Brazil, like other Latin American countries, has witnessed an increase in south-south migration rates in the last decade. This scenario led to important changes in migration policies at the Federal level – the update of the conservative Foreigner Statute from 1980 to a rights-based Migration law in 2017 is the prime example of how migration flows can contribute to the promotion of rights and strengthen democracy in host societies. Nonetheless, migrants still face numerous difficulties in the Brazilian territory: public servants’ unpreparedness to deal with migratory procedures and the underspending in welfare institutions are some of the major issues hampering the migrant community in accessing their rights. For that reason, host society organizations have been leading the process of providing essential services such as legal counseling and labor integration, on one hand, and forming networks to advocate for government accountability on the other. This study aims, therefore, to contribute to the debate on the role of social movement networks in formulating and implementing public policies for migrants by exploring the trajectory of social movement networks in the city of Florianópolis, Brazil. Despite being one of the main destinations for newly arrived immigrants, the city has not implemented any specific policy to support them, which has led local organizations to join together in networks to demand answers. Stemming from Scherer-Warren’s social movement networks theory and Braun & Clarke’s thematic analysis method, this research aims to explore the role of social movement networks based in Florianópolis in implementing public policies for migrants, with special attention to migrant women, who have been most affected by the absence of a proper reception policy. In order to delve into civil society’s role and limitations in shaping reception policies for migrants, this study will rely on secondary sources such as papers on public policies, migration, and gender, as well as primary sources such as laws and semi-structured interviews with the main Florianopolitan actors in the migration field. The findings indicate that, despite approving important local policies recently, civil society organizations based in Florianópolis remain the main reference for both the migrant community and public servants when it comes to migratory issues. The weakening of political debate spaces poses a threat to the implementation of such policies, and the strengthening of migrants’ participation in these instances might be the turning point for it to be perceived as a priority by the Executive branch. / O Brasil, tal como outros países da América Latina, testemunhou um aumento dos fluxos migratórios intrarregionais na última década. Este cenário influenciou importantes mudanças nas políticas migratórias a nível federal – a atualização do Estatuto dos Estrangeiro de 1980 para uma lei de migração baseada nos direitos humanos em 2017 é o principal exemplo de como os fluxos migratórios podem contribuir na promoção de direitos e fortalecimento da democracia nas sociedades de acolhida. No entanto, os migrantes seguem enfrentando numerosas dificuldades no território brasileiro: o despreparo dos funcionários públicos para lidar com os procedimentos migratórios e o subinvestimento em instituições de assistência social são algumas das principais questões que dificultam o acesso da comunidade migrante aos seus direitos. Por essa razão, as organizações da sociedade de acolhimento têm liderado o processo de prestação de serviços essenciais, tais como aconselhamento jurídico e integração laboral, ao mesmo tempo em que formam redes para incidir sobre políticas públicas em esferas de governo. Este estudo visa, portanto, contribuir para o debate sobre o papel das redes de movimentos sociais na formulação e implementação de políticas públicas para migrantes, explorando a trajetória das redes de movimentos sociais na cidade de Florianópolis. Apesar de ser um dos principais destinos dos imigrantes recém-chegados, a cidade não implementou nenhuma política específica para atender as demandas específicas dessa população, o que levou as organizações locais a juntarem-se em redes para exigirem respostas das autoridades públicas. Partindo da teoria das redes de movimento sociais de Scherer-Warren e do método de análise temática de Braun & Clarke, esta investigação visa explorar qual é o papel das redes de movimento sociais sediadas em Florianópolis no processo de elaboração e implementação de políticas públicas para a população migrante, com especial atenção para as mulheres migrantes, que têm sido as mais afetadas pela ausência de uma política de acolhimento adequada. A fim de aprofundar a análise sobre o papel e as limitações da sociedade civil na formulação de políticas de acolhimento para migrantes, este estudo basear-se-á em fontes secundárias, tais como estudos sobre políticas públicas, migração e gênero, bem como fontes primárias, tais como leis e entrevistas semi-estruturadas com os principais atores florianopolitanos no campo das migrações. As conclusões indicam que, apesar da aprovação recente de importantes políticas locais, as organizações da sociedade civil instaladas em Florianópolis continuam a ser a principal referência tanto para a comunidade migrante como para os funcionários públicos quando se trata de procedimentos migratórios. O enfraquecimento dos espaços de debate político representa uma ameaça à implementação de tais políticas, e reforçar a participação dos e das migrantes nestas instâncias pode ser o ponto de inflexão para que estas sejam percebidas como prioridade pelo Poder Executivo.

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This dissertation closely looks at the role of social media during the uprisings in the Arab world in 2011 that broke out in a number of Arab countries. In the thesis, an example of the Egyptian protests is used. An analysis of the usage of social media during the protests serves as a clear illustration how new media platforms subjugate traditional forms of media. This dissertation focuses on describing the power of the Internet and discovers the other aspects which played a significant role during the revolution. The dissertation uses an established social movement theories, communication theories and ideas of community, to place its use within a wider context and to explain the inherent characteristics of social media that made it appealing to the activists in Egypt. Finally, also to be pointed out, is the connection between the power of the social media and social power, when for the first time in history, the Internet facilitated the virtual relationship between people with very different profiles, but with a common objective. Key words: social media, community, online community, communication, uprising, cyberactivism, social movement theory, Egypt.

This diploma thesis deals with the rhetoric of Ku Klux Klan social movement. One of the goals of the work is to analyze through content analysis the codes that construct the categories of good and evil in the Ku Klux Klan movement. The second goal is to use the technique of critical discourse analysis to reveal the hidden power relations and ideologies that are found in the discourse of the movement. The theoretical part deals with the concept of social movement and the role of symbolic communication in it. It also deals with the concept of code and discourse. The chapter about discourse deals primarily with racism and the denial of racism in discourse. The thesis also concentrates on the theme of rhetoric, its development, rhetorical means and a view of rhetoric by Kenneth Burke. Further, the text deals with the context of Ku Klux Klan's birth and development. The last chapter of the theoretical part is describing the methodology that is afterwards applied to the examined documents.

<p>This project investigates the network structure and political importance of the popular Appalachian culture and politics page @queerappalachia. Promising users a feed filled with “community.content.culture,” @queerappalachia serves as a digital hub for anyone interested in queer perspectives on Appalachian politics and culture, regardless of their geographic location. The page’s over 3,000 posts include memes about Appalachian culture; celebrations of queer rurality (#saturdaynightinthecountry, #ruralresistance); references to big trucks, Mountain Dew, and The Trailer Park Boys; posts about opioid addiction, needle exchanges, and #harmreduction; jokes about communism and anarchism; calls for establishing #mutualaid drives; and signal boosts which highlight ongoing activist efforts in the region, including the Mountain Valley Pipeline protests and the Kentucky miner’s strikes. The page’s recalcitrant and anti-establishment content has attracted a surprisingly large following of around 230,000. But what does this expansive online network mean for Appalachian and Southern queer people?</p> <p>Rural queer people often have limited access to offline political organizing due to their geographic location, but online political communities may be a way of increasing rural political engagement. However, the usefulness of social networking sites like Instagram for political organizing is contested. To better understand what @queerappalachia is and how it is being used, I have created a multidimensional network of the page, mapping how users interact with posts, hashtags, and each other. In particular, this study provides evidence for how the collective action concepts of “brokerage,” “diffusion,” “identification,” and “deliberation” are being organized and enacted within the @queerappalachia community. I have also conducted interviews with followers of @queerappalachia who have been identified as central by the network study. The interviews provide evidence of how people within the @queerappalachia network conceptualize their political identities in relation to the page and how users utilize the affordances of Instagram communities for political action. </p>

Ce mémoire en Études cinématographiques a été rédigé dans un cadre de recherche-création. En plus du présent document écrit sur la question du documentaire écologiste comme genre cinématographique et de ses impacts individuels et collectifs au sein du mouvement social, il comporte un documentaire militant d’environ 60 minutes sur le thème de l’agroalimentation. L’objectif de tout ce travail se divise en deux volets. Tout d’abord, le mémoire tente de déterminer si nous assistons, depuis environ une dizaine d’années, à la naissance d’un nouveau genre que serait le documentaire écologiste. Ensuite, il vise à identifier le genre cinématographique au sein du mouvement social écologiste et à en mesurer les impacts sur la collectivité en général. Réalisé en parallèle à la rédaction du mémoire, le film me sert non seulement à expérimenter les procédés dominants propres au cinéma écologiste, mais aussi comme terrain d’évaluation des impacts du documentaire écologiste sur la société. / This memoire in Film studies has been written in a context of research-creation. Besides this written document about ecologist documentary as a cinematographic genre, my work is attached to a 60 minutes activist documentary about agrifood. The goal of all this work is divided in two sections. First, the memoire is trying to establish if we assist, for about a decade, at the birth of a new genre that we are going to call ecologist documentary. The second part aims to identify this genre in the ecologist social movement and to measure his social impacts through the environmental movement. Produced in parallel of the writing of my memoire, I’m using my movie to experiment the dominant characteristics of ecologist cinema, as well as a field of evaluation of the social impacts of ecologist documentary.

The master thesis titled Ideologization and fragmentation of Skinhead subculture deals with historical background of Skinhead subculture genesis and with cleavages, that determinated its ideologization and fragmentation. Simultaneously it pays close attention to analysis of various branches of the Skinhead subculture. The first chapter of the thesis builds theoretical foundations of the research. In this chapter the terms culture, subculture and counterculture are explained. Accentutation is placed on common denominators as well as on differences in the definition of these terms. The second chapter of the master thesis deals equally with historical background of Skinhead subculture genesis and with subcultures with a significant impact on the formation of the Skinhead subculture. In this chapter the attention is focused on historical facts of political development in Great Britain after The Second World War, on subcultures popular at that time and on foundation of the Skinhead subculture. The third chapter of this thesis analyzes infiltration of the political ideologies inside the subculture and the following fragmentation of Skinheads. Research in this chapter is focused on the spread of extreme right-wing elements, foundation of the racist branch of the subculture and sequentially on the reaction...

This research is focused on a group of vegan and vegan-curious individuals who are creating, building and maintaining a vegan community of practice in Houston, Texas. Through ethnographic methods, including participant observation, in-depth semi-structured interviews, surveys, quantitative analysis, and use of geographic information systems (GIS), this thesis considers motivations, group hierarchies, core and peripheral membership, practices, beliefs and construction of identity within the vegan community of practice. Further, concepts from the anthropology of religion are utilized in discourse analysis around conversion to ethical veganism, preaching, and religious-ethical beliefs around enlightenment and the principle of ahimsa. Utilizing subcultural studies and social movement theory, this thesis also shows how the vegan community of practice fits into vegan subcultures and the greater vegan lifestyle movement. Finally, as an applied project, deliverables to the client Vegan Society of PEACE includes both personal and structural barriers to veganism which are understood with respect to a race-conscious approach to veganism, and with special consideration given to the capitalist commodification of animals. Suggestions are given and strategies for growth of the community are highlighted at the end of this paper.

Quelle a été l’évolution ces dernières décennies du rapport des mouvements sociaux (MS) québecois aux catégories de l’action politique que sont la question nationale, la forme parti et les rapports entre mouvements? La plupart de ces dimensions de l’action politique mouvementiste ont suscité une importante attention de la part des sciences sociales, lorsqu’il s’est agi d’étudier les décennies 1960 et 1970. L’intérêt pour l’étude de ces catégories de l’action des MS des décennies suivantes s’est quelque peu tari, à la faveur d’un récit de la déploration regrettant l’époque glorieuse de la Révolution tranquille et les tumultueuses années 1970. Notre thèse propose de se réapproprier la trame historique d’un demi-siècle d’action politique des MS, en cherchant à repérer les modalités du cheminement de trois mouvements (syndical, féministe, communautaire) sur ce terrain, au travers de l’étude minutieuse des mutations de leur culture politique. Cette dernière a subi d’importantes interpellations et remises en question, sous l’influence de divers facteurs, au cours des dernières décennies. Un de nos arguments centraux est qu’il y a eu au sein des MS québécois un cheminement dans la façon d’aborder la sphère politique et la transformation sociale, cette évolution traduisant chez eux un processus d’apprentissage, à savoir une forme de développement du rapport à l’action politique. Celle-ci se voit conférer le statut de compétence développée dans le quotidien des mouvements, sur le tas, donc par essais et erreurs. Notre enquête sur le terrain a permis de dégager des résultats traités de façon à la fois chronologique et taxonomique, relatifs à nos trois dimensions de l’action politique. Successivement, chacune d’elles fait l’objet d’un chapitre : les rapports entre MS, la question nationale, la forme parti (incluant les élections). Dans chaque cas, l’examen de l’évolution se donne pour tâche de dégager les éléments de bilan faits par les militants et militantes, puis d’exhumer les acquis, souvent tacites, en termes de connaissances politiques. Cette recherche permet de dégager précisément en quoi il y a eu développement du rapport des MS à l’action politique, en outre à l’initiative du mouvement des femmes, dont l’influence a été déterminante.

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