The Basque conflict has waged since the 1950s in its current form. However, with the arrival of democracy 36 years ago, the Basque Country has been the scene of an intense peace mobilization, dominated by two peace organizations: Gesto por la Paz, a group of community organizations that mobilize to publicly reject political violence, and Lokarri/Elkarri, an organization that includes a conflict resolution proposal based on dialogue between conflicting parties. While there is some literature on these organizations, none has analysed their extraordinary impact on Basque society. This research explores how the Basque peace movement has impacted on the social and political culture of the Basque conflict. It seeks to understand the nature of this impact and to determine the channels and methods by which it was achieved, using frame analysis. Three interlinked questions serve to guide the research, asking first if there is a Basque Peace Frame and if it could be considered a master frame, how this Basque Peace Frame has evolved, and, finally, how the Basque Peace Frame has impacted on other Basque Civil Society Organizations related to the conflict. This qualitative research spans the period between the March 2006 declaration of ceasefire by ETA and the end of fieldwork for this research in September 2008. The research includes 18 in depth interviews, written media, and analysis of seven notable Basque social organizations related to the conflict, in addition to the two peace organizations mentioned above. The research found the impact of the Basque peace movement in the Basque Country is significant and rich. The Basque Peace Frame developed based on the rejection of the use of violence as a political tool and identifies that violence as the main barrier to achieving an inclusive conflict resolution. The Basque peace movement organizations developed a specific kind of mobilization to enforce the Basque Peace Frame based on silent and symbolic acts. The objective was to counter the former dynamics of mobilization that were contentious and directed to promote Basque national rights. The Basque Peace Frame proposed a change in the way the political collective identity was constructed in the Basque Country, showing that an association between nationalism and violence is not obligatory. The Basque Peace Frame has evolved and spread between social organizations in the Basque Country, using sympathetic identity networks as the main channel of frame diffusion. Even organizations that did not reject the use of contentious methods of protest are now questioning the use of violence, signifying exciting prospects for the future of non-violent political action in the Basque Country. / La Fundacion La Caixa. Consejeria de Educación Universidades e Investigación of the Basque Country Government.

Die Globalisierung hat unsere Welt auf verschiedenen Ebenen verändert, so dass weltweite Verflechtungen und Netzwerke in vielen Bereichen zugenommen haben. Dieses Phänomen hat einerseits Bereiche wie Wirtschaft, Politik, Kultur, Umwelt und Kommunikation, aber andererseits auch Verbindungen auf individueller, gesellschaftlicher und institutioneller Ebene geprägt. Begünstigt wurde dieser Prozess insbesondere durch technische Fortschritte. Damit beschränken sich persönliche Beziehungen und Netzwerke nicht auf die lokale oder nationale Ebene, sondern sind transnational. Auch spielt die Globalisierung für soziale Bewegungen eine signifikante Rolle, denn Aktivisten können sich über Ländergrenzen hinweg vernetzen und Proteste können sich an internationale Akteure richten. In diesem Kontext sind auch globalisierungskritische Bewegungen entstanden, bei denen Medien als Kommunikationsmittel eine wichtige Rolle spielen, die nicht nur die Kommunikation erleichtern, sondern auch für die Koordination, Organisation und Diffusion unverzichtbar sind. Aktuell ist beispielsweise Fridays for Future (FFF) ein weltweit bekanntes Phänomen, welches den politischen Diskurs in zahlreichen Ländern geprägt hat. Vor einigen Jahren wäre es undenkbar gewesen, dass protestierende Schüler solch einen Einfluss auf politische Diskurse haben können. In einem Interview argumentiert Sebastian Haunss, dass die Bewegung es geschafft habe, das Thema so zu framen, so zu erzählen, dass es sehr anschlussfähig werde (vgl. Marks 2019). Das zeigt, dass der Zugang zu Kommunikationsmitteln nicht automatisch eine breite Mobilisierung ermöglicht, sondern auch das Framing eine zentrale Rolle spielt. Insbesondere für Bewegungen, die in nicht-demokratischen Staaten aktiv sind, bringt der technologische Fortschritt bis dato nicht vorhandene Möglichkeiten mit sich. Wie eine Mobilisierung anhand des Nutzens von Kommunikationsmitteln erfolgen kann, hängt dabei von vielen Faktoren ab.

This dissertation examines collaborations between the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) and non-union elements of global civil society (GCS). GCS is presented as a crucial emergent site of transnational class formation, and ITUC collaborations within this field are treated as potentially important moments in transnational class formation. The goal of the dissertation is threefold. It seeks to 1) address the lacuna in GCS studies around the involvement of organized labour; 2) provide an analysis of what ITUC GCS collaborations mean for the remit and repertoire of action of the ITUC; and 3) provide an analysis of the impact of ITUC collaborations on transnational class formation. What the findings show is that the ITUC is heavily engaged in GCS through numerous collaborations with non-union organizations concerned with environmental degradation, human rights, global economic inequality, and women workers. Most significantly, collaboration within GCS has provided the ITUC an avenue to incorporate the needs of marginalized women workers whose work does not “fit” into the traditional model of trade union organizing. These findings lead to the conclusion that these collaborations have allowed the ITUC to expand the remit of its activities beyond “bread-and-butter” unionism, and expand its repertoire of action beyond interstate diplomacy. However, the findings do not support the idea that the ITUC has adopted a social movement framework, although it is clear that the ethos of social movement unionism has had an impact on the organization. Nonetheless, the dissertation concludes that the incorporation of marginalized women workers, and the active engagement of the ITUC in global environmental policy debates, signifies a new moment in transnational class formation. / Graduate / 0629 / 0703 / davidbhuxtable@gmail.com

本研究為探討搖滾音樂演唱會：「Say Yes to Taiwan」在文化行銷中所呈現的諸種面向，包含了行銷模式分析與音樂的社會功能之文化論述。「Say Yes to Taiwan」為台灣目前負載公共議題訴求音樂活動之翹楚，不但規模已臻成熟，自2000年以來每年持續地舉辦也形成了活動自身的歷史，其與政治、社會運動之間的關連性更是台灣其他流行音樂所缺乏的，故值得作為音樂展演文化分析的對象。依照黃葳威(2003)對文化行銷所下之定義：「依據國家原生文化的取向設定宗旨任務，而進行特定族群藝文教育、知識的推廣，及特定族群文化產品與相關服務的提供，以期達成傳承與交流特定族群文化的理想」我們可知，「Say Yes to Taiwan」以一個不收費的音樂演唱會藝文活動，來推動台灣主體性理念之活動宗旨，並進行本土搖滾創作音樂的推廣，以其達到促使年輕群眾關心公共議題的目標等等，的確是符合文化行銷的定義。同時，藉以分析這個帶有政治理念訴求的「音樂社會運動」，不難看出其中音樂與政治動員的連帶關係，音樂自此跳脫了純美學討論的範疇，進而介入了社會與政治的實際運作，音樂以其「創造認同、經驗感情、組織時間」的獨特社會功能，對於群眾的動員與社會變革產生了可能的影響，因此，藉由對音樂演唱會活動的文化行銷模式分析為起點，發現活動背後深層的文化意涵，是本研究的論述方向。 根據Costa and Bamossy在1995年時提出一個關於分析文化行銷的模式，探討國家原生文化對於文化行銷所可能產生的層級影響，以及多重目標、關鍵決策人士與多元行銷區塊的文化行銷架構，本研究首先發現，在台灣目前國族認同斷裂、分歧的現況下，「Say Yes to Taiwan」活動亟欲「再現」一個台灣本土性認同之原生文化意識實踐，在這個大原則的指導下，對於文化行銷層級所產生的影響：無不以鞏固台灣主體定位為優先；在任務定位方面，是推動認同台灣、邀請國外樂團參以期達到影響國際視聽之效，另外並進一步促使年輕族群關心公共議題的討論與促進地方音樂文化與觀光產業的繁榮發展；在對藝文教育與知識的態度方面，則是幫助一般觀眾了解與欣賞台灣的創作音樂，並且鼓勵從台灣本土角度出發進行的藝術創作；在活動與節目內容、服務相關零售紀念品和行銷的態度上，則是選擇與認同台灣意識的藝人、企業、組織單位合作；在對所訴求參與觀眾的定位上，則是鎖定年輕人作為目標群眾，希望將台灣認同的理念、關心公共議題的素養推廣至年輕人身上。由此可見「認同台灣」的國家原生文化的意識形態實踐對於「Say Yes to Taiwan」文化行銷的總體性層級影響。 接著，本研究根據多重目標、關鍵決策人士與多元行銷區塊的文化行銷架構模式分析發現各區塊的文化行銷特色與矛盾，並分析出多元區塊間彼此的矛盾與衝突之處，包括：爭取贊助單位資源之經濟目標與推廣本土創作音樂的教育、知識推廣目標產生了衝突，贊助單位希望邀請主流藝人演出以求取悅大眾，但主辦單位卻希望維持推廣創作搖滾樂團的教育目的，以及關鍵決策人士之間，由於彼此的年齡代溝，而有對此一流行文化活動看法不同的角色衝突存在，老一輩的關鍵決策者心儀古典菁英音樂文化，對於年輕關鍵決策者所力持的流行文化搖滾樂抱持懷疑態度。至於在關鍵行銷區塊方面，可分為針對觀眾與贊助單位所作的行銷，又可分為下列細項：年輕搖滾音樂愛好者的核心觀眾、喜愛音樂的一般潛在觀眾、關心政治議題的潛在觀眾、民間政治團體贊助單位、政府相關部門贊助單位、企業贊助單位以及媒體贊助單位。而想要在同一個活動中同時攘括年輕搖滾音樂愛好者的核心觀眾，與喜愛流行音樂的一般潛在觀眾，這兩種在社群本質特色上相衝突的關鍵行銷區塊，可能會產生活動本質錯亂的危險，於是在年輕搖滾音樂愛好者的核心觀眾、與喜愛音樂的一般潛在觀眾這兩個關鍵行銷區塊之間，便產生了潛在相衝突的可能。 於是在SYTT文化行銷模式中所出現的「SWOT」與多元區塊間的衝突，本研究力求從文化面分析中來為其找出解答與改善建議，包括：應重視評估計畫的重要——以適於活動組織本身規模與負擔的現場問卷調查，輔以影音、文字記錄來作為評估計畫研究進行的資料蒐集法，並交由組織內部專職或外部專門人員加以分析；發展細緻的理性論述——將文字論述重點轉移至對台灣內部的關心和反省，以及將活動定位由台灣與中國間的「政治」問題提升至反對中國對台灣武力壓迫的「反戰」問題，以求獲得國際視聽的認同；發展音樂演唱會以外，與本身音樂活動相關的組織性活動；維護搖滾音樂的品牌識別性；與贊助單位建立良好的溝通管道以培養長久的贊助關係以及發展多元資源來源，其中包括——以影音複製品的販賣以求增加營收，並選擇適合自身特色，且能動性高的另類媒介作為活動訊息的宣傳管道；最後一點則是活動焦點往台灣內部轉向與擴展。透過以上建議的提出，希望能對「Say Yes to Taiwan」的文化行銷分析作出實質的幫助。 在前一部份較為「微觀」的文化行銷模式細部分析之後，本研究最後擬將此一研究主題放置於「鉅觀」的整體社會、政治結構互動關係中來作文化性的整合討論，藉以深化文化行銷分析的論述。文中以搖滾樂的「創造認同、經驗感情、組織時間」的音樂社會功能為起點，以及與群眾「一體」的社群力量，得以成為群眾發聲的代言媒介，接連分析音樂如何介入政治動員的可能，與發展社會運動新型態的功能。當然音樂不是革命，也許無法真正實際地去影響政治與社會變革，但它的次文化社群召喚性卻可輕易地促使我們開始注意並關心公共議題，造成思想上的質變，尤其是它對年輕人的影響力，其所形成的與論與關心力量，足以對國家機構施加變革壓力，使國家機構無法輕忽人民心聲，相信這是音樂對於政治與社會變革的實際實踐作為之所在。搖滾音樂演唱會，諸如此處的「Say Yes to Taiwan」，以其號召力激發後續的背負公共議題理念的演唱會活動出現，等於是促使連續不止的公共領域出現，成為理性對談語言的寄存所，於是搖滾音樂或搖滾音樂演唱會這種相對另類的媒體，對於推動公共議題理念的文化行銷與傳播功效，的確是不容忽視的。 / The topic of this study is about the cultural marketing of the rock concert ”Say Yes to Taiwan” , including the analysis of the cultural marketing’s model and the cultural discuss about the social function of music. Now in Taiwan, ”Say Yes to Taiwan” is the leader of the concerts which carry the public claim, not only it’s scale comes to a head, but also it’s long term activity’s history. It’s correlation with the politics and the social movement is also the biggest difference between the local creative rock music and the local pop music , that’s why ”Say Yes to Taiwan” is worth of being the topic of the cultural marketing study. According to Wai-Wai Huang’s definition of cultural marketing : ”Base upon the natural culture of the state, setting the bearing and the mission, promoting the artistic education and information of the particular group, and offering the cultural production and the interrelated service of the particular group, hoping to accomplish the ideality of translating and communicating the culture of the particular group(Wai-Wai Huang, 2003).” Because ”Say Yes to Taiwan” is a free rock concert, it hopes to promote the”Taiwanese identity ideology” and the local creative music, it also hopes to let the young audiences caring about the public issue, so it corresponds with the definition of the cultural marketing indeed. At meanwhile, via studying this ideal and political “social movement of music”, it’s easy for us to see the correlation between the music and the political mobilization. From now on, the music not only belongs to the aesthetic discussion, but also involves the practice of social and political improvement. Music uses it’s unique social function: “creating identity, experiencing emotion and organizing time” to make the social transignfication and the mobilization of people possible. Therefore, via the analysis of the cultural marketing’s model ,then finding the deep cultural meaning of this concert, is the emphasis of this study.

在2006年1月，立法院通過了總金額合計高達1410億水患治理特別條例、石門及其集水區整治特別條例。本文以許多民間非營利組織為監督治水預算成立的1410大禹治水聯盟為研究個案，希望能瞭解立法過程裡，民間聯盟如何監督公共政策？又如何打破國會與官僚的結盟結構，實際影響政策？本文採用深度訪談、報章資料與參與觀察等方式，藉由McAdam的政治機會結構理論為分析架構，以說明治水預算裡行動者擴編預算的動機與過程。並分析在立法院審查各階段治水聯盟的因應策略、實際行動和內部運作，以及監督成效。研究發現在地方水患陰影下，又面對官僚、國會與地方政府三者鐵三角般的互利合作，主張審慎監督的治水聯盟其實無力回天。一方面因議題範圍實在太大，無法動員特定地區相關者；另一方面也是鐵三角間同盟關係非常穩固，國會遊說發揮不了作用。故只能藉少數友好立委，在朝野協商爭取加入更多資訊公開、績效評估與公民參與機制。透過這些機制，在後續八年政策執行過程中找出更多公共參與和監督的著力點。藉此也讓原先僅有地區性互動的環保運動與社區大學運動在本案上交會。此新合作方向是否會對未來環保運動帶來新的在地網絡與群眾支持，值得後續觀察與研究。 / In January 2006, the Legislative Yuan passed the Special Enactment on Flood Management in Areas Susceptible to Floods and the Special Enactment on Restoration of Shi-Men and its Catchments Area amounting to NT$141 billion. This paper makes a study of the 1410 Ta-Yu Water Management Alliance formed by a number of civil non-profit organizations for the purpose of supervising and auditing the water management budget. The study seeks to understand how the civil alliance supervises public policies during the legislative process and how they break the alliance structure between the Legislative Yuan and bureaucracy to actually influence policies. By using McAdam’s political opportunity structure theory as its analysis structure, this paper gives an account of the motives and processes of activists in the creation of the water management budget through in-depth interviews, newspaper reports and participate observation. It also analyzes the countering strategies, activities, internal functioning and the results of the supervisory actions of the Water Management Alliance. This research discovered that in the face of the alliance’s proposition of prudent supervision could not be upheld in the face of mutual cooperation within the iron triangle of bureaucracy, the Legislative Yuan and local government. On one hand is the alliance’s inability to mobilize related parties in specific areas due to the issues covering too wide a range and on the other hand is the solid relationship within the iron triangle alliance and negates lobbying efforts in the Legislative Yuan. It is only by a few friendly legislators that mechanisms for the increased disclosure of information, performance evaluation and civil participation were added during negotiations between the ruling and opposition parties. Through these mechanisms it is hoped that more foothold for public involvement and supervision can be found in the following eight years of policy implementation. Also, such mechanisms would allow conservation movements and community college movements which used to be limited to territorial interactions to meet. Whether this new direction in cooperation brings new grassroot support for future environmental movements remains worthy of follow up observation and research.

Local heritage societies were established in Sweden for about a hundred years ago. The societies responded to the large changes of industrialisation, emigration and urbanisation during that time. Today there are about 2 000 societies with almost half a million members altogether. Why do people turn to local heritage societies today? The image of them, associated with folklore costumes and quaint old cottages, is not consistent with the extensive activity in the 21st century. That raises questions that have not been clarified in previous research. The aim of this thesis is to find out what today's local heritage societies do, as well as to investigate what their meanings are for people and the local society. Thereby the intention is to contribute to an understanding of their present extent and endurance over time. The activities of three local heritage societies in and around the city of Linköping are mapped out in this thesis. The survey shows extensive and very broad activities that are well adjusted to present time. The traditional image has become rigid, but in parts it is accurate since the activities are still dominated by local use of history., which also contributes to their extent and continuity. Place and history as common ground is something universal: The need for people to be oriented in time and space contributes to the persistence of the local heritage societies. At the same time there seems to be something strong in society today which contributes to their extent. The thesis shows that the societies can have knowledge-generating, ideological, existential and social meaning. Through the local heritage society people can learn about, evaluate and gain feelings for the place. The society also contributes to strengthening the power of togetherness in the local community as a part of the civilian society. The multifaceted meaning of the activities makes it possible for the societies to keep or even strengthen their attraction, especially among the large group of retired people. / Hembygdsföreningar etablerades i Sverige för omkring hundra år sedan. Föreningarna svarade mot den tidens stora förändringar med industrins framväxt, emigrationen och flykten från landsbygden. Idag finns det omkring 2 000 föreningar med sammanlagt nära en halv miljon medlemmar. Varför söker sig människor till hembygdsföreningar idag? Den gängse bilden av föreningarna som bakåtsträvande och förlegade stämmer inte in på en omfattande verksamhet på 2000-talet. Det väcker frågor om hembygdsföreningar, som inte har klargjorts i tidigare forskning. Avhandlingen syftar till att ta reda på vad samtida hembygdsföreningar gör och att undersöka deras betydelser för människor och lokalsamhälle. Härigenom vill avhandlingen också bidra till att förstå deras nutida omfattning och uthållighet över tid. I avhandlingen kartläggs verksamheten i tre hembygdsföreningar i och omkring staden Linköping i Östergötland. Kartläggningen visar på en omfattande och mycket bred verksamhet som är väl anpassad till sin samtid. Den traditionella bilden är stelnad, men till delar stämmer den genom att föreningarnas verksamhet domineras av lokalt historiebruk, som också bidrar till deras omfattning och kontinuitet. Det står å ena sidan för något allmänmänskligt: Människans orientering i tid och rum, som bidrar till att föreningarna alltid är aktuella. Å andra sidan framträder intresset för det lokala och för historia som två starka strömningar i samtiden. Avhandlingen visar att föreningarna har kunskapsgenererande, ideologiska, existentiella och sociala betydelser. Genom hembygdsföreningen kan människor lära sig om, värdera och få känslor för platsen. Föreningen bidrar också till att stärka kraften och gemenskapen i lokalsamhället som en del av det civila samhället. Den mångfasetterade betydelsen av verksamheten gör att föreningarna har lyckats behålla eller till och med stärka sin attraktionskraft, särskilt bland den stora gruppen pensionärer.

The aim of this study is to analyze the concept of antiracism and explore what characterizes the kind of antiracism that the empirical examples presented in this study represent. The empirical examples are instances of what I call antiracist actors. They are rooted in civil society, but also have strong connections with the government through government funding. The empirical data has been gathered through both qualitative and quantitative methods, mainly in the form of a survey and interviews. In order to explore the antiracist actors I have focused on three themes: (1) the shapes and forms of racism, (2) antiracism as a phenomenon, and (3) antiracism as a social arena. Through these themes I have gathered information about how the antiracist actors interpret their activities and the context in which they are working. On the subject of the shapes and forms of racism, I establish that racism is a concept that is hard to define. The antiracist actors lack a common language regarding racism, which affects the antiracist rhetoric. Regarding antiracism as a phenomenon, I conclude that the antiracist strategies mainly consist of three components: (1) knowledge is used as a strategic instrument internally to strengthen the volunteers, (2) knowledge is spread externally to increase awareness of racism, and (3) the antiracist actors deconstruct racist beliefs when opposing racist opinions. Finally, I research antiracism as a social arena and study civil society and theories about social movements in order to explore organizational aspects of the antiracist actors. Using Alberto Meluccis’ social movement theories, there is some evidence to support the thesis that the antiracist actors could be defined as part of an antiracist movement. However, overall there are stronger arguments to suggest the opposite, mainly since the antiracist actors are not in opposition to one or more adversaries. Instead they work with target groups, sometimes targeting the general public, sometimes specific groups like children in a certain school. The main conclusion from my study in this respect is that the antiracist actors are part of what I call association-driven antiracism. The associationdriven antiracism is characterized by non-violent methods and the antiracist actors do not focus on racist adversaries, instead they work with target groups trying to influence them in an antiracist way. The association-driven antiracism secures its continuity through networks, since many activities are project-based and only last for a limited period of time. Also, the antiracist actors are not representatives of particular political parties, instead they gather around the question at hand, antiracism. The antiracist actors within the association-driven antiracism are in close collaboration with the government and partly finance their activities with government funding. This collaboration can be explained as a positive steering process, the rulers (the government) and those who are ruled (the antiracist actors) agree on an antiracist ideology and work in the same direction.

Syftet med uppsatsen var att undersöka Pantrarna genom att se på vad för typ av social rörelse Pantrarna är. Sociala faktorer som låg bakom bildandet, deras förebilder, metoderna de använde, hur de organiserade sig och vad de ville uppnå undersöktes. Bakgrunden till bildandet av en social rörelse som Pantrarna var komplex och flera teorier och begrepp fick därför användas för att försöka förklara kontext såväl som Pantrarna som social rörelse. Uppsatsen är gjord genom en kvalitativ metod bestående av intervjuer, innehållsanalys på filmen om dem, observation vid deras festival, netnografisk studie av rörelsen där Facebook,Youtube och deras hemsida studerats. De viktigaste resultatet som hittades var att Pantrarna är en social rörelse som bygger på ett konfliktperspektiv där de använder metoder som att storma politikers möten och genom demonstrationer. De anordnar även föreläsningar och en årlig musikfestival som är gratis. Medlemmarna upplever ett utanförskap och upplever att de inte har möjligheter att uppnå sina mål och drömmar som boende i andra områden utanför förorten. Men möjligen är det så att deär fast i sin egen upplevelse av alienation mot det omgivande samhället och snarare bidrar till den än att, som de vill, motverka den.Nyckelord: Social rörelse, Förorten, Alienation / The purpose of this paper was to investigate Pantrarna by looking at what kind of social movement Pantrarna are. Social factors behind the founding, the rolemodels, methods used, how they were organized and what they wanted to achieve was studied. The background ofthe founding of the social movement like Pantrarna was complex and therefore several theories and concepts were used to try to understand the context as well as Pantrarna as a social movement. Qualitative method consisting of interviews, content analysis of the movie about them, observation at their festival, a netnographic study of the movement through Facebook, Youtube and on their website.The most important findings was that Pantrarna is a social movement that rests on a conflictperspective where they use methods like storming politicians meetings and through demonstrations. They also arrange lectures and a yearly music festival that’s free. The members experience an exclusion and they feel that they don’t have the same possibilities to achieve their goals and dreams like the residents in other areas outside the suburbs. But maybe they are stuck in their own experience of alienation towards the surrounding society and rather contribute to it, as oppose to doing what they want, counteract it.Keywords: Social movement, Suburb, Alienation.

According to conventional wisdom winning hearts and minds is one of the most important goals for defeating terrorism. However, despite repeated claims about U.S. efforts to build popular support as part of the war on terror during the first seven years after 9/11, a steady stream of polls and surveys delivered troubling news. Using a counterinsurgency and social movement informed approach, I explain why the United States performed poorly in the race for Muslim hearts and minds, with a specific focus on problems inherent in the social construction of terrorism, the use of an enemy-centric model while overestimating agency, and the counterproductive effect of policy choices on framing processes. Popular support plays wide-ranging roles in counterterrorism, including: influencing recruitment, fundraising, operational support, and the flow of intelligence; providing credibility and legitimacy; and, sanctifying or marginalizing violence. Recognizing this the U.S. emphasized public diplomacy, foreign aid, positive military-civilian interactions, democracy promotion, and other efforts targeting populations in the Muslim world. To explain the problems these efforts had, this thesis argues that how Americans think and talk about terrorism, reflected especially in the rhetoric and strategic narrative of the Bush administration, evolved after 9/11 to reinforce normative and enemy-centric biases undermining both understanding of the underlying conflicts and resulting efforts. U.S. policy advocates further misjudged American agency, especially in terms of overemphasizing U.S. centrality, failing to recognize the importance of real grievances, and overestimating American ability to implement its own policies or control the policies of local governments. Finally, the failure to acknowledge the role of U.S. policies counterproductively impacted contested framing processes influencing the evolution of mobilization. The resulting rhetoric and actions reinforced existing anti- American views, contributed to the perception that the war on terror is really a war on Islam, and undermined natural counter narratives.

Existing scholarship suggests terrorism is an ineffective method of political contestation; groups rarely achieve their political objectives and are often disrupted by the security services. These findings invite us to look again at the dominant rational choice paradigm, which suggests that terrorism is selected as the best strategy to achieve predetermined goals. Unpicking the assumptions underpinning this model using historical case studies, comparative analysis and typology development, this thesis broadens our interpretation of what those who use terrorism seek to achieve. It does so via a tripartite framework. First, employing a new reading of American pragmatist thought, interpreting militant group goals as culturally and socially mediated problems opens up a new vista of outcomes, in particular examining the way terrorism seeks to change relations between people. Second, using Social Movement Theory as its organising framework, an empirically derived typology of militant groups sets out the background political conditions and organisational characteristics of 28 dormant groups. Using existing models of interpreting outcomes to assess these historical cases demonstrates the unmet challenges of providing robust explanations for why terrorism ends and what it achieves. Third, the thesis explores the promise of a mechanism and process-led approach to explaining outcomes. It does so through in-depth examination of two historical case studies: Kach and the Aden-Abyan Islamic Army. Despite being classified as failures, using largely neglected primary sources, the case studies reveal a range of fascinating and important outcomes that still resonate in Israel and Yemen today. Most of these methodological and conceptual tools are being applied to the question of terrorism's outcomes for only the first or second time. In doing so, this thesis offers greater depth than existing scholarship on how terrorism ends, by looking beyond measures such as success and failure in interpreting outcomes, whilst affording greater breadth through its ability to make comparative assessments at the level of mechanisms and processes. The result is a more detailed and robust set of explanations as to how terrorism ends and what it achieves, illustrated through detailed historical case studies of two interesting, yet often neglected, groups.