The study examines how Aboriginal workers and workers of colour experience union solidarity and explores the necessary conditions for the remaking of solidarity and the renewal of the labour movement. Grounded in anti-colonial discursive framework, the study analyzes the cultures and practices of labour solidarity through the lived experiences of Aboriginal activist and activists of colour within the Canadian labour movement. Utilizing the research methodologies of participatory action research, arts-informed research and critical autobiography, the research draws on the richness of the participants’ collective experiences and visual images co-created during the inquiry. The study also relies on the researcher’s self-narrative as a long time labour activist as a key part of the embodied knowledge production and sense making of a movement that is under enormous challenges and internal competing tension exacerbated by the neoliberal agenda. The findings reveal sense of profound gap between what participants experience as daily practices of solidarity and what they envisioned. Through the research process, the study explores and demonstrates the importance and potential of a more holistic and integrative critical education approach on anti-racism and decolonization. The study proposes a pedagogical framework on solidarity building with four interlinking components – rediscovering, restoring, reimagining and reclaiming – as a way to make whole for many Aboriginal activists and activists of colour within the labour movement. The pedagogy of solidarity offers a transformative process for activists to build solidarity across constituencies in the pursuit of labour renewal and social justice movement building.

The study examines how Aboriginal workers and workers of colour experience union solidarity and explores the necessary conditions for the remaking of solidarity and the renewal of the labour movement. Grounded in anti-colonial discursive framework, the study analyzes the cultures and practices of labour solidarity through the lived experiences of Aboriginal activist and activists of colour within the Canadian labour movement. Utilizing the research methodologies of participatory action research, arts-informed research and critical autobiography, the research draws on the richness of the participants’ collective experiences and visual images co-created during the inquiry. The study also relies on the researcher’s self-narrative as a long time labour activist as a key part of the embodied knowledge production and sense making of a movement that is under enormous challenges and internal competing tension exacerbated by the neoliberal agenda. The findings reveal sense of profound gap between what participants experience as daily practices of solidarity and what they envisioned. Through the research process, the study explores and demonstrates the importance and potential of a more holistic and integrative critical education approach on anti-racism and decolonization. The study proposes a pedagogical framework on solidarity building with four interlinking components – rediscovering, restoring, reimagining and reclaiming – as a way to make whole for many Aboriginal activists and activists of colour within the labour movement. The pedagogy of solidarity offers a transformative process for activists to build solidarity across constituencies in the pursuit of labour renewal and social justice movement building.

This thesis investigates two social movements in Turkey, the women&rsquo / s and LGBTT movements comparatively and in the light of available NSM theories. While brief histories of both movements are presented and all active LGBTT associations and groups in Turkey are introduced in the thesis, the main focus of the study is the LGBTT movement. Based on in depth interviews with 17 LGBTT activists, the evolution of this movement is traced and its current profile as well as its relationship to different branches of the women&rsquo / s movement are analysed in detail. The activities of the two movements during the legislative reforms in the 2000s are also examined. While findings of the thesis point to differences between the LGBTT and women&rsquo / s movements in Turkey, the interface of both movements with the state constitute a critical explanatory factor of their trajectories. The thesis also argues that the extent to which NSM theories can be used to explain these movements in the Turkish context is limited.

<p><em>The aim of this study is to analyze the concept of antiracism and explore what characterizes the kind of antiracism that the empirical examples presented in this study represent.</em> The empirical examples are instances of what I call antiracist actors. They are rooted in civil society, but also have strong connections with the government through government funding. The empirical data has been gathered through both qualitative and quantitative methods, mainly in the form of a survey and interviews. In order to explore the antiracist actors I have focused on three themes: (1) the shapes and forms of racism, (2) antiracism as a phenomenon, and (3) antiracism as a social arena. Through these themes I have gathered information about how the antiracist actors interpret their activities and the context in which they are working.</p><p>On the subject of the shapes and forms of racism, I establish that racism is a concept that is hard to define. The antiracist actors lack a common language regarding racism, which affects the antiracist rhetoric. Regarding antiracism as a phenomenon, I conclude that the antiracist strategies mainly consist of three components: (1) <em>knowledge is used as a strategic instrument</em> internally to strengthen the volunteers, (2) <em>knowledge is spread</em> externally to increase awareness of racism, and (3) the antiracist actors <em>deconstruct racist beliefs</em> when opposing racist opinions. Finally, I research antiracism as a social arena and study civil society and theories about social movements in order to explore organizational aspects of the antiracist actors. Using Alberto Meluccis’ social movement theories, there is some evidence to support the thesis that the antiracist actors could be defined as part of an antiracist movement. However, overall there are stronger arguments to suggest the opposite, mainly since the antiracist actors are not in opposition to one or more adversaries. Instead they work with target groups, sometimes targeting the general public, sometimes specific groups like children in a certain school.</p><p>The main conclusion from my study in this respect is that the antiracist actors are part of what I call <em>association-driven antiracism</em>. The associationdriven antiracism is <em>characterized by non-violent methods</em> and the antiracist actors do not focus on racist adversaries, instead <em>they work with target groups</em> trying to influence them in an antiracist way. The association-driven antiracism secures its continuity through networks, since many activities are project-based and only last for a limited period of time. Also, the antiracist actors are not representatives <em>of particular political parties</em>, instead they <em>gather around the question at hand, antiracism</em>. The antiracist actors within the association-driven antiracism are in close collaboration with the government and partly finance their activities with government funding. This collaboration can be explained as a <em>positive steering process</em>, the rulers (the government) and those who are ruled (the antiracist actors) agree on an antiracist ideology and work in the same direction.</p>

八輕的興建由於具備提振經濟發展的功能，受到熱烈歡迎；卻也因為其對環境生態影響甚鉅，引發當地居民的反對聲浪，以及全國各地的環保團體串連抗議，導致進度延宕。這種經濟與環保衝突的鄰避型設施，在廠址的選擇上，因為必須要滿足社會大眾的需求，而成為環境決策相當重要的一環。只是，同樣渴望經濟發展的雲林縣與嘉義縣，為何八輕最後會選擇落腳雲林而非嘉義？決策過程中的利害關係人又是如何互動？研究結果發現，雖然政商聯盟在中央決策場域上佔有優勢，然廠址抉擇的關鍵仍在於地方的政治生態。嘉義黃林兩派對立的政治生態，讓主政黃派在爭取開發案上，因受到林派為反對而反對的掣肘，中油倍感經營不易而退出；在雲林張派獨大的情形下，沒有足以抗衡的反對勢力，而有利於八輕的進駐。此外，無論在中央或地方的層級，環保團體都企圖在政治力的夾縫中求生存，以阻擋政商聯盟的不正義開發。地方民眾則因利益不同而選擇與派系或環保團體結盟。 / The building of 8th Naphtha Cracking Project is so popular because of its function of promoting economic development. However, local residents have great opposition to it because of its giant influence on environment. Furthermore, the series of representations from the environmental groups have made the work progress at a very low pace. The siting of nimby facility which causes the conflict between economic development and environment protection has become an important part of decision making because it has to satisfy all kinds of needs in the society. Then, we may wonder why 8th Naphtha Cracking Project chooses Yun-lin County instead of Chia-yi County since both of them are eager to develop their own economics, and how the stakeholders interact during the decision making process. The study finds out that politicoeconomic coalitions control the national political arena, and they seem to monopolize decision making process. But the local political ecology is the key to siting. In Chia-yi County, Huang Faction is in confrontation with Lin Faction. Although Huang Faction makes efforts to win the developing project, Lin Faction just protests without particular reasons. Finally, CPC gives up the project because it is so difficult to run business in this situation. On the other hand, Chang Faction is so dominant that there is no political opposition movement in Yun-lin County. And that fosters the coming of 8th Naphtha Cracking Project. In addition, no matter in central or local level, environmental groups try to influence policy to prevent the unjust development from politicoeconomic coalitions. And the local residents enter into strategic coalitions with factions or environmental groups due to different interests.

1990年代後期，以新自由主義（neoliberalism）為基調的全球化論述漸成為主流的經濟發展理論。然而，隨著新自由主義式全球化不斷推進，世界卻日益分化、貧富差距日益嚴重。因此，反全球化浪潮逐漸在全球各地迅速蔓延。 本研究由2005年香港反全球化示威出發，採用批判論述分析方法，以《中國時報》與《東方日報》為例，由低層次至高層次針對文本、論述實踐與社會文化實踐進行分析，藉以探究台港兩地主流報紙如何再現此一事件。 文本分析將焦點置於兩報在語言層次上如何再現反全球化運動。研究結果發現，兩報共出現六種意識型態機制再現反全球化運動。除強化反全球化運動既定的刻板印象外，亦透過負面指謂與描繪將反全球化運動邊緣化於主流價值之外。總體來說，《東方日報》對反全球化運動之誤現不論是在數量上抑或程度上皆遠高於《中國時報》。 藉由論述實踐分析，將得以揭露隱匿於文本背後之框架與其意識型態歸屬。研究發現，反全球化人士於《中國時報》較常成為論述主角，其意見較得被完整呈現；《東方日報》則傾向突顯官方論述與發言。對於衝突事件，《中國時報》與《東方日報》兩報各自建構「民主人權」與「法律秩序」作為其召喚我群的共識假定。而在全球化爭議的論述形構上，《中國時報》文本的論述實踐運作呈現出「全球正義與民主框架」以及「傾保護政策框架」；《東方日報》文本的論述實踐運作則呈現「傾自由貿易框架」。 社會文化實踐分析旨在將文本置於社會文化脈絡中解讀，耙梳兩報論述實踐運作之社會文化意涵。本研究認為，肇因於兩地在政經脈絡發展以及媒體本身立場上的差異，《東方日報》論述實踐偏向常規式的社會性建構，有助於再製並維繫既存的新自由主義論述秩序；《中國時報》論述實踐則偏向創造式的社會性建構，有助於轉變既存的新自由主義論述秩序。 / In the post-90s era, neoliberal globalization theories framed the mainstream philosophies of economic development. This progression however, was no solution to augmenting economic, social and political differences in the world and the widening gap between the deprived and wealthy. In fact, it might have sown the seeds for the waves of anti-globalization movements that ensued. This study exams the anti-globalization protest that broke out in Hong Kong during 2005 and, using the China Times and Oriental Daily News coverage as case studies, takes a bottom-up analysis approach at examining how the mainstream media in Taiwan and Hong Kong each represented the event. Textual analysis on the two media’s coverage drew attention to six different ideological mechanisms in their representation approaches. In addition to reinforcing the negative stereotypical connotations of anti-globalization, the movement is also further marginalized through the use of negative descriptivism and labels. On the whole, the frequency and magnitude of misrepresentation of the anti-globalization movement made by the Oriental Daily News is far greater than the China Times. Analysis of discourse practice unveils the hidden frames and ideology behind the text. Grievances of anti-globalization protestors are voiced by China Times, while authoritarian monologues frequent on the Oriental Daily News. In conflicting circumstances, the China Times appeals to a sense of “democracy and human rights”, while the Oriental Daily News calls on “law and order” as their slogans to assemble we-group consensus. In their discursive formation on the globalization issue, the China Times outlines global justice & democracy and protective policy frames; the Oriental Daily News on the other hand endorses pro-liberal trade frames. Analysis of sociocultural practice interprets the text within context of the social and cultural backgrounds. To sum up, due to differences in political and economic developments in Taiwan and Hong Kong and respective media predispositions, the Oriental Daily News discourse has a conventional socially constitutive function that maintains and reproduces the neoliberal orders of discourse; the China Times discourse has a creative socially constitutive function that endeavors to transform existing neoliberal regimes.

近幾年的大規模社會抗爭運動，不像過往傳統社運組織由上而下的動員，強調一致的意識形態和認同作為號召，而是透過網際網路與社交媒體的訊息擴散與中介動員，形成水平式的串連。面對這種新型態的網絡化社會運動，Bennett & Segerberg（2013）提出連結性行動（connective action）概念，強調個人化行動框架的重要性，以及組織在這些新型態社會運動中扮演的不同角色。本研究以2013年苗栗大埔農地徵收一案作為本地的連結性行動個案，觀察社交媒體上的浮現社群和既有的社運組織之連結，探討線上與線下參與者之串連如何使此案成為眾所關注的社會抗爭事件。 　　本研究採取複合式研究方法進行資料蒐集與分析，研究場域包括線上社交媒體與線下田野觀察，並訪談實際參與者。研究發現，在2013年苗栗大埔事件中，透過社交媒體的訊息擴散與動員參與，一波又一波的訊息擴散累積為下次的動員能量，號召更多的個別行動者參與；再者，社運組織作為一個連結平台，讓線上社交媒體的議題社群，有機會與在地抗爭者共同參與活動，並捲動不同社運組織之間的連結，形成社運組織「網絡的網絡」的協作圈。 / In the 2013, residents of Miao-li Da-pu fought for their living right against the government. They organized a series of protest by mobilizing people through social media. This was one of the several high-profile networked social movements in recent years. Adopting “the logic of connective action” from Bennett & Segerberg (2013) as the conceptual framework, this study examines the online and offline social networks of activist organizations during the protest events of Miao-li Da-pu. This analysis indicates that the protest’s information flows on the social media may recruit more individuals to participate the protest. Moreover, the organizations enabled “the network of networks”, which is linked to the networks belonging to different organizations. The role of organization in the protest is not only to mobilize the resources but also an enrolling platform to connect various individuals and local residents to work together.

With the ultimate goal of illustrating the ways that queer youth employ change and act as agents of self-representation, this project examines the relationship between the It Gets Better Project, a queer adult project focused upon ‘bettering‘ the lives of their younger generation, and the Make it Better Project created in response by queer youth. This thesis addresses the following questions: How do adult conceptualizations of queer youth as vulnerable victims operate within discourses that employ queer youth as agents of change? In what ways do queer youth grapple with such conceptualizations? Furthermore, how might queer youth actively resist adult narratives of risk, vulnerability, and surveillance? Seeking to not only examine the ways in which queer youth negotiate adult narratives of adolescent risk and vulnerability, this project is organized to highlight the ways in which queer youth understand and experience their own representational and performative narratives, particularly when performed in response to adult narratives. In examination of the “It Gets Better: Dan and Terry” (2010a) and “It Gets Better: President Barack Obama” (2010c) vlogs of the It Gets Better Project, this thesis seeks to uncover the ways that assimilationist goals of inclusion, tolerance, and equality impact the intelligibility of queer youth. As a means for which to explore the possible resistance employed to counter such silencing mechanisms, the examination turns to three youth-produced vlogs of the Make it Better Project. An additional intent of the focus on the “LGBTQ Youth Speak Out”, “Make it Better Project” and “Make it Better Project - You Can Make it Better Now!” vlogs is to construct a space to analyze the complex and fluid dynamics of queer youth communities. With focus given to the various mechanisms employed by the adult and youth performers of these particular vlog-narratives, this project constructs an interdisciplinary framework of new social movement theory, new online media studies, queer theory, quare (queer of color) studies, feminist sociolinguistics, and critical youth studies as a means to position queer youth voices at the forefront of discussion. With the goal of continuing research that represents queer youth as agents of their own experiences, bodies, lives, and identities, it is my hope that the framework provided by this examination will inspire future work that highlights and centers the voices of queer youth. / text

Ce mémoire de maîtrise traite d’un phénomène qui a gagné en importance dans les études sur l’Amérique latine : l’exploitation des ressources naturelles par des compagnies étrangères et l’augmentation des mouvements de résistance des populations locales contre l’implantation de ces compagnies. Délaissant l’accent généralement placé sur la naissance de ces mouvements, les impacts du temps sur les transformations du phénomène de résistance sont mesurés et analysés. Le cas de la compagnie minière canadienne Goldcorp Inc., exploitant de l’or dans la vallée de Siria, au Honduras, illustre à merveille les diverses techniques utilisées lors d’une lutte de longue haleine par une population rurale désirant résister à une compagnie transnationale au capital économique, politique et scientifique plus important. Ainsi, les dynamiques du mouvement de résistance soulignent des changements dans sa forme première à la suite de l’intrusion de nouveaux acteurs locaux et internationaux. Des identités, construites avec l’arrivée de la mine, sont aussi en jeu chez les groupes qui s’affrontent dans la région. L’étude d’un mouvement vers la fin de sa vie indique, de plus, le besoin de redéfinir la résistance et de sortir d’un schème purement actif vers un qui inclut aussi l’aspect discursif et moral dans sa définition. / This research deals with a phenomenon growing in interest in Latin American studies: natural resources exploitation from foreign companies and the growth of local resistance movements against the implementation of these companies. Going away from the general emphasis put on the birth of these movements, transformations due to the impact of time are instead measured and analyzed. The specific case of Goldcorp Inc. a Canadian mining company exploiting gold in the Siria Valley, Honduras, illustrates perfectly many tactics used by a rural population in an extensive battle and who wishes to resist to a multinational company that have more social, economic and politic power. Therefore, the resistance movement’s dynamics illustrate the changes in its primary form after the arrival of new local and international actors. Identities, build with the beginning of the mining exploitation, are also in play within the groups that are clashing in the region. Moreover, the study of a movement close to the end of its life demonstrate the need to redefine the notion of resistance in order to move away from the purely active form of it and include as well the discursive and moral aspects in its definition.

Ce mémoire étudie les conditions d’émergence du mouvement Tea Party. Nous cherchons à savoir si la mobilisation a été facilitée par la présence d’opportunités politiques, telles que proposées dans la littérature sur les mouvements sociaux. À l’aide d’une analyse de contenu, il a été possible d’observer trois opportunités dans une période comprise entre février 2009 et octobre 2010. Dans cette même période, il a été aussi possible d’identifier la fréquence et la nature de la mobilisation, qui prend la forme de protestations et de réunions informelles. Nous en arrivons à la conclusion que ces opportunités étaient présentes lors de l’émergence du mouvement social. En effet, la présence d’enjeux spécifiques, d’une division partisane ainsi que d’alliés coïncide avec une augmentation substantielle de la mobilisation. Les élections de mi-mandat semblent avoir transformé un mouvement axé sur les protestations vers une action politique conventionnelle. / This thesis looks at the emerging conditions of the Tea Party movement. Our main effort was to know if the mobilization has been facilitated by political opportunities, as theorized by the social movement framework. By using a content analysis method, it was possible to observe three opportunities in a period between February 2009 and October 2010. During this period, it was also possible to look at the frequency and the nature of the mobilization, which takes the form of protests and informal meetings. I find that these opportunities were there during the emerging phase of the Tea Party. It is reasonable to think that the presence of specific issues, division within political coalitions and support of allies explain the substantial increase of the mobilization. Those external conditions seem to have turned a protest-based movement into a traditional political movement, eager to win the 2010 midterm elections.