The aim of this thesis is to analyze the influence of media ownership on media depiction of anti-government protests in 2019 organized by a civic organization Milion Chvilek (Million Moments for Democracy) in daily newspapers Lidové noviny and Hospodářské noviny through a comparative content analysis. Lidové noviny is a part of MAFRA media group owned by current Czech Prime Minister Andrej Babiš with his ownership share placed in a trust managed by his wife and other close associates. Daily newsprint and other publications in this media group found themselves in a situation where they had to report about protests focused on their de facto owner. A public debate centered around Andrej Babiš's possible conflict of interest has been ongoing since his entry into politics. Babiš's strong position in the media industry is one of the debate's focal points. According to his critics, this position could enable him to manipulate public mood which would provide him with an unfair advantage in the political arena. On a selected sample of articles about 2019 protests published in the above-mentioned newspapers, this media analysis strives to unveil to what extent the coverage, tone and space for commentaries from politicians and other public actors in Lidové noviny differ from Hospodářské noviny, which is deemed most...

本研究は、トルコで40年以上にわたり続く反原発運動の特徴や戦略を分析するとともに、環境運動がトルコの民主化過程において果たした役割を考察したものである。社会運動研究の枠組みを採用し、運動参加者の用いる表現など文化的側面にも注目して、運動のフレーミング戦略を分析した。反原発運動は自らを「自由と民主主義を求める運動」としてフレーミングし、運動スタイルの祝祭性や創造性を通じて、運動過程においても民主的空間を予示的政治として実現させていることを明らかにした。 / This study evaluates the role of environmental movements in Turkey’s democratization process, with a specific focus on anti-nuclear movement, which has continued since the middle of the 1970s. To analyze the anti-nuclear movement’s features and strategy, this study uses theories of social movement and flaming analysis, focusing on how the movement appeals to the public and expresses itself. This study found out that the anti-nuclear movement in Turkey flames itself as a movement for freedom and democracy. Besides, as prefigurative politics, the movement embodies freedom and democracy within the ongoing practice of the movement through its festival-like style and creativity. / 博士(グローバル社会研究) / Doctor of Philosophy in Global Society Studies / 同志社大学 / Doshisha University

Sammanfattningsvis har syftet med uppsatsen varit att undersöka kopplingen mellan nykterhetsrörelsen och storstrejken 1909 inom en lokal nykterhetsförening i Uddevalla, och därmed se förhållningssättet till strejken och dess möjliga påverkan. Det här för att belysa folkrörelsernas tänkbara mobiliseringsfaktor i samhället. Då det inte gått att undersöka varje aspekt av Logen nr 73 Vikingen, har det avgränsats i att granska och behandla tre valda frågeställningar. Studien grundar sig i att undersöka vad som under logens möten kom att diskuteras vid strejkens period, samt om Vikingen aktivt kom att förhålla sig till strejken. Uppsatsen vill undersöka om storstrejken 1909 kom att påverka nykterhetsföreningen på något sätt, till exempel genom medlemsrekryteringen, vilket blir den sista undersökande frågan.  Källmaterialet som legat till grund för studien bygger på föreningsprotokoll samt kvartalsrapporter från Uddevalla Föreningsarkiv, som hjälpt till att svara på tänkta frågeställningar.  Logen nr 73 Vikingen kom inte att förhålla sig aktiva i och med strejken, utan kom istället att under deras möten diskutera andra relevanta delar utifrån logens fördel. Bland annat kom ett skötsamhetsideal att visa sig relevant, då tid och arbete just lades på det här. Diskussion i och med strejken gav sig till känna i protokollen vid ett par tillfällen, men visar att dess verkan inte blev så stor. Däremot visade medlemsrekryteringen på en succesiv förändring där antalet medlemmar året efter strejken kom att öka rejält till 1910.   Slutsatsen av den här studien är att Logen nr 73 Vikingen i Uddevalla inte kom att ha en klar påverkan av storstrejken 1909. Strejken kom att bli viktig för arbetarrörelsens historia då den påverkade mängder av människor på olika sätt, men tycks ändå inte ha haft en inverkan på Logen Vikingen annat än i dess ökade medlemsantal.

This study has examined the implications of the internet for the IPOB movement, focusing on the extent to which it has empowered the movement to engage in collective action mobilisation, enhance identity construction, framing and discourses for an independent Biafran state against multiple forms of state repressions. The thesis adopted a flexible approach that incorporated three level analysis including a macro-level analysis, which looked at the socio political and institutional environment; a meso-level, which examined the organisational infrastructure; and a micro-level exploring how the social movement made sense of their reality. The thesis addresses the debate between technology and society, and between the agency and political opportunity structures in Nigeria. It discussed the radical and agnostic democratic potential of the internet for African social movements and the dialectic between Biafra activism and the socio-political rootedness of Nigerian democracy. This approach allowed for providing analogies and new perspectives from the research and interpreting implications of human action. The thesis has found inconsistent, sometimes contradicting, data on the implication of internet technology for the IPOB movement. While there is some clear and robust evidence suggesting that new media technology has enhanced the movement's capabilities to organise, coordinate and mobilise for Biafran cause on many levels. The study reveals some severe limitations in the appropriation of internet technology in IPOB’s collective action objectives. The implication of the findings is discussed.

This study has examined the implications of the internet for the IPOB movement, focusing on the extent to which it has empowered the movement to engage in collective action mobilisation, enhance identity construction, framing and discourses for an independent Biafran state against multiple forms of state repressions. The thesis adopted a flexible approach that incorporated three level analysis including a macro-level analysis, which looked at the socio political and institutional environment; a meso-level, which examined the organisational infrastructure; and a micro-level exploring how the social movement made sense of their reality. The thesis addresses the debate between technology and society, and between the agency and political opportunity structures in Nigeria. It discussed the radical and agnostic democratic potential of the internet for African social movements and the dialectic between Biafra activism and the socio-political rootedness of Nigerian democracy. This approach allowed for providing analogies and new perspectives from the research and interpreting implications of human action. The thesis has found inconsistent, sometimes contradicting, data on the implication of internet technology for the IPOB movement. While there is some clear and robust evidence suggesting that new media technology has enhanced the movement's capabilities to organise, coordinate and mobilise for Biafran cause on many levels. The study reveals some severe limitations in the appropriation of internet technology in IPOB’s collective action objectives. The implication of the findings is discussed.

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The present thesis uses methods of Critical Discourse Analysis to examine 16 front-page newspaper articles, from The New York Times and The Washington Post, covering progressive presidential candidate Bernie Sanders during the 2015 “invisible primary”. In particular, this thesis investigates how Sanders and his supporters were represented, linguistically and visually, and whether these representations – formulated as “interpretive frames” – appear more legitimizing or delegitimizing. In the crucial prevoting period of the invisible primary, the media largely have the power to construct the identity of relatively unknown candidates, such as Sanders, in the minds of the national public. The 2015/16 election season occurred against the backdrop of extreme levels of economic inequality and related societal ills, which have arguably arisen from four decades of neoliberal policies implemented by successive American presidents from both major political parties.The findings of the analysis appear to confirm a concerning pattern of largely delegitimizing US media coverage (or omission) of progressive political candidates and social movements going back several decades. In the articles analysed, Sanders was represented using interpretive frames casting him as an extreme leftist, angry and impersonal, or marginal and old. Only one major interpretive frame – representing him as a skilful, pragmatic politician – appeared legitimizing. Similarly, Sanders’ supporters were largely framed as activists, excitable fans, or divided into narrow identity categories (e.g. “white liberals”) that appear delegitimizing when considered opposite the shared economic struggles that many of them likely face. Given the liberal reputation of The New York Times and moderate image of The Washington Post, the results raise further doubts about the ideological diversity of the mainstream American public sphere.

The presence of atheists within the Muslim world has begun to receive global attention after a number of cases in which atheist bloggers and writers in majority Muslim countries were killed for criticising Islam. The rise in number of Arab atheist Facebook groups has sparked conversation about the rise in number of atheists across the Arab world, and to what extent the use of social media platforms has facilitated this. This study examines 2 such Facebook groups and aims to explore the way in which social media platforms can be used to bring a geographically diverse group of people together to form a collective group identity, and to provoke societal change. The research was conducted using qualitative data, gathered using open ended interview and survey questions, alongside quantitative data which was gathered from closed survey questions and raw survey data in an attempt to understand how communication technology is used by these groups to form a collective identity among their members and to achieve shared objectives. The study lies within the frame of new social movement theory, with particular focus on the ever evolving role which online communications can play in developing aspects of a given society.The results showed that social media had given members from both groups the ability to share experiences, develop a collective identity, and utilise their new found visibility to provide the voices of atheists in the Arab world with an authority which they had been lacking. The study found that the freedom for atheists to unite online in large number was exposing closeted atheists as well as practising Muslims to opinions which would not have been as vocalised in the real world. The freedom for both parties to involve themselves in the group has reflected some of the difficulties faced in the real world, but has importantly opened up a dialogue and is working toward the acceptance of atheism within majority Muslim societies.