[pt] O presente estudo busca compreender como se deu o processo de constituição e formação do Pré-Vestibular - núcleo Vila Operária - que se localiza no município de Nova Iguaçu (Rio de Janeiro) e também identificar as motivações de seus idealizadores que levaram o surgimento desse movimento social e a sua importância para a comunidade local. Os pré-vestibulares comunitários, especialmente o PVNC – Vila Operária, vêm desde a década de 1990 formando jovens da classe trabalhadora e principalmente negros, para ingressarem nas Universidades públicas e privadas (com bolsas). A prioridade desse movimento social não é só favorecer uma classe menos privilegiada a ter uma disputa mais justa nos vestibulares, mas também formar um cidadão consciente e crítico dos valores da sociedade, qualificando-a assim para o mercado de trabalho e não para uma reprodução capitalista da mais valia. A presente pesquisa utilizou o método qualitativo que busca informações relevantes sobre o PVNC – Vila Operária para assim levantar as questões pertinentes ao objeto proposto, foram utilizadas entrevistas com os protagonistas que militaram para a construção desse núcleo. Além disso, a pesquisa buscou entender o conceito de cultura e cidadania oferecido pelo núcleo – Vila Operária e sua importância social, já que para o movimento essa disciplina pode contribuir para uma mobilidade social ascendente de seus alunos e para uma busca mais direcionada de seus direitos. As ações afirmativas debatidas dentro da disciplina cultura e cidadania como uma forma de reconhecimento de uma desigualdade imposta à população negra também compõem o campo de pesquisa dessa dissertação. / [en] This study aimed to understand how was the process of constitution and formation of the Pre – Vestibular - Vila Operária- which is located in Nova Iguaçu (Rio de Janeiro) and also identify the motivations of its founders that led the emergence of this social movement and its importance to the local community. Community pre-vestibular, especially PVNC - Workers Village, come from the 1990s training young working class and mostly black, to join in public and private universities (with Studentships). The priority of this social movement is not only favor a less privileged class to have a fairer dispute in the entrance, but also form a conscious and critical citizens of the values of society, describing it as well for the labor market and not for a capitalist reproduction of surplus value. This research used the qualitative method that seeks relevant information about PVNC - Workers Village for just raise the relevant issues to the proposed object, interviews were used with the protagonists who campaigned to build this core. In addition, the research sought to understand the concept of culture and citizenship offered by the core - Workers Village and its social importance, since for the motion this discipline can contribute to upward social mobility of their students and for a more targeted search your rights. Affirmative action s discussed within the discipline culture and citizenship as a form of recognition of inequality imposed on black people also make up the field of research of this dissertation.

L'Espagne, dont on a abondamment salué la Transition est loin d'avoir réglé tous ses comptes avec le passé. Les premiers temps de la démocratie furent à la prudence sur le terrain politique et social. Les années 90 déferlèrent ensuite, inondant le pays de leur libéralisme triomphant. L'Espagne postmoderne connut, en même temps que la croissance effrénée et la «spectacularisation» servie par une télévision dotée d'ubiquité, l'inversion des flux migratoires. L'ancienne métropole attira principalement des Latino-américains et, alors que rien n'avait préparé la société espagnole à l'interculturalité et que les écrans, voués au divertissement, rendaient les étrangers invisibles, les préjugés racistes et xénophobes sentant encore l'ethnocentrisme colonialiste, ressurgirent. 2008 marqua le début de la crise économique en Espagne et de la dégradation des conditions de vie de ses habitants qui donne naissance à une nouvelle classe sociale, le «précariat». Locaux et étrangers se retrouvent dans la contestation et dans l'exigence d'un autre modèle de société pour l'ère méta-postmoderne. Internet est le lieu de rencontre de ceux qui s'indignent et qui accusent les media traditionnels de complicité avec le système qu'ils rejettent. / Spain's transition towards democracy has widely been acclaimed. Yet it is far from settling all its scores with the past. During the early days of democracy prudence prevailed in the political and social field. Then the 90s swept in and the country was overwhelmed by economic liberalism. In post-modern Spain growth rocketed and was served by an all pervading television which turned everything into a show. Meanwhile the migratory flow was reversed. The old mother country chiefly attracted South Americans. Foreigners were made invisible by a television dedicated to entertainment. Hence Spanish people were not ready to face cultural diversity and old racist prejudice reeking of colonial ethnocentricity reappeared. The economic crisis hit Spain in 2008 and living conditions deteriorated giving birth to a new social class «the precariat». Natives and foreigners protest together demanding a new model of society for the meta post-modern era. Internet is the meeting point for those who feel outraged (indignants, indignados) and accuse the traditional media of complicity with a system they reject.

Le désir de changer la vie, de s'accomplir et de s’émanciper dans les années 1830 trouve, pour se concrétiser, une expression artistique qui se poursuit aujourd’hui sous d'autres formes. Les prolétaires du XIXe siècle décident de ne plus vivre l’insupportable. Ils prennent des heures sur leur temps de repos, pour se cultiver, se former. Ils fondent des journaux, composent des chansons, des poèmes, des pamphlets, lisent les textes des penseurs Saint-simoniens et Fouriéristes. Leur lutte emprunte les voies du régime esthétique. Cette expérience d’émancipation fait le lien, à travers le temps, avec les multiples tentatives qui se sont poursuivies pour transformer la société, avec des temps forts en 1936, 1968, 1995. Lors du mouvement social de 1995, les grévistes ont choisi l’expression cinématographique pour relater leur lutte. Un flot d’images a accompagné les grèves, tout au long des manifestations et des Assemblées Générales. Ces films aboutissent à donner une autre vision des grèves et à construire une mémoire ouvrière par les travailleurs eux-mêmes. Ils sont un contrepoint aux images et commentaires proposés par la majorité des médias. Ce sont aussi des expériences esthétiques. Cette prise de caméra par les travailleurs n’est pas nouvelle. Elle s’inscrit dans l’histoire du cinéma militant pour créer une représentation sociale du monde du travail. Il est nécessaire, pour comprendre ces différentes périodes d’émancipation, de construire et analyser les figures de cette Histoire de l’irruption de l’esthétique dans le champ de l’Histoire ouvrière. Il faut aussi s’interroger sur les significations politiques et anthropologiques de ces temps de rupture où le désir d'émancipation et d'accomplissement s'inscrit dans une dimension esthétique Au moment où la classe ouvrière est en pleine refonte de son identité, où l’on évoque la disparition de ses valeurs, il est indispensable de montrer sa combativité et les luttes qui continuent de jalonner son histoire. / The desire to change life, to be accomplished and emancipated in the 1830s was found through artistic expression. This continues today in other forms. The proletariat of the nineteenth century decided to no longer live the unbearable. They took hours on their free time, to educate and cultivate themselves. They founded newspapers, composed songs, poems, pamphlets, read the texts of thinkers like Saint-Simonian and Fourierists. Their struggle followed the routes of the aesthetic regime. This experience of emancipation is the link, through time, with other multiple attempts that continue to transform society, with highlights in 1936, 1968, 1995. During the social movements in 1995, the strikers chose cinematic expression to recount their struggle. A flood of images followed the strikers throughout demonstrations and General meetings. These films led to creating a different vision of strikes and to building a working memory by the workers themselves. They are a counterpoint to the images and comments offered by most of the media. They are also aesthetic experiences. This very use of the camera by workers is not new. It is part of the history of militant cinema that creates a social representation of the working world. It is necessary to understand these different periods of emancipation, to build and to analyze the figures in this history of the emergence of aesthetics in the field of working history. We must also question the political and anthropological significance of these breaking points where the desire for emancipation and fulfillment is part of an aesthetic dimension When the working class is being overhauled its identity, when the disappearance of its values is evoked, it is essential to show its fight and struggles that continue to stake its history.

#YoSoy132 movement was founded in May 2012 during the election campaign, after a small incident with one of the presidential candidates, Enrique Peňa Nieto, at IberoAmerican University in Mexico City. The movement gained relatively quickly a large number of supporters from many Mexican universities and also among ordinary citizens. The topic of this thesis is the transformation and evolution of the movement from presidential elections till present days. The main goal of this paper is to analyze the movement and answer the question on how #YoSoy132 movement has been developing over its fifteen months of existence, whether it has institutionalized and stabilized and how it can be defined and characterized.

The central topic of the thesis is the Cuban pro-democracy opposition movement and its activities towards an official regime of Raul Castro. This is to try and achieve improvements in civil and political rights in Cuba. The opposition tools and strategies are analysed in the context of specific conditions of the current repressive Cuban regime. Special attention is dedicated to framing processes towards the local audience, communication strategies oriented to an international society, and an ability to involve external players to participate in effective pressure from outside; the so called boomerang effect. The movement's progress is displayed on a base of particular achievements as well as challenges faced in a long term pursuit to a democratic transition of the country.

I applied McAdam's political process model for social movement analysis to examine the level of collective resistance to high stakes testing in California, Massachusetts, New York, South Carolina, and Texas from 1985 to 2005. Data on protest occurrences in those states were gathered from online news reports, anti-testing organization websites, and electronic interviews from individuals associated with the anti-testing movement. Variables used in the analysis included each state's key educational accountability legislation, political affiliations of state political leaders, state political leaders' support of accountability issues, student ethnicity profiles, poverty indicators, dropout rates, and collective bargaining laws. I examined the relationship between those variables and protest development in terms of the political process model's three components: framing processes, mobilizing structures, and political opportunity. I concluded California and Massachusetts, with their strong networks of anti-testing organizations, showed more instances of protest than any other state. Slightly fewer protests occurred in New York. Texas showed few instances of anti-testing protests and there were no reports of protests in South Carolina. There was evidence of framing efforts from both proponents and opponents of high-stakes testing, with proponents' framing efforts tending to be more covert. I found that anti-testing protests were primarily initiated by middle-class and affluent groups of citizens, who demonstrated greater political access but whose major concerns differed by state. Evidence showed that although all five states have Republican governors, protests emerged more readily in the three states whose legislatures had a Democratic majority. I found that protest efforts were inhibited when protesters faced serious consequences as a result of their actions. In addition, state political leaders began to take part in the anti-testing protest movement once the state became subject to sanctions under the strict performance requirements imposed by No Child Left Behind. Overall, the political process model proved to be a highly efficient analytical tool in this context.

The purpose of this research is to analyze how the media in Colombia covers the events and campaigns of the pacifist women’s movement La Ruta Pacífica de las Mujeres. The movement was formed in 1996 to draw attention to violence against women and to call for a negotiated end to Colombia’s internal armed conflict through peaceful demonstrations. The study uses a series of semi-structured interviews with members of the movement and a content analysis of major print media stories about the movement to analyze press coverage and forms of representation. The analysis finds that large, powerful media outlets based in the country’s principal cities largely ignore the movement, while smaller, local media outlets based in provincial regions and alternative media outlets cover the movement’s activities and campaigns. La Ruta Pacífica has developed media strategies to foster friendly media relations when possible and to work without any media attention when necessary.

No description available.

[pt] A dissertação discute o movimento de ocupação das escolas no Brasil durante os anos de 2015 e 2016 a partir da reflexão de que esse foi um tipo de mobilização em que os jovens das classes populares se apresentaram de forma inédita na cena pública, em um fenômeno que revela sinais contraditórios. De um lado, as ocupações constituem uma demonstração de apreço inédito dos jovens em relação à escola pública, percebida como decisiva para suas vidas; de outro, o fenômeno não deixa de explicitar uma nova forma de desigualdade entre os jovens de classes populares, em um processo que se sobrepõe à desigualdade já existente decorrente do dualismo entre a rede pública e a rede privada. Por mobilizar questões ligadas ao campo da educação e ao projeto de escolarização da juventude brasileira, a ocupação das escolas aparece como resultado de um processo de mudança social que, analisado pela chave da sociologia da educação, revela uma nova forma de ação coletiva e uma interlocução entre instituição, sujeitos e direitos. De modo a contextualizar como se chegou a esse processo de mudança social, considerou-se necessária a problematização da promessa de um projeto de escola republicana, que somente a partir de 1988 se materializa na afirmação da escola pública como central à construção da democracia no país; em seguida, apresenta-se uma revisão bibliográfica que busca salientar como a escola enquanto instituição produz desigualdades internas que redefinem as desigualdades externas à ela, atravessando com isso os projetos de futuro da juventude popular. Com base nessa revisão bibliográfica, que mobiliza um debate sobre as narrativas de jovens de classes populares e sobre a insuficiência de políticas públicas direcionadas à juventude, pode-se avançar em uma reflexão sobre o quanto ainda falta para que a universalização do acesso à escola se dê de fato, e sobre o quanto isso impacta de maneira negativa na trajetória de jovens no Brasil. Por fim, caracteriza-se o movimento de ocupação das escolas em seus diferentes aspectos, e de como ele interpela as bases de autoridade da instituição escolar tal como ela está posta no Brasil. Nesse contexto, as narrativas de jovens, apresentadas em tal revisão bibliográfica nos fornece melhor compreensão da visão que eles têm sobre a escola, sobre seus efeitos, ou mesmo sobre a falta dessa instituição em suas vidas. É nesse sentido que o debate sobre a ocupação das escolas importa para o estudo das Ciências Sociais, pois o fato de haver uma parcela da população juvenil engajada dentro das escolas, reivindicando direitos e mostrando a sua capacidade reflexiva acerca de questões que vão além dos muros da escola, como vimos em 2015/16, é sem dúvida um fenômeno de primeira grandeza para a sociologia da educação, para a sociologia da juventude e para os estudos sobre as novas formas de desigualdade social. / [en] The dissertation discusses the movement of occupation of Brazilian schools during the years of 2015 and 2016 based on the reflection that this was a form of mobilization in which the young of grassroots classes came forward in an unprecedented way in the public scene, upon a phenomenon which reveals contradictory signs. On one hand, the occupations constitute a demonstration of their unprecedented appreciation towards public school, perceived as decisive for their lives; on the other hand, the phenomenon still expresses a new form of social inequality among the young of grassroots classes, in a process that overlaps the inequality already in place as a result of the duality between public and private systems. Because it mobilizes issues connected to the field of education and the project of schooling Brazilian youth, the occupation of schools arises as a result of a process of social change that, considered in the key of sociology of education, reveals a new form of collective action and a dialogue between institution, subjects and rights. In order to contextualize how we have reached this process of social change, it seems necessary to question the promise of a republican school project, which is materialized only since 1988 in the affirmation of the public school as central to the construction of a democracy in the country; thereafter, a bibliographic review is presented in the pursuit of emphasizing how the school as an institution produces internal inequalities that redefine external inequalities to itself, crossing projects of future of grassroots youth. On the basis of this bibliographical review, which mobilizes a debate on narratives of grassroots-classes youngs and on the insufficiency of public policies directed to the youth, we can proceed to a reflection on how much it still lacks for the universalization of access to school actually happens, and on how much that impacts the paths of youngs in Brazil on a negative way. Ultimately, we describe the movement of occupation of schools in its different traits, and how it heckles basis of authority of the educational institution as it is presented in Brazil. In this context, the narratives of the youngs, presented in this bibliographical review, provide us a better comprehension of their vision towards the school, towards its effects, or even on the lack of the institution in their lives. It is in this sense that the debate about the occupation of schools matters to the study of Social Sciences, because the fact of having a fraction of the juvenile population engaged inside the schools, claiming rights and showing their reflective capacity on the questions which cut across the walls of the school, as seen in 2015/2016, is undoubtedly a phenomenon of first rate to sociology of education, to sociology of the youth, and to the studies of new means of social inequality.

For the last fifty years the liberal feminist approach has been gaining grounds on the national state level, instituting women’s agencies, gender quotas and gender mainstreaming within nation states. Encouraged by larger international institutions, such as the United Nations, liberal feminism has come to be adopted broadly world-wise advocating for a close relationship between the state and the civil society (Squires, 2007 and McBride & Mazur, 2013). In the advancement of liberal feminism, questions of genuine political parity between these two actors - the state and civil society organizations - has been raised, as well as the state’s capability to promote equal change in accordance with the organizations’ many agendas and beliefs. The aim of this study is to describe and gain understanding of the political environment of the women’s rights organizations in Argentina and the possibilities and challenges that they experience in relation to this development. By using an interpretive research design and theoretical perspectives of social movement theory, this study addresses the ways in which women’s rights organizations in Argentina experience their political opportunities to participate in decision-making processes. Particularly women’s rights organizations that have experience of the state on a national, provincial and local level in Argentina and across political parties in power are addressed in this study. This study presents a novel contribution to the discussion of State Feminism concerning the subject of working from the inside or outside the state, to social movement theory with the conceptualization on political opportunity and by instantiating the discussion with a case study in which it is contextualized and tested.