Cette recherche de thèse de doctorat se propose de réaliser une anthropologie de la reconnaissance sociale au Brésil à partir des revendications de « dignité » du Mouvement social des travailleurs ruraux Sans Terre (MST).Pour comprendre cette exigence de reconnaissance (Taylor, 1992), et définir dans quelle mesure l’engagement des travailleurs ruraux dans la lutte du MST résulte d’une motivation affective issue d’expériences de mépris social (Honneth, 2000), la réflexion se centre dans un premier temps sur les conditions sociohistoriques de constitution des travailleurs ruraux au Brésil. L’étude de l’historiographie brésilienne permet ainsi de mettre en lumière comment les valeurs de la société brésilienne, la nature de la structure agraire héritée de la colonie portugaise, les rapports de domination entre grands propriétaires terriens et travailleurs ruraux basés sur la « domination personnelle » ainsi que les représentations des travailleurs ruraux ont participé de la construction de cette population comme une population subalterne (Spivak, 1988). La recherche s’intéresse ensuite aux pratiques développées par le MST pour reconquérir une dignité. Basées sur un usage politique de l’artistique, ces pratiques sont instituées dans le mouvement social au sein du « Setor de Cultura » (Secteur de la Culture) et combinent les deux aspects des théories de la reconnaissance sociale : l’« auto-reconnaissance » en termes d’estime de soi (Honneth, 2000), et, la reconnaissance sociale en termes de politiques publiques (Fraser, 2005). C’est pourquoi, l’analyse de ces pratiques s’appuie dans un premier temps sur l’ethnographie des moments de socialisation développés par le « Setor de Cultura » pour saisir jusqu’où ils permettent de créer un sentiment d’identification au MST et donnent aux travailleurs ruraux l’opportunité de se constituer en tant que sujets politiques. L’analyse interroge ensuite les usages de la musique et du théâtre visant à transformer la représentation dominante des « Sans Terre » dans la société brésilienne, et à rendre ainsi légitime la réalisation de la Réforme Agraire aux yeux de l’opinion publique. / This research takes aim to realize an anthropology of social recognition in Brazil based on the study of the Landness social mouvement’s (MST) revendications of « dignity ».To understand these recognition’s demands (Taylor, 1992), and how the commitment of peasants into the MST’s struggle is based on an affective motivation determinated by experiences of social comtempt (Honneth, 2000), this reflexion focus at first on the sociohistorical conditions of the peasant’s constitution in Brazil. The study of brasilian historiography allows to determine how the brasilian society’s values, the land structure’s nature inherited from the portuguese colony, the domination’s relations between the big landowners and the peasants based on the « personal domination » and the social representations of the peasants had participed to build this population as a subaltern population (Spivak, 1988). Then, this research take an interest in the pratices developped by the MST to recover a dignity. Making a politic use of the artistic, these pratices are instituted in the social movement in the « Setor de Cultura » (Culture’s Sector) and combine the two aspects of the social recognition’s theories : the « auto-recognition » in terms of self’s esteem (Honneth, 2000), and, the social recognition in terms of publics policies (Fraser, 2005). That’s why, the analysis of these practices is first based on the ethnography of the socialisation’s moments developed by the « Setor de Cultura » to understanding however they allow to create an identification’s feeling within the MST and give an opportunity to the peasant to form them as politic subjects. Then, the analysis questions the music and theater’s uses aiming to transforme the Landless dominant representation in brazilian society, making like this as legitimated the achievement of the Land Reform for the outside word. / Essa tese de doutorado tem como objetivo de realizar uma antropologia do reconhecimento social no Brasil a partir das reivindicações de « dignidade » do Movimento social dos trabalhadores rurais Sem Terra (MST).Para entender essa exigência de reconhecimento (Taylor, 1992), e tentar esclarecer de que maneira o engajamento dos trabalhadores rurais na luta do MST é o resultado de uma motivação afetiva alimentada de experiências de desprezo social (Honneth, 2000). Nossa reflexão se concentra num primeiro tempo sobre as condições socio-históricas de constituição dos trabalhadores rurais no Brasil. O estudo da historiografia brasileira permite salientar como os valores da sociedade brasileira, a natureza da estrutura agrária herdada da colonização portuguesa, as relações de dominação entre os latifundiários e os trabalhadores rurais baseadas na « dominação pessoal » assim como as representações dos trabalhadores rurais participaram da construção dessa população como uma população subalterna (Spivak, 1988). Depois, a pesquisa se interessa nas práticas desenvolvidas pelo MST pela reconquista de sua dignidade. Baseadas no uso político do artístico, essas práticas foram formalizadas no movimento social dentro do « Setor de Cultura » e combinam os dois aspectos das teorias do reconhecimento social : o « auto reconhecimento » em termos de autoestima (Honneth, 2000) e, o reconhecimento social em termos de políticas públicas (Fraser, 2005). No entanto, a análise dessas práticas se apoia num primeiro tempo sobre a etnografia dos momentos de socialização desenvolvidos pelo « Setor de Cultura » para entender até onde eles permitem de criar um sentimento de identificação ao MST e dão aos trabalhadores rurais a oportunidade de se constituir como sujeitos políticos. A análise interroga num segundo tempo os usos da música e do teatro que tem como objetivo transformar a representação dominante dos « Sem Terra » na sociedade brasileira, e assim defender e mostrar a legitimidade da realização da Reforma Agrária aos olhos da opinião pública.

Cette thèse interroge les processus de communication qui autorisent la construction du microcrédit - pratique de prêts à des personnes pauvres - comme cause internationale. Un réseau d’acteurs nommé « Campagne du Sommet du Microcrédit » milite activement pour sa reconnaissance en tant qu’outil de lutte contre la pauvreté. L’étude de ses pratiques et des formes de son discours éclaire les conditions de possibilité logistique et symbolique de la conversion d’une technique financière en cause louable, endossable et universalisable.L’approche communicationnelle de cet objet se formule au croisement de deux axes théoriques qui forment les deux niveaux d’analyse d’un matériau composite - documentaire et ethnographique.Le premier axe concerne la démarche stratégique d’« entrepreneurs de cause » qui défendent une thématique et en accompagnent la trajectoire publique. Il questionne les conditions de la visibilité de la cause et met, ainsi, en évidence les contraintes d’une exigence de visibilité et les normes d’action et de justification qu’elle impose aux acteurs.Le second axe s’attache aux médiations symboliques - formes intercalaires, rémanentes et circulantes - qui incarnent la cause en-Deçà et au-Delà des déclarations d’intention. Il interroge, alors, sa lisibilité en élucidant les régimes de construction de deux figures nécessaires et complémentaires - le micro et le macroentrepreneur - et leurs effets de sens paradoxaux.La thèse confronte donc les « arrière-Pensées » des formes aux intentions stratégiques des acteurs qui les mobilisent et éclaire ainsi la mécanique d’inscription d’une perspective contemporaine du traitement de la pauvreté dans son « ordre de discours ». / Microcredit is a widespread financial tool, originally designed to lend small amounts of money to very poor people.This thesis questions the communication processes that enabled its construction as an international cause. Microcredit Summit Campaign is a network of organizations that strongly advocates for the acknowledgement of microcredit as a tool to fight poverty . The study of its practices and the forms of its discourse highlights the logistic and symbolic conditions required for the conversion of a financial theory into a praiseworthy, endorsable and universal cause.Drawing on a discourse and semiotic analysis of documented and ethnographical sources, the communicational approach of this topic links together two theoretical perspectives.On the one hand, it focuses on Microcredit Summit Campaign as a social movement organization and discusses the symbolic constraints imposed by a requirement for visibility in the public sphere. It influences their eligibility as spokeperson, their standards of action and their modes of justification.On the other hand, the thesis questions the legibility of microcredit as a cause. In this perspective, it analyzes the symbolic mediations that allow it to be embodied. To support the analysis, two compatible actors – “microentrepreneur” and “macroentrepreneur” - are strategically used in the discourse. The study of their characteristics reveals a paradoxical symbolic meaning and effect.Thus, the thesis confronts the "ulterior motives" of the semiotic forms used to support the discourse with the strategic intentions. In doing so, it sheds light on how a contemporary perspective on treating poverty is symbolically integrated in its " orders of discourse ".

This study investigates the use of violence by Salafi-Oriented Movement Organisations. Drawing mostly from Social Movement Theory’s “political opportunity” and “resource mobilisation” thesis, it uses the Northern Nigerian-born Boko Haram (BH) to study how such organisation evolved and used different forms of violent activisms for goal attainment. On that basis, three main research questions were formulated: (1) What socio-political structures enabled the evolution of the organisation in Northern Nigeria? (2) Under what conditions did BH begin to use armed violence against the Nigerian State? (3) What specific forms of armed violence did BH use and how were such forms of strategy sustained within the organisation? In answering these questions, the study relied on data collected through one-on-one semi-structured interviews from religious leaders in Northern Nigeria (particularly those within the Salafi networks); selected politicians in the areas where the group operates; some Nigerian security personnel, and on focus group interviews from victims of BH violence. In addition, the study also drew from other documentary sources (videos and audio recordings from different leaders in the group), and from internal correspondence between BH leaders and those of al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb. Along the primary data, these documentary sources showed a striking historical continuity about the emergence and activities of BH from inception, up until they began using violence as a means for goal attainment. The data showed that while the emergence of the group was dependent on specific Northern Nigerian socio-political and mobilisatory structures, the adoption and sustenance of different forms of violence in the group were re-enforced by the interactions between the group’s leadership and the Borno state government; the violent response of the Nigerian government to the group's initial anti-state rhetoric; the mobilisation of different material resources (accruing from the organisation’s interactions and collaborations with similar international Salafi networks) and the internal dynamics in the group (competition between the different factions in the organisation). These inter-related conditions provided the windows of opportunity upon which both the establishment of the group, as well as the internal logic for the development and justification of different forms of violence were sustained within the organisation. / Religious Studies and Arabic / D. Litt. et Phil. (Religious Studies)

本論文從轉型理論與大眾動員理論來探討蒙古與台灣在民主轉型時期其影響選舉制度與憲政制度的因素。其中，將選舉制度進一步區分為總統選舉制度和國會選舉制度，以了解政治菁英間的互動與社會運動此兩個自變項的影響力。在民主鞏固時期，本論文則聚焦在影響兩國採取不同憲政體制的因素，欲探討政治菁英改革的動機與當時政治脈絡如何促使蒙古採用總理總統制，如何使得台灣採用總統議會制。此外，社會運動對當時政治菁英是否亦發揮一定程度的作用，是否提升或阻礙憲政的改革，亦是本研究探討重點之一。 本研究指出兩國在民主轉型時期，既有統治菁英在民主改革的壓力下，開始與反對運動菁英協商，既有的政治菁英有較大的決定權。政治菁英之間的互動是政治改革的重要推進力量，而下面的大衆抗議社會運動則提供了這些菁英之間達成協商的條件，其導致憲政改革或選舉制度改革。在憲政制度上，除了既有憲政遺緒與政治文化外，政治菁英間的不同偏好，亦影響兩國憲政體制的發展。在蒙古，制度的遺續應使得憲政體制傾向於總統制，但大多數菁英偏好權力較為分散的議會制，在政治協商下，最後促成半總統制的施行。在台灣，保守派政治菁英與改革派政治菁英的互動促成半總統制的影響，不過，也存在相關程度上的社會運動間接影響。 在民主鞏固時期台灣和蒙古皆是由政治菁英主導修憲，其中政治菁英間的互動主要影響憲政體制的設計，取得總統職位的民進黨和掌握立法院多數的國民黨政治菁英間的互動因素使得台灣偏向總統議會制，而掌握國會多數的民主黨和反對勢力人革黨政治菁英互動使得蒙古採用總理總統制。然而，公民社會對憲政體制設計並沒有直接的影響，但兩國的公民社會對於新生民主體制的鞏固扮演著重要角色。 綜言之，本研究所論有關政治菁英的互動與公民社會回顧如何影響選舉制度與憲政制度的設計，由於蒙古和台灣的經驗來看，大抵可了解政治菁英的改革動機與社會運動的壓力，是特定選舉制度與憲政制度被建立的重要關鍵。 / In this dissertation, the theory of transition and mass mobilization trying to explore different factors between Mongolia and Taiwan in the period of democratic transition and its impact on the electoral system and constitutional system. The electoral system will be further divided into presidential and parliamentary, to understand the interaction of political elites, the social movements, and their influence on the electoral and constitutional systems. Then, this dissertation will focus on the factors of democratic consolidation, affecting Mongolia and Taiwan to develop into a different constitutional system, the political elite reform motivation and how the political context promoted the premier-presidentialism in Mongolia, and how Taiwan acquired the president-parliamentarism. Moreover, to understand whether social movements played a certain degree of influence on the political elites, or whether they enhanced or hindered the constitutional reform is also one of the priorities of this investigation research. The dissertation also pointed out the ruling elite under the pressure of democratic reform, when they began negotiations with the opposition movement elites, they had greater discretion. The interaction among the political elite was an important force to promote political reform, and the following Mongolia public protest social movement created the conditions to reach consensus among these elites, which led to constitutional reforms or the reform of electoral systems. On the constitutional system, in addition to the existing constitutional legacy of the political culture, the different preferences among the political elites, but also affect the development of the two countries constitutional system. In Mongolia, institutional legacy made constitutional system tend to presidentialism, however most of the political elites prefer a more decentralized parliamentary system, in political consultations finally led to the implementation of semi-presidentialism. In Taiwan, the interaction with the conservative and the reformist political elite contributed to the impact of semi-presidentialism, however, there are indirect effects on the relevance of social movements either. The period of democratic consolidation in Taiwan and Mongolia was dominated by the political elites on constitutional system, the interaction among the political elites mainly affected the establishment of the constitutional system. The DPP won the presidency and the KMT the parliamentary majority, and the interaction of these political elites tend to shape Taiwan’s president-parliamentarism. In Mongolia, the Democratic Party political elite, with parliamentary majority, and the opposition MPRP political elite interaction evolved to premier-presidentialism. Although civil society had no direct impact on the constitutional system establishment, however, the development of civil society in Taiwan and Mongolia played an important role to consolidate the nascent democratic institutions. In conclusion, from Mongolian and Taiwan experience, we can understand that the motivation for the reforms of the political elite and the social movement pressure are the key for a particular electoral and constitutional system to be established.

Social economy community development organizations (SECDOs) are social service organizations that provide poverty relief but do not necessarily inspire a counter-hegemonic antipoverty strategy against a neoliberal welfare state. Tension between providing human social services and engaging in advocacy is at the core of how SECDOs may be both complicit to as well as working against the neoliberalization of the welfare state. This study explores how SECDOs can nurture a new paradigm for community economic development organizations. Through a case study of a Canadian settlement house, the research demonstrates how transforming work may encourage a culture of organic intellectualism or, a culture of emancipatory consciousness-raising. By re-organizing workplace practices, such as working collaboratively, providing a hub for services and engaging in popular education, transformative SECDOs help provide the conditions for citizens to affect governance. The research theorizes how SECDOs may foster a culture of organic intellectualism to promote the transformative social economy.

Social economy community development organizations (SECDOs) are social service organizations that provide poverty relief but do not necessarily inspire a counter-hegemonic antipoverty strategy against a neoliberal welfare state. Tension between providing human social services and engaging in advocacy is at the core of how SECDOs may be both complicit to as well as working against the neoliberalization of the welfare state. This study explores how SECDOs can nurture a new paradigm for community economic development organizations. Through a case study of a Canadian settlement house, the research demonstrates how transforming work may encourage a culture of organic intellectualism or, a culture of emancipatory consciousness-raising. By re-organizing workplace practices, such as working collaboratively, providing a hub for services and engaging in popular education, transformative SECDOs help provide the conditions for citizens to affect governance. The research theorizes how SECDOs may foster a culture of organic intellectualism to promote the transformative social economy.

Submitted by Milena Ginjo (milena.ginjo@gmail.com) on 2016-10-21T19:44:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Milena de Mayo Ginjo.pdf: 3649372 bytes, checksum: aefb7f19954192c3ae3ac11e028fb373 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Suzinei Teles Garcia Garcia (suzinei.garcia@fgv.br) on 2016-10-24T10:50:20Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Milena de Mayo Ginjo.pdf: 3649372 bytes, checksum: aefb7f19954192c3ae3ac11e028fb373 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-24T10:53:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Milena de Mayo Ginjo.pdf: 3649372 bytes, checksum: aefb7f19954192c3ae3ac11e028fb373 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-08-29 / On January 22, 2012, eight thousand people were forcibly evicted from their homes as a result of judicial decison that determined the repossession of the area. This happened in a litigation started in 2004, when the company's bankrupt estate Selecta Industry and Trade S.A. proposed the repossession against the residents of Pinheirinho occupation in São José dos Campos, São Paulo. Given these facts, the main goal of this study is to focus attention on the justice system before the conflict processing. We wanted to understand how the actors of this system influence the urban space and how was the legal mobilization of Pinheirinho actors around the judicial process. How the legal instruments were articulated to resist the repressive state? Through the dogmatic reconstruction of the land conflict, through judicial proceedings instituted from the Pinheirinho foundation in 2004, we observe how the space of the judicial process is configured in a dispute arena of social movements around the meanings of rights and the roles of the Rule of Law. / Em 22 de janeiro de 2012, oito mil pessoas foram removidas forçadamente de suas casas em consequência do cumprimento de uma decisão liminar de reintegração de posse. Essa decisão foi tomada nos autos de um processo judicial iniciado em 2004, em que a Massa Falida da empresa Selecta Indústria e Comércio S.A. propôs uma ação de reintegração de posse contra os moradores da ocupação Pinheirinho, em São José dos Campos, São Paulo. Diante desses fatos, o objetivo do trabalho consiste em focar a atenção no sistema de justiça diante do processamento do conflito. Com isso, queremos compreender como os atores desse sistema influenciam na produção do espaço urbano e como se deu a mobilização jurídica dos atores do Pinheirinho em torno do processo judicial. De que maneira os instrumentos jurídicos foram articulados para resistir ao aparelho repressivo do Estado? Para isso, através da reconstrução dogmática do conflito fundiário, por meio dos procedimentos judiciais instaurados a partir da fundação do Pinheirinho em 2004, observamos como o espaço do processo judicial se configura em arena de disputa do movimento social em torno dos significados do direitos e dos papeis do Estado Democrático de Direito.

SILVA, Maria Aparecida. Trajetórias de mulheres negras líderes de movimentos sociais em Araraquara - SP: estratégias sociais na construção do modo de vida. 2011. 186f. Tese (Doutorado em Educação) - Universidade Federal do Ceará, Faculdade de Educação, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação Brasileira, Fortaleza-CE, 2011. / Submitted by Maria Josineide Góis (josineide@ufc.br) on 2012-07-27T16:17:07Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2011_Tese_MASilva.pdf: 10964142 bytes, checksum: fdea9933879d52a3680e3695b1be0c6b (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Josineide Góis(josineide@ufc.br) on 2012-08-01T14:55:39Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2011_Tese_MASilva.pdf: 10964142 bytes, checksum: fdea9933879d52a3680e3695b1be0c6b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-08-01T14:55:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2011_Tese_MASilva.pdf: 10964142 bytes, checksum: fdea9933879d52a3680e3695b1be0c6b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / This thesis is about the experience of black women living in two different neighbourhoods of Araraquara, state of São Paulo, named Santana and Vila Xavier, who take part in the Black social movement, organizing cultural events or who attend a mainly afro-Brazilian environment. This research is qualitative and starts in the 1970s and ends 2010. Interviews were used as a methodological tool to collect the data featuring orally handed down history. Based on the interviews with 21 black women, their social environment, their insertion into the mainly afro-Brazilian community, the importance of education and schooling, and the significance of their areas of influence and action were reconstructed. The aim of this research is to verify, unveil and understand the social strategies elaborated by these women based on their experience by constructing a way of life that contributes to the strengthening of their identity, their development and performance in the Black social movement. These concerns arise as a way to broaden the comprehension of how this part of the population is perceived by a society that has defined its social roles. Roles that are in a sort of way subtly imposed and absorbed as a mean, by which social relationships are built and maintained. The approach is based on three main points of discussion: gender, ethnic-racial and black social movement. As the research is focused on women it’s inconceivable not to address the differences such as the relationship of power between sexes, and given they are black women, the ethnic-racial discussion about discrimination, particularities and singularities is possible but also the black social movement as a path to education, training and empowerment as a leader. Making them visible is to rescue them from the margins of society and to build a new history. / Esta tese versa sobre as experiências de mulheres negras participantes do movimento social negro, organizadoras de eventos culturais e ou freqüentadoras de espaço de maioria afrodescendente moradoras de dois bairros da cidade de Araraquara, interior de São Paulo, a saber: o Santana e a Vila Xavier. A investigação é qualitativa e procede a partir da década de 1970 a 2010 com o recurso metodológico da história oral tendo como ferramenta para a coleta de dados a entrevista, com depoimentos de 21 mulheres negras que resultou na reconstrução de seus espaços de sociabilidade, no envolvimento na comunidade de maioria afrodescendente, na representação da educação e da escola e no significado dos espaços de atuação em suas vidas. A finalidade é verificar, desvelar e perceber nas experiências dessas mulheres negras as estratégias sociais elaboradas na construção de modos de vida que contribuíram no fortalecimento da identidade, formação e atuação nos movimentos sociais negros. Estas preocupações surgem como uma forma de ampliar a compreensão de como esse contingente se encontra perante a sociedade que tem definido seus papéis sociais. Papéis, aliás, que acabam sendo, de alguma forma, impostos e absorvidos sutilmente como a maneira através das quais as relações sociais são mantidas. A abordagem está fundamentada em três eixos de discussões: gênero, étnicorracial e movimento social negro. Como a pesquisa é com mulheres, é inegável enfrentar as diferenças percebidas como relação de poder entre os sexos e são mulheres negras, o que possibilita a discussão étnicorracial, percebendo as discriminações, as particularidades e singularidades e também o movimento social negro na perspectiva de encaminhamento à formação e empoderamento na condição de liderança. Visibilizá-las significa tirá-las das margens que aparece na sociedade, e construir outra história.

Trois jours avant les élections nationales de 2010 au Royaume-Uni, l’association London Citizens réunit les trois principaux prétendants à la fonction de Premier Ministre. Parmi les 2 200 personnes présentes dans la salle, certaines défilent sur scène et confrontent les candidats à des revendications (portant sur le salaire minimum, les droits des immigrés, les logements abordables et l’accès au crédit), tout en les enjoignant à reconnaître et à promouvoir le rôle de la « société civile » dans la gouvernance londonienne. À la pointe de ce combat, London Citizens représente un très large éventail d’organisations - congrégations religieuses, établissements scolaires, syndicats et autres associations - qui cherchent collectivement à faire entendre leur voix en interpellant les responsables politiques, mais également les acteurs économiques, bousculant ainsi les règles du jeu politique traditionnel. Construite sur le modèle du Broad-Based Community Organizing initié par Saul Alinsky dans les années 1940 à Chicago, London Citizens cherche à mobiliser un très grand nombre de communautés et d’habitants de Londres. Encadrés par des « organisateurs », les différents membres se rencontrent régulièrement et mènent ensemble des actions collectives sur des territoires et des sujets variés. « Démocratique » sous bien des aspects, l’action de London Citizens est aussi ambigüe au regard de sa conception de l’émancipation citoyenne et des changements sociaux visés. C’est une approche pragmatique de la citoyenneté et de la démocratie qui est alors mise en avant. / Three days before the general elections of 2010 in the UK, the organisation called London Citizens brings together the leaders of the three main parties. Among the 2,200 people in the room, some come on stage and confront the candidates with their demands (on the minimum wage, immigrant rights, affordable housing and access to credit), while urging them to recognize and promote the role of "civil society" in the governance of London. At the forefront of this fight, London Citizens represents a very wide range of organizations - religious congregations, schools, trade unions and other associations - which collectively seek to make their voices heard by politicians, but also economic actors, upsetting the traditional rules of politics. Built on the model of broad-based community organizing initiated by Saul Alinsky in the 1940s in Chicago, London Citizens seeks to mobilize a large number of London communities and residents. Supervised by "organizers", the various members meet on a regular basis and conduct collective actions, big and small, on different issues. "Democratic" in many ways, the work of London Citizens is also ambiguous with regard to its conception of citizen empowerment and targeted social changes. In so doing, it promotes a pragmatic approach to citizenship and democracy.

Au carrefour de la sociologie de la culture et de la sociologie de la déviance, ce travail porte sur les dimensions festives et oppositionnelles du monde des free parties, qui s’articule autour de manifestations techno clandestines et marginales. A partir d’une enquête ethnographique, il s’agit d’examiner une pratique culturelle et musicale mais aussi de saisir la variété des expressions oppositionnelles que les jeunes engagés dans ce monde y déploient. A la suite d’un travail de clarification théorique, cette recherche s’inspire de la notion de contre-culture, dans laquelle l’idée de conflictualité est centrale. Cet outil conceptuel permet d’explorer diverses facettes de l’univers free, controversé et encore largement méconnu, et notamment sa composante « contre ». On peut ainsi montrer que, si le monde free est loin d’être réductible à ses dimensions oppositionnelles, celles-ci peuvent donner un relief particulier à la fête – et réciproquement. La pertinence du croisement entre l’objet « free parties » et l’outil conceptuel « contre-cultures » est due en partie à la double déviance, sociale et légale, qui caractérise les fêtes techno étudiées. Les différents aspects oppositionnels mis en évidence dans ce monde juvénile, ainsi que la distinction entre non-conformité et contestation qui en émane, permettent d’analyser le rapport entre déviance, illégalité, conflictualité/illégalité à la lumière du cas des free parties. / At the crossroads of the sociology of culture and the sociology of deviance, this work focuses on the festive and oppositional dimensions of the free party world, which revolves around clandestine and marginal techno events. Based on an ethnographic research, this study aims to examine a cultural and musical practice but also to grasp the various oppositional expressions unfolding within this youth culture. After providing a theoretical clarification, I draw on the notion of counterculture, in which the idea of conflict is central. This conceptual tool enables me to explore various facets of the free party universe, controversial and still largely misunderstood, and in particular its antagonistic elements. Thus I show that, while the free party world does not amount to its oppositional dimensions, the latter can enhance the festive experience – and vice versa. The double deviance – both social and legal – characteristic of the studied techno parties makes it all the more relevant to bring together this object of study and the concept of counterculture. The various oppositional aspects of this youth culture I highlight, as well as the resulting distinction between nonconformity and contention, enable me to analyze the relationship between deviance, illegality, and conflict/counterculture in the light of the case of free parties.