Cette thèse par articles porte sur le processus de constitution de la communauté de mouvement social antiautoritaire au Québec, entre 2000 et 2010. Partant du constat de l’évolution de cet acteur politique d’inspiration anarchiste dans la province au cours de cette période, la thèse interroge les facteurs qui ont favorisé sa construction progressive autour de composantes diversifiées. Telles qu’elles se révèlent au grand jour vers la fin de la décennie, les composantes de cette communauté de mouvement social sont en effet hétérogènes au regard des enjeux qui retiennent leur attention, mais convergent néanmoins dans l’adoption de positions politiques, de stratégies d’action et de modes organisationnels caractéristiques de la perspective antiautoritaire contemporaine. Bien que l’environnement politique général dans lequel intervient la communauté antiautoritaire au Québec ait influencer son développement, la thèse démontre que les dynamiques internes à cette communauté sont celles qui ont assuré la pérennité de cet acteur politique en favorisant l’intégration de la diversité qui s’est exprimée en son sein au cours de la période étudiée. Le fait d’appréhender le mouvement antiautoritaire sous l’angle conceptuel de la communauté de mouvement social permet ainsi d’aborder le développement de cet acteur politique dans la continuité, au-delà des seuls moments publics d’interaction avec les autorités. Ce faisant, cette approche met également en lumière les facteurs endogènes qui ont contribué à son développement. Dans la lignée des travaux sur les mouvements sociaux qui proposent une perspective théorique synthétique liant la considération des aspects structurels et culturels dans l’analyse, l’étude du processus de constitution de la communauté antiautoritaire au Québec fait ressortir le rôle des dimensions organisationnelles et identitaires dans ce phénomène. Cette thèse par articles contribue à cette perspective théorique par l’application de l’approche mécanistique dans l’étude des mouvements sociaux. Celle-ci met en relief, d’une part, l’interaction de ces dimensions organisationnelles et identitaires dans la constitution de la communauté antiautoritaire et documente, d’autre part, les dynamiques qui leur sont inhérentes. Le passage graduel du mouvement antiautoritaire vers la configuration de communauté de mouvement social a ainsi été marqué, d’une part, par un processus de constitution organisationnelle qui a interagi avec le processus de démarcation identitaire en cours au sein du mouvement. D’autre part, la communauté antiautoritaire a pu se développer entre 2000 et 2010 grâce à un processus de conciliation identitaire réalisé par le travail identitaire des militants et des militantes. Ces processus ont favorisé la construction d’une identité collective fondée sur la lutte contre la pluralité des formes d’oppression, exprimée à la fois dans le discours et dans les pratiques des acteurs de la communauté antiautoritaire au Québec. La démonstration analytique proposée dans cette thèse repose sur une approche méthodologique de recherche-action participative combinant observation participante, analyse d’entretiens et étude de sources documentaires. L’interprétation empirique de la communauté antiautoritaire est basée sur un projet réalisé conjointement avec le Collectif de recherche sur l’autonomie collective (CRAC) de l’Université Concordia, à Montréal. / This thesis by articles is a case study of the development process of the anti-authoritarian social movement community in Quebec between the years 2000 and 2010. The study questions the factors that have contributed to the evolution of this political actor during this period and allowed for its heterogeneous character to be unveiled by the end of the decade. While the anti-authoritarian community’s components encompassed numerous issues of struggle, there was convergence around the adoption of political positions, action strategies and organizational methods that form a contemporary anti-authoritarian ideal-type. Although the overall political environment of the anti-authoritarian community in Quebec did have an influence on its development, this thesis by articles demonstrates that it was the movement’s internal dynamics that ensured its survival by allowing for the accommodation of the diversity expressed within the movement during that period. Understanding the anti-authoritarian movement through the conceptual lens of the social movement community allows us to observe and analyse the development of this political actor well beyond its public interactions with authorities. In doing so, this approach also highlights the role of the internal factors that have contributed to its development. In line with previous work on social movements that put forth a synthetic theoretical perspective linking structural and cultural aspects, this analysis of the anti-authoritarian community in Quebec highlights the role of organizational and identity factors, while contributing to this perspective by applying a mechanistic approach. By doing so, the thesis highlights, on the one hand, the interaction of these dimensions in the development of the antiauthoritarian community and, on the other, the dynamics that are inherent to them. The gradual transition towards a social movement community structure was noted first as a process of organizational development that interacted with the process of boundary formation within the movement. On another hand, the anti-authoritarian community was able to sustain itself between 2000 and 2010 due to the identity work undertaken by its activists, through a process of identity reconciliation. These processes have contributed to the formation of a collective identity built around the struggle against various forms of oppression, simultaneously expressed in the political discourse and practices of anti-authoritarian activists. The findings proposed in this thesis rely on a participative action research methodology and combine participant observation, the analysis of interviews and the study of documentary sources. The empirical interpretation of the anti-authoritarian community is based on a project carried out with the Research Collective on Collective Autonomy (CRAC) at Concordia University in Montreal.

Ce mémoire de maîtrise traite d’un phénomène qui a gagné en importance dans les études sur l’Amérique latine : l’exploitation des ressources naturelles par des compagnies étrangères et l’augmentation des mouvements de résistance des populations locales contre l’implantation de ces compagnies. Délaissant l’accent généralement placé sur la naissance de ces mouvements, les impacts du temps sur les transformations du phénomène de résistance sont mesurés et analysés. Le cas de la compagnie minière canadienne Goldcorp Inc., exploitant de l’or dans la vallée de Siria, au Honduras, illustre à merveille les diverses techniques utilisées lors d’une lutte de longue haleine par une population rurale désirant résister à une compagnie transnationale au capital économique, politique et scientifique plus important. Ainsi, les dynamiques du mouvement de résistance soulignent des changements dans sa forme première à la suite de l’intrusion de nouveaux acteurs locaux et internationaux. Des identités, construites avec l’arrivée de la mine, sont aussi en jeu chez les groupes qui s’affrontent dans la région. L’étude d’un mouvement vers la fin de sa vie indique, de plus, le besoin de redéfinir la résistance et de sortir d’un schème purement actif vers un qui inclut aussi l’aspect discursif et moral dans sa définition. / This research deals with a phenomenon growing in interest in Latin American studies: natural resources exploitation from foreign companies and the growth of local resistance movements against the implementation of these companies. Going away from the general emphasis put on the birth of these movements, transformations due to the impact of time are instead measured and analyzed. The specific case of Goldcorp Inc. a Canadian mining company exploiting gold in the Siria Valley, Honduras, illustrates perfectly many tactics used by a rural population in an extensive battle and who wishes to resist to a multinational company that have more social, economic and politic power. Therefore, the resistance movement’s dynamics illustrate the changes in its primary form after the arrival of new local and international actors. Identities, build with the beginning of the mining exploitation, are also in play within the groups that are clashing in the region. Moreover, the study of a movement close to the end of its life demonstrate the need to redefine the notion of resistance in order to move away from the purely active form of it and include as well the discursive and moral aspects in its definition.

Cette thèse tente d'étudier la structure sociale des villes coloniales en Indochine française. Il s'agit d'une étude sur l'histoire de l'influence de la colonisation sur la société et les habitants urbains au Viêtnam, en prenant principalement le cas de Hanoi et Haiphong dans la première moitié du XXe siècle.Aprés avoir bien examiné la méthode, la politique et l'organisation de la colonisation de l'Indochine, nous mettons d'abord les questions comme suit : comment les villes de Hanoi et Haiphong ont-elles été construites ? ; À quels problèmes ont-elles fait face dans les processus de sa formation et son développement ? Ensuite, nous avons jeté un regard sur les habitants à la ville coloniale de Hanoi en remarquant la répartition géographique et démographique des professions et catégories socioprofessionnelles (PCS), notamment des petits commerçants-artisans. Les cadres indochinois auraient peut-être mieux exploités surtout en ce qui concerne le salaire et niveau de vie à la veille de l'indépendance.De cela, on pourra relever certaines caractéristiques de la structure sociale et de la stratification sociale de la ville coloniale de Hanoi. À ce propos, nous analysons le mouvement social dans le contexte mondial de la crise économique après 1930 et l'application du réglementation général du travail en Indochine de 1936, en mettant en scène une grève des ouvriers déclenchée à Hanoi en 1937, qui a permis d'exécuter la politique sociale au même niveau que la métropole. En conclusion, cette grève "légale" a eu pour résultat une création de « nouveaux réseaux sociaux indigènes » en regroupant les patrons et les ouvriers par même profession au Nord-Viêtnam. / This Thesis examines the social structure of colonial cities in French Indochina, which means that it aimes to reveal link between the colonial system and the colonial society. But we're talking about a study of history of the influence of colonization on society and urban inhabitants in Vietnam. Therefor it will take the case of Hanoi and Haiphong during the first half of the twentieth century.After examining method, policy and organization of the Indochinese colonization, we ask some questions as follows : how Hanoi was built ; what problem this city was faced with in the process of its formation and development. This subject will be treated from a comparative perspective with one of the most principal city in Vietnam : Haiphong.Then, we are intersted in the inhabitants of colonial city Hanoi pointing out the geographic distribution of "professions et catégories socioprofessionnelles" (PCS : professions and social-occupational categories). The best part of this research is characterized by demography of new PCS, especially of small marchants and craftmen.From such approach, we extract some caracteristics of social structure and social stratification of colonial city Hanoi. In this connection, we analyze, moreover, social movement in the worldwide contexte of economic crisis after 1930 and application of labour law of Indochina in 1936, directing labour strike broke out at Hanoi in 1937, only which allowed exercise the social policy at the same level as metropolitain France. In conclusion, this "legal" strike had the effect of creating « a new indigenous social network » grouping management and workers into same professions in North-Vietnam.

La thèse apporte un éclairage sur le rôle des mouvements sociaux dans le développement de secteurs émergents en ligne avec les valeurs d'un mouvement social. Le premier chapitre remet en cause l'idée selon laquelle activistes et entreprises ont des intérêts divergents et le cantonnement des mouvements sociaux à un rôle de confrontation.Les propositions développées visent à expliquer pourquoi les actions des organisations de mouvements sociaux (SMO)sns dimension d'opposition revêtent une importance pour les entreprises et à quelles conditions les SMO influencent les décisions stratégiques des entreprises. Le deuxième chapitre de la thèse examine si le soutien apporté aux organisations de mouvements sociaux proche d'une industrie est lié à une augmentation de l'engagement des entreprises au sein de ce secteur. Cette hypothèse est testée empiriquement et confirmée en utilisant une base de données longitudinale de producteurs européens de panneaux solaires. De plus, il est démontré que le type d'entreprise et le niveau d'engagement passé modèrent le lien entre le soutien apporté aux SMO et l'augmentation de l'engagement de l'entreprise vis-à-vis de l'industrie. Le dernier chapitre examine la mise en vigueur de politiques favorables aux énergies solaires au sein des pays de l'Union Européenne. Les résultats empiriques suggèrent que de telles politiques peuvent en partie s'expliquer par l'interaction entre la densité d'entreprises de novo dans un pays et le soutien aux SMO. Cette thèse contribue à la littérature en management stratégique, à la théorie des mouvements sociaux ainsi qu'à l'analyse de la création d'industries / This thesis sheds light on the role of social movement organizations in the developement of nascent sectors that are aligned with the values of a social movement.The first research chapter questions the assumption that activists and firms have divergent interests, and the emphasis on the confrontational role of social movements.Propositions are developed to explain why non-oppositional social movement organizations' (SMOs) actions matter for fims, and when SMOs willl influence firms' strategic behavior.The second research chapter investigates whether support for social movement organizations sympathetic to an industry is linked to increased commitments of firms to the focal sector.Using a unique longitudinal dataset of European solar cell producers, this hypothesis is tested empirically and confirmed; further, it is demonstrated that the type of firms and their prior commitments moderate the link between SMO support and increased firm commitment to the industry.The last research chapter investigates the enactment of favorable policies for solar energy across EU countries. Empirical findings suggest that such policies can be partly explained by the interaction between de novo firm density in a country and SMO support. This dissertation contributes to strategic management, social movement theory, and studies of industry creation

Cette thèse porte sur un objet sociologique en construction : les médias sociaux. Si le caractère tautologique de cette expression surprend de prime abord, l’absence de définition abordant cet objet sous un angle médiatique laisse entrevoir la récence et la complexité du concept. Par une approche empirique fondée sur l’étude des usages, des pratiques et des représentations des utilisateurs de ces nouveaux médias, nous poursuivons ici l’objectif de produire une analyse contextualisée de l’apparition d’un nouveau genre médiatique. La dimension interactionniste qui sous-tend la nature de ces médias guidera notre réflexion en accordant, de ce fait une place centrale, à la participation des utilisateurs actifs sur ces médias. De ces individus connectés et en réseau à leurs agrégations en audiences actives, nous nous intéresserons aux nouvelles formes d’expression de l’engagement. Nous tenterons alors d’apporter un regard sociologique à cet objet social, culturel et médiatique que sont les médias sociaux et sur la constitution des mouvements sociaux qu’ils supportent. / This thesis is focused on the analysis of a topic that is still a “work in progress” in Sociology: social media. Although this tautological expression may be amazing at first sight, it appears that no academic definition of social media has been proposed to date. This gap in academic research illustrates that this topic is both recent and complex. Therefore, our research aims to conduct a contextual analysis of the emergence of a new media. This research is based on an empirical approach through the study of uses, practices and representations of social media users. As social media are characterized by the interactionist dimension, our research will target active users. From these connected and networked people to active audiences, our analysis will focus on new ways related to involvement. Our research will contribute to the sociological understanding of a social, cultural and media topic that represents social media as well as the set up of social movements supported by social media.

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O trabalho apresenta o modelo de produção habitacional autogestionário do Programa Minha Casa Minha Vida a modalidade Entidades que se concentrou no contexto social e político construído por aquilo que se entende como lulismo, iniciado em 2003. Através de um retrato específico dos únicos nove conjuntos habitacionais concluídos na Região Metropolitana de São Paulo por esse modelo até dezembro de 2016, problematiza-se os limites entre política/programa, desejo/direito, centro/periferia, virtude/exceção, legal/ilegal, público/privado. Para tanto, localizamos esse modelo específico de produção de moradias de interesse social na ideia de margens, que é montada progressivamente ao longo da pesquisa em três escalas de leitura. Partimos das margens do lulismo para localizar a produção geral do Programa Minha Casa Minha Vida; em seguida, mergulhamos mais detalhadamente nas margens do PMCMV a fim de observar a produção específica de sua modalidade Entidades; e concluímos o trabalho analisando as margens do Entidades para, finalmente, alcançar os limites e injunções dessa produção na metrópole paulista. / The dissertation presents the self-managed housing production model of the Minha Casa Minha Vida Program (PMCMV) - the Entities modality - which started during the social and political context built by what is known as lulism, initiated in 2003. Through a specific portrait of the only nine housing complexes completed in the Metropolitan Region of São Paulo by this model, the limits between policy/program, desire/right, center/periphery, virtue/exception, legal/illegal, public/private are problematized. To do so, we locate this specific model of production of social interest housing in the idea of margins, which we set up progressively throughout the research in three scales. We started from the margins of lulism to locate the general production of the PMCMV. Then we delve more closely into the shores of the PMCMV in order to observe the specific production of the Entities modality. We conclude the work by analyzing the margins of Entities to finally reach the limits and injunctions of this production in the metropolis of São Paulo.

O trabalho apresenta o modelo de produção habitacional autogestionário do Programa Minha Casa Minha Vida a modalidade Entidades que se concentrou no contexto social e político construído por aquilo que se entende como lulismo, iniciado em 2003. Através de um retrato específico dos únicos nove conjuntos habitacionais concluídos na Região Metropolitana de São Paulo por esse modelo até dezembro de 2016, problematiza-se os limites entre política/programa, desejo/direito, centro/periferia, virtude/exceção, legal/ilegal, público/privado. Para tanto, localizamos esse modelo específico de produção de moradias de interesse social na ideia de margens, que é montada progressivamente ao longo da pesquisa em três escalas de leitura. Partimos das margens do lulismo para localizar a produção geral do Programa Minha Casa Minha Vida; em seguida, mergulhamos mais detalhadamente nas margens do PMCMV a fim de observar a produção específica de sua modalidade Entidades; e concluímos o trabalho analisando as margens do Entidades para, finalmente, alcançar os limites e injunções dessa produção na metrópole paulista. / The dissertation presents the self-managed housing production model of the Minha Casa Minha Vida Program (PMCMV) - the Entities modality - which started during the social and political context built by what is known as lulism, initiated in 2003. Through a specific portrait of the only nine housing complexes completed in the Metropolitan Region of São Paulo by this model, the limits between policy/program, desire/right, center/periphery, virtue/exception, legal/illegal, public/private are problematized. To do so, we locate this specific model of production of social interest housing in the idea of margins, which we set up progressively throughout the research in three scales. We started from the margins of lulism to locate the general production of the PMCMV. Then we delve more closely into the shores of the PMCMV in order to observe the specific production of the Entities modality. We conclude the work by analyzing the margins of Entities to finally reach the limits and injunctions of this production in the metropolis of São Paulo.

This study has focused on how the Facebook group #jagärhär has been working on inviting people to participate in the conversation against hate culture online. To examine this, we have conducted qualitative interviews with members and administrators from the group, and made a rhetorical text analysis on posts made in the group. The theoretical concepts used in the analysis are: convergence, participatory culture and democracy, collective intelligence, collective identity and doxa. By using these theoretical concepts, certain strategies in the group could be seen. Some of the most important strategies and tactics that could be seen were that the group had a strict structure - to facilitate engagement and participation - and that there was great focus on being encouraging and motivating in their language. It was also seen that it was important for the group to be visible in traditional media, and to be noticed by public figures - like celebrities - in order to be more visible and to inspire more people to participate / Denna studie har undersökt hur Facebookgruppen #jagärhär har gått till väga för att bjuda in till deltagande i samtalet mot hatkultur online. För att undersöka detta har vi gjort kvalitativa intervjuer med medlemmar och administratörer från gruppen, samt gjort en retorisk textanalys på inlägg som gjorts i gruppen. De teoretiska begrepp som använts i analysen är: konvergens, deltagarkultur och demokrati, kollektiv intelligens, kollektiv identitet och doxa. Genom att använda dessa teoretiska begrepp kunde vissa strategier i gruppen skönjas. Några av de viktigaste strategier och taktiker som kunde ses var att gruppen hade en tydlig struktur - för att underlätta engagemang och deltagande -  och att det var stort fokus på att vara uppmuntrande och motiverande i sitt språk. Det gick även att se att det var viktigt för gruppen att synas mycket i traditionella medier, samt att uppmärksammas av offentliga personer, för att kunna bli mer synliga och kunna inspirera fler till att delta.

The Great Recession that followed the financial crisis of 2008 had a devastating impact on workers, leading to high levels of unemployment and underemployment, increased job insecurity and stagnant or declining wages. While the legitimation crisis of neoliberalism could be viewed as a turning point for labour internationally, the immediate response by political parties across the spectrum was one of austerity measures and cuts to welfare. As the largest collective representatives of workers, trade unions are at the forefront of mobilisations attempting to challenge this consensus. Simultaneously, they are engaging in new activities to enhance public awareness and understanding of the crucial role that trade unions play in the labour market. Thus, the 21st century crisis is creating both challenges and opportunities. Each trade union movement’s response depends on the different forms of power they possess and choose to deploy, their strategies and allegiances, and the specific socio-economic and political context in which they are situated. Questions concerning what constitutes union power and the ways in which it is being exercised and revitalized therefore represent fascinating lines of enquiry to explore. To do so, however, requires a new perspective on trade union power that recognises the significance of the media which has been overlooked in industrial relations theory. Drawing on insights from industrial relations, the sociology of media and social movement studies, this thesis proposes the concept of communicative power to trace how trade unions produce and circulate discourse through the media (either union-owned or corporate) to a mass audience. Methodologically, it uses the tripartite approach which focuses our attention onto three key communication processes involved in trade union attempts to exercise communicative power: the production of union discourse, the circulation of union discourse, and the reception of union discourse. This is applied to four cases involving seven union organisations in the UK and Denmark over a five-year period 2010-2015. Data was gathered using 40 semi-structured interviews with union officials and activists, content analysis of newspapers, union media outlets and social media, and secondary survey data. In sum, this thesis argues that the media is, and always has been, central to how trade unions exercise and revitalize power in society. And within the context of accelerating digital capitalism, it looks set to becoming an increasingly important determinant of their future trajectory.