete, diplomatas externos à Assessoria do Gabinete e jornalistas com experiência na cobertura de temas internacionais. A pesquisa foi complementada com dados extraídos da análise do site do Itamaraty e de suas redes sociais oficiais: Facebook, YouTube, Twitter, Flickr, SoundCloud e Instagram. O estudo revelou que as características organizacionais do Itamaraty como bacharelismo, formalismo, espírito de corpo e elitismo estão presentes na Assessoria de Imprensa do Gabinete, de maneira a impactar nas atividades de Diplomacia Pública, distanciando-as dos princípios da Teoria da Excelência de Grunig (2002). / Public Diplomacy addresses the communication of a country\'s foreign policy to the international public opinion. Considered to be an interdi sci pl i nary theme between Communication and International Relations, the Public Diplomacy a theme scarcely researched in Brazil. This dissertation intends to participate in the discussion of the subject in the country, aiming to verify how the characteristics of Itamaraty\'s organizational culture impact on the role of the Press Office of the Cabinet of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the development of Public Diplomacy. The analysis was carried out in comparison to the principles elaborated by James Grunig (2002) i n the Theory of Excellence i n Public Relations. The data selected for the analysis were col I ected through interviews with diplomats I inked to the Press Office of the Cabi net, diplomats outside the Press Office and journalists with experience in the coverage of international issues. The research was complemented with data extracted from the analysis of the Itamaraty\'s website and official social networks: Facebook, YouTube, Twitter, Flickr, SoundCloud and Instagram. The study revealed that the organizational characteristics of Itamaraty as bachelorism, formalism, esprit de corps, and elitism are present in the Press Office of the Cabinet, in a manner that it impacts the activities of Public Diplomacy, distancing them from the principles of Grunig\'s Theory of Excellence (2002).

<p>ABSTRACT</p><p>Title: The Image of Sweden - A study of the Swedish Embassy’s Nation Branding and Public Diplomacy in Germany</p><p>Number of pages: 46 (57 including enclosures)</p><p>Author: Heidi Marie Nömm</p><p>Tutor: Göran Svensson</p><p>Course: Media and Communication Studies C Level – Bachelor’s Thesis.</p><p>Period: Autumn term 2006/2007</p><p>University: Division of Media and Communication Department of Information Science Uppsala University</p><p>Purpose/Aim: The purpose of my research study is to examine how the press, culture and PR department at the Swedish Embassy in Berlin is organising its external communication of Swedish affairs and “branding” Sweden as an attractive and competitive nation in Germany. My research objective is therefore to investigate the nature of the Embassy’s Nation Branding by means of one specific media channel, which is the Embassy’s German website, in order to find out how Sweden’s nation brand is communicated according to my chosen theory.</p><p>Material/Method: The method of analysis is a combination of both qualitative and quantitative methods: a qualitative interview in terms of collecting information about the Embassy’s external communication, as well as a quantitative content analysis of the Embassy’s German website. Furthermore I’m making use of secondary data from previous research, various articles and several information sources from the Internet.</p><p>Main results: On the basis of the results I have gained by dint of the content analysis, it can be concluded that the Embassy’s German website foregrounds and focuses on communicating cultural topics, whereas political and governmental issues are being undermined. Hence, the website shows an uneven representation of Anholt’s nation brand key areas which denote that it is communicating a too one-sided and unbalanced picture of a national image, thus Sweden’s nation brand.</p><p>Keywords: Nation Branding, Public Diplomacy, external communication, content analysis, case study, Swedish Embassy Berlin, channel of communication, information flow.</p>

<p>Globalization abates barriers and makes the world similar, but also leads countries to perform like companies seeking and competing for global capitals. In this competition the „nation brand‟ becomes a critical tool to stand out and attract any sort of foreign investments. In this research, the factors which affect the nation brand, presented in the Anholt´s hexagon model, will be tested through the combination of theory on nation branding and empirical data. The study analyzes how different organizations affect and promote the commercial image of Spain in Sweden. Up to seven entities susceptible to affect the brand Spain were analyzed; the ICEX, the economic and commercial office of Spain in Stockholm, the embassy of Spain in Stockholm, Invest in Spain, the Elcano Royal institute, the Hispanic-Swedish chamber of commerce in Madrid and the Swedish trade council in Madrid. The study also presents an outline of the current context of the brand Spain and its projection in Sweden, as well as an overview on the trade relationship between both countries. The individual commitment of most of the organizations investigated, under the guidance of the Ministry of foreign affairs and the Ministry of industry, tourism, and trade of Spain, appears as one of the main findings. Despite the limited scope of this investigation, the relative novelty of this field of study leaves room for further research in different directions, questioning those who claim that globalization threats local diversity.</p>

ABSTRACT Title: The Image of Sweden - A study of the Swedish Embassy’s Nation Branding and Public Diplomacy in Germany Number of pages: 46 (57 including enclosures) Author: Heidi Marie Nömm Tutor: Göran Svensson Course: Media and Communication Studies C Level – Bachelor’s Thesis. Period: Autumn term 2006/2007 University: Division of Media and Communication Department of Information Science Uppsala University Purpose/Aim: The purpose of my research study is to examine how the press, culture and PR department at the Swedish Embassy in Berlin is organising its external communication of Swedish affairs and “branding” Sweden as an attractive and competitive nation in Germany. My research objective is therefore to investigate the nature of the Embassy’s Nation Branding by means of one specific media channel, which is the Embassy’s German website, in order to find out how Sweden’s nation brand is communicated according to my chosen theory. Material/Method: The method of analysis is a combination of both qualitative and quantitative methods: a qualitative interview in terms of collecting information about the Embassy’s external communication, as well as a quantitative content analysis of the Embassy’s German website. Furthermore I’m making use of secondary data from previous research, various articles and several information sources from the Internet. Main results: On the basis of the results I have gained by dint of the content analysis, it can be concluded that the Embassy’s German website foregrounds and focuses on communicating cultural topics, whereas political and governmental issues are being undermined. Hence, the website shows an uneven representation of Anholt’s nation brand key areas which denote that it is communicating a too one-sided and unbalanced picture of a national image, thus Sweden’s nation brand. Keywords: Nation Branding, Public Diplomacy, external communication, content analysis, case study, Swedish Embassy Berlin, channel of communication, information flow.

雖然公共外交已行之有年，但隨著科技的革新和非國家行為者的崛起等國際社會的改變，公共外交的策略與手段勢必面對一番調整與改變。對於受制於傳統政治、地理位置、權力等中小型國家，這番外交的變革所帶來的並不僅僅是挑戰，更是機會與創新。這些國家藉由這些變革，發展出獨特的外交策略並拓展其在國際領域上的影響力。而藉由提供援助和救濟、致力於維護人類福祉的人道外交，是中小型國家採取的外交手段之一。為了有進一步的探討，本研究聚焦於挪威、土耳其、和台灣做為比較案例，並分析其人道外交背景、策略、和手段。 / Public diplomacy is not a new phenomenon in the history, yet with the changing features in the 21st century, such as the rise of the non-state actors and the technology advancement, the strategies and practices of public diplomacy have also been adjusted and modified. For small and middle size states that are constrained by power, politics, or geographic location, the changing environment has brought them both challenges and opportunities. They are able to develop diplomatic strategies beyond these hindrances through concentrating resources in specific areas that best able to increase the influence and visibility on the global stage. In this regard, humanitarian diplomacy is one of the niches that small and middle size states adopt to carry out their foreign policy goals, while generating awareness and providing assistance for areas suffering from severe humanitarian conditions and political conflicts. To further the study and to shed light on how small and middle size countries adopt humanitarian diplomacy as their diplomatic niches, the three cases, Norway, Turkey, and Taiwan, are selected and compared in terms of background, strategies, and practices. The comparison indicates that different countries develop their diplomatic strategies and practices based on state’s characteristics and existing resources. However, under the notion of public diplomacy, there are still several essential requirements needs to be examined in order to “make each punch above its weight.”

電影作為跨文化傳播的重要媒介，對國家形象的扮演有著重大作用。胡錦濤特別在2004的四中全會上提到中國一方面發展硬實力，另一面就是軟實力的培養。中國當局希望透過文化電影的發展超越西方國家。 　　中國旅法畫家高醇芳女士於2004年有感於法國人對中國電影的生疏，因而創立「巴黎中國電影節」，其宗旨就是向法國人推廣中國的電影，而此活動也逐漸受到中國當局的關注和協助。因此，中國政府採用「巴黎中國電影節」進行「公共外交」的策略。也希望影片中的意識形態能讓法國人接受。 　　中國在經濟上已逐漸與歐美並駕齊驅，在文化上更是希望與歐美國家抗衡。然而在西方影展得獎的中國片或是西方電影呈現的中國意象，這些影片經常出現很深的東方主義觀念。「巴黎中國電影節」的出現提供中國宣揚自身文化，以及利用此機會平反歐美國家對中國東方主義的觀點。 / Film is an important medium of cross-cultural communication, it plays major role in the shaping of national image. In 2004, Hu Jintao particularly referred to the development of China on Fourth Plenary Session. One is hard power; another is the training of soft power. Chinese authorities want to go beyond the western countries through the development of cultural films. 　　In 2004, Chinese painter in France, Ms. Gao Chunfang felt the French were unfamiliar on Chinese films, so she found “the Chinese Film Festival in Paris”. The purpose is to promote the Chinese Films to French public, and this festival is also gradually paid attention by Chinese authorities. Therefore, the Chinese government has adopted "Chinese Film Festival in Paris" to execute "public diplomacy strategy". The government also hopes the film's ideology could be accepted by French person. 　　Chinese economy has gradually reached Europe or American; it also wants to compete on culture. However, Chinese films won the reward on West Film Festival and the Chinese image on western films which often appear the concept of "Orientalism". The appearing of ''The Chines Film Festival in Paris" provides China to promote their culture, as well as they use this opportunity to vindicate the perspectives on Chinese Orientalism from United States and Europe. / 第一章緒論 1 第一節研究動機與目的 1 第二節研究架構 6 第二章文獻探討8 第一節軟實力和公共外交理論探討 8 第二節意識形態理論11 第三節國際電影節與中國電影節概略 12 第三章研究方法 16 第一節樣本取樣 16 第二節研究限制 28 第三節符號學分析 28 第四節鏡頭分析 32 第四章、分析 35 第一節中國夢VS.美國夢：《中國合夥人》、《北京遇見西雅圖》 35 第二節宣揚政府形象：《三個未婚媽媽》、《蝶吻》 46 第三節歌頌青春愛情：《情人節》、《青春派》、《我願意》 51 第四節演繹女性主義：《蕭紅》 76 第五節彰顯愛國情操：《黃金大劫案》 90 第六節營造民族融合：《唐卡》 97 第七節再現古老中國：《畫皮II》 110 第五章、結論 119 第六章、文獻參考 125