Syftet med denna studie var att öka kunskapen om motiv som leder till att medborgare organiserar sig mot vapenvåld och för en tryggare ort, efter att en ung man i området skjutits till döds på öppen gata. Vidare var syftet att få en förståelse för hur de mobiliserande processerna tar sig uttryck i Skarpnäck. Studiens frågeställningar har besvarats genom kvalitativa intervjuer med sju medborgare som deltar i mobiliseringen, samt ostrukturerade observationer av mobiliseringens skeende. Studiens data har analyserats med teorin om sociala rörelser, samt Bourdieus kapitalformer i kombination med begreppen fält och habitus. Resultaten visar på att motiven till deltagandet grundar sig i en kombination av faktorer, som exempelvis sociala relationer, platsidentitet och gemenskap. Vidare framkommer det av resultatet att området präglas av bland annat boendesegregation och resursbrister i den kommunala skolan, som på olika sätt bidrar med en distans mellan medborgarna och aktörer inom den offentliga sektorn. Mobiliseringen i Skarpnäck utgörs av ett kritiskt och kollektivt handlade som fokuserar på att kartlägga behov i området, vilket sedermera framförts till Stadsdelsnämnden i form av ett medborgarförslag. / The aim of this paper is to increase knowledge on the motives that lead to citizens organizing against gun violence and for a safer neighborhood, after a young man in the community was shot to death on an open street. Furthermore, the aim of this paper is to gain an understanding of how the process of mobilisation took place in Skarpnäck. The study’s questions have been answered through two research methods; qualitative interviews with seven citizens who took part in the mobilization, as well as by unstructured observations of mobilising events. Theories applied whilst analysing the collected data were social movement theoryand Bourdieu’s theory of capital as well as the terms field and habitus. Results show that citizen participation is motivated by several factors, such as social ties,  place identity and  community. Results also show that the neighborhood, amongst other things, is affected by segregation and lack of resources in the local public school, which in different ways  contribute to a distance between citizens and civil servants in the public sector. Mobilisation in Skarpnäck takes form through critical and collective action that focuses on mapping needs in the neighborhood, which are then presented to the districts committee as citizen proposals.

Le caractère participatif et interactif du Web social contribue à la transformation du militantisme féministe avec l’émergence du blogging et des médias sociaux. Les féministes occupent les espaces numériques pour explorer leur identité et leur conception du féminisme(s), socialiser, organiser leurs luttes ou rendre saillantes leurs revendications transformatrices. Néanmoins, l’exposition de soi en tant que féministe dans le Web social n’est pas sans risque. Cette thèse cherche à comprendre les conséquences des cyberviolences sur les trajectoires individuelles de militant·e·s féministes en France et au Québec. Dans les deux cas d’étude, les cyberviolences sont utilisées comme des armes politiques contre les féministes, qui représentent des cibles de premier choix. Dans un contexte de polarisation du débat public et de la montée des rhétoriques antiféministes en ligne, cette forme de violence produit des conséquences multiples sur le plan biographique et militant tout comme sur les usages des féministes du Web social. Les cyberviolences s’inscrivent dans un dispositif d’insécurité en ligne, qui rend les espaces numériques particulièrement hostiles et violents pour les militant·e·s féministes, augmentant ainsi les coûts du militantisme féministe. Conceptualisant l’engagement féministe tout comme les (cyber)violences à travers un continuum en ligne et hors-ligne, j’utilise une approche multimodale qui me permet de contextualiser les phénomènes en ligne par rapport à ceux hors-ligne. Les matériaux de cette enquête reposent sur une ethnographie en ligne des plateformes numériques Facebook, Twitter, Instagram et YouTube ainsi que la réalisation de 50 entretiens semi-dirigés avec des féministes à Paris (N26) et Montréal (24). Les entretiens sont construits de manière hybride entre des récits de vie et des entretiens sur traces. Sur le plan théorique, mon enquête mobilise les outils de la sociologie des mouvements sociaux à travers l’approche processuelle de l’engagement pour analyser les trajectoires des militant·e·s ainsi que ceux de la sociologie des usages des dispositifs sociotechniques pour appréhender les pratiques numériques des féministes. En marge de ces théorisations, j’intègre une conceptualisation relationnelle de l’espace qui me permet non seulement de lier ces deux approches théoriques distinctes, mais aussi d’opérer mon analyse comparative entre les espaces militants de la France et du Québec. Mes résultats de recherche montrent de quelle manière les acteurs antiféministes se saisissent des opportunités technologiques pour élargir leur répertoire et leurs stratégies d’action. La littérature identifie quatre stratégies qui sont utilisées par les contre-mouvements : recruter, créer des dommages, démobiliser et neutraliser. Je propose d’intégrer la stratégie de l’épuisement à ce répertoire d’action des contre-mouvements. Si les stratégies d’action déjà étudiées sont d’ordre organisationnel en attaquant les mouvements féministes, celle que je propose est plutôt individualisée en ciblant explicitement les militant·e·s féministes à titre personnel. Cette stratégie se dévoile à travers différentes tactiques comme celle du trolling, des raids numériques et de la cybersurveillance. Ces différentes tactiques représentent des formes de répression indirecte de l’engagement féministe dans un contexte de fort backlash antiféministe dans les univers en ligne et hors-ligne. Mon analyse comparative montre que l’identité des acteurs antiféministes les plus impliqués dans la (re)production des cyberviolences n’est pas la même selon les cas : la manosphère versus la fachosphère. Cela s’explique par les différences contextuelles et structurelles entre les cas et l’état des lieux de l’antiféminisme sur le terrain. Enfin, mes résultats montrent un cadrage différent des cyberviolences selon les cas d’étude. En France, les cyberviolences sont davantage problématisées comme un problème public autour de la notion de cyberharcèlement, alors qu’au Québec il est davantage question de prévention de la violence et de l’extrémisme violent au vu des conséquences mémorielles des attentats de l’École Polytechnique, de la Grande Mosquée de Québec et de l’attaque à la voiture-bélier revendiquée par un militant Incel à Toronto. Ce cadrage différencié explique notamment une intervention plus soutenue des autorités politiques en France pour sanctionner les différentes formes de cyberviolences comme les raids numériques. / The participatory and interactive nature of the social Web contributes to transforming feminist activism through the emergence of blogging and social media. Feminists occupy digital spaces to explore their identity and their conception of feminism, to socialize, to organize their struggles or to highlight their transformative claims. Nevertheless, exposing oneself as a feminist on the social web is not without risk. This thesis seeks to understand the consequences of online violence on the individual trajectories of feminist activists in France and Quebec. Both case studies use cyberviolence as a political weapon against feminists, who represent prime targets. In a polarized context of public debate and the rise of anti-feminist rhetoric online, this type of violence produces multiple consequences on biographical and activist levels and on feminists' uses of the social Web. Cyberviolence is part of a system of online insecurity, making digital spaces hostile and violent for feminist activists, thus increasing the costs of feminist activism. Conceptualizing feminist engagement and (cyber)violence across an online and offline continuum, my multimodal approach allows me to contextualize online versus offline phenomena. The data is from an online ethnography of Facebook, Twitter, Instagram and YouTube and 50 semi-directed interviews with feminists in Paris (N26) and Montreal (24). The interviews are built in a hybrid way between the lifetime storytelling method and the trace interviewing technique. On the theoretical level, my study mobilizes the tools of the sociology of social movements through the process approach of engagement to analyze activist trajectories and the sociology of the sociotechnical devices usages to apprehend feminist digital practices. On the sidelines of these theorizations, I use a relational conceptualization of space which allows me not only to link these two distinct theoretical approaches but also to carry out my comparative analysis between the activist spaces of France and Quebec. My results show how antifeminist actors seize technological opportunities to expand their repertoire and their strategies of action. The literature identifies four strategies that are used by counter-movements: recruit, damage, demobilize and neutralize. I propose to integrate the strategy of exhaustion into this repertoire of action. If the action strategies already studied are organizational in attacking feminist movements, this one is rather individualized by explicitly targeting feminist activists as persons. This strategy is revealed through various tactics such as trolling, digital raids and cyber surveillance. In the context of a strong anti-feminist backlash in the online and offline worlds, these different tactics are forms of indirect repression of feminist activism. My comparative analysis shows that the identity of antifeminist actors most involved in the (re)production of cyberviolence is not the same depending on the case: the manosphere versus the far-right networks. This is explained by the contextual and structural differences between the cases and the state of play of antifeminism on the ground. Finally, my results show a different framing of cyberviolence between France and Quebec. For the French case, cyberviolence is more problematized as a public problem around the notion of cyberbullying, while in Quebec it is more a question of preventing violence and violent extremism given the memorial consequences of the attacks on Polytechnique, the Grande Mosquée de Québec and the car-ramming attack claimed by an Incel activist in Toronto. This differentiated framing explains a more sustained intervention by the political authorities in France to sanction the different forms of cyberviolence such as digital raids.

For this dissertation, I conduct an ethnography of three antitrafficking programs; interview 38 activists and survivors of trafficking; and analyze organizational texts, websites, and social media. I examine the history of the antitrafficking movement. Among the three organizations, activists provide housing; food, clothing, and hygiene items; medical services; mental health services and counseling; mentorship; education for survivors; a 24-hour hotline; outreach; case management and referrals; training for law enforcement; a drop-in center; and education and awareness events. I examine activists’ diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational framing of sex trafficking, and other framing tactics, such as frame alignment, frame diffusion, frame resonance, and cycles of protest. Activists within the three organizations connect sex trafficking to the Atlantic Slave Trade, referring to human trafficking as “modern-day slavery.” Activists also frame trafficking as happening in “our own backyards;” happening primarily to girls and women; and conflate sex work and sex trafficking. Activists believe that sex trafficking is caused by childhood sexual abuse, pornography and pornography addiction, and systems of oppression. I find that evangelical Christianity influences the organizations through services for survivors, training for staff and the public, the recruitment of staff and volunteers at church, and the practice of Christianity in front of and with survivors. I also find that evangelical activists employ language and strategies that cast them as white saviors seeking to ‘rescue’ survivors. There are several factors that have contributed to the success of the antitrafficking movement, such as increased political opportunities, resource mobilization, effective leadership, strategic use of grievances, and cultural context. Activists face several challenges in their work, namely lack of funding and resources, like housing. For the future, activists would like to see increased punishment of clients and traffickers; reductions in pornography and pornography addiction; increased education and awareness about trafficking; installation of survivors in leadership; and increased funding. I conclude by recommending that sex work and sex trafficking be distinguished in research, legislation, policies, and practice; rehabilitation of traffickers and clients; and make systematic changes to lessen the factors which contribute to trafficking.

[pt] Esta pesquisa discutiu a produção de liderança, nas práticas relacionais de uma organização do movimento estudantil brasileiro, na qual foi realizada uma etnometodologia situada em múltiplas localidades onde a organização atua. Desde o retorno do movimento de pós-graduação à cena pública brasileira, em 2019, nas manifestações que ficaram conhecidas como tsunami da educação, contra os cortes orçamentários das universidades federais, o sistema nacional de pós-graduação brasileiro enfrenta o contingenciamento constante de recursos e cortes orçamentários de programas e projetos, que incidem direta e imediatamente sobre a realidade de seus atores. Nesse contexto, organizações representativas de pós-graduação protagonizam um papel importante na produção de práticas de organização, que oferecem às ações de seus participantes um tipo de direcionalidade favorável ao atendimento de suas demandas: liderança. No entanto, pensar a liderança para além das organizações clássicas comuns aos setores privados da sociedade civil empresarial, de modo a conceber suas práticas em estruturas organizacionais informais e descentralizadas, onde a figura de líderes heroicos e individuais desvanece, ainda é um desafio para o campo de pesquisa do fenômeno. Também é desafiador pensar as práticas de liderança fora do pressuposto de alcance de objetivos instrumentais definidos para o bom funcionamento das organizações. Esses desafios, entretanto, não apontam para inexistência da liderança, mas para existência de práticas não empresariais/gerenciais de organização relacionadas ao fenômeno ainda pouco compreendidas em organizações de resistência e luta social. A análise etnometodológica destaca duas práticas de liderança produzidas nas interações entre os participantes da organização estudada. / [en] This research discussed the leadership production in the relational practices of a Brazilian student movement organization in which an ethnomethodology located in multiple locations where the organization operates was carried out. Since the return of the postgraduate movement to the Brazilian public scene in 2019 during the manifestations known as tsunami da educação, against the federal universities budget cuts, Brazilian national postgraduate system face the constant contingency of resources and budget cuts for programs and projects which direct and immediately affect the reality of their actors. In this scenario, postgraduate representative organizations play an important role in producing organizing practices that offer to the actions of their participants a type of directionality favorable to the resolution of their demands: leadership. However, it is still a challenge for the field to think about leadership beyond the classic organizations usually found in private sectors of business-civil society, so as to conceive their practices in informal and decentralized organizational structures, where the figure of heroic and individual leaders fades. It is also challenging to think about leadership practices outside the assumption of achieving instrumental goals defined for the proper functioning of organizations. These challenges, nonetheless, do not indicate the non-existence of leadership, but the existence of non business/managerial organizing practices related to the phenomenon that are still poorly understood in resistance and social struggle organizations. The ethnomethodological analysis highlights two leadership practices produced in the interactions between the participants of the studied organization.

No description available.

No description available.

[pt] Com o objetivo de ouvir histórias contadas pelo grupo fundador do Fórum Permanente de Educação Infantil do Rio de Janeiro/ FPEI-RJ, a pesquisa apresenta a história da fundação do Fórum – na década de 1990 - contada pelos intelectuais entrevistados/as. A tese analisa o entrecruzamento da participação destes intelectuais no processo de organização do Fórum e nas políticas públicas de Educação Infantil, revela seus itinerários e inserção nos espaços de militância social e política que constituíram experiências/trajetórias e reiteram o encontro entre o individual e o coletivo nas tramas da história em que foram copartícipes. Os relatos, definidos como fontes orais, corroboram a perspectiva da história oral que possibilita versões da História a partir da escuta de múltiplos e diferentes narradores/as. A relação dialética entre prática e teoria, a partir das perspectivas teóricas de Bakhtin e Gramsci, possibilitou uma abordagem em que a linguagem e o sujeito são tratados como dinâmicos e inacabados, (capazes de questionar e resistir a poderes), uma visão ampla e profunda das dinâmicas sociais e, inclusive, uma possibilidade de mudança. Os sujeitos dessa pesquisa são entendidos como intelectuais orgânicos de um movimento social que marca a cultura no campo da Educação Infantil cuja característica é a associação entre pensamento, conhecimento e prática social conectados ao mundo do trabalho, às organizações políticas e culturais. Compreendido como intelectual coletivo, o Fórum Permanente de Educação Infantil do Rio de Janeiro ocupa o lugar de mobilizador e articulador da luta pela causa da criança pequena, em um processo de múltiplas trajetórias e diversas instâncias, que traz disputas entre interesses de diferentes sujeitos e projetos de modo a se configurar como movimento de permanente discussão e atuação. / [en] With the aim of listening to stories told by the founding group of the Permanent Forum of Early Childhood Education of Rio de Janeiro/FPEI-RJ, the research presents the history of the creation of the Forum - in the 1990s - told by the intellectuals interviewed. The thesis analyzes the intertwining of the participation of these intellectuals in the process of creating the Forum and in the public policies of Early Childhood Education, revealing their itineraries and insertion in the social spaces and political activism that constituted experiences/trajectories and reiterates the encounter between the individual and the collective in the story in which they were co-participants. The reports, defined as oral sources, confirm the perspective of oral history, which allows for versions of history based on listening to multiple and different narrators. The dialectical relationship between practice and theory, from the theoretical perspectives of Bakhtin and Gramsci, enabled an approach in which language and the subject are treated as dynamic and unfinished, (capable of questioning and resisting forces), a broad and deep view of the dynamics social issues and possibilities for change. The subjects of this research are understood as organic intellectuals of a social movement that marks culture in the field of Early Childhood Education, whose characteristic is the association between thought, knowledge and social practice linked to the world of work, political and cultural organizations. Understood as a collective intellectual, the Permanent Forum of Early Childhood Education of Rio de Janeiro occupies the position of mobilizer and articulator of the struggle for the cause of young children, in a process of multiple trajectories and diverse instances, which involves disputes between the interests of different subjects and projects, in order to be configured itself as a movement of permanent discussion and action.

In 2015, Argentina witnessed an upsurge of feminist mobilization due to the rising numbers of feminicides, which motivated the foundation of Ni Una Menos and a broad feminist movement. The aim of the movement is to initiate measures against psychological manipulation, physical-, sexual- and institutional violence against women. Since the beginning of the movement, feminists have enabled mass mobilization which resulted in legislative changes regarding legal and free abortion. The studys’ purpose is to examine the strategies that have been crucial for the amplification of a large scale feminist activism, as well as the challenges faced when navigating social and political resistance in Argentina. This is carried out through semi-structured interviews with feminist activists from Buenos Aires, the data has been analyzed qualitatively, additionally with a phenomenological approach. The results from the interviews demonstrate a complexity of strategies and challenges, including the political context, societal actors, as well as the role of media. The feminist movement faces multiple obstacles such as the described political setback and exclusion of women in all societal levels, despite this, feminist activists continue to mobilize and fight for social justice.

本研究的問題意識為「為什麼國家體制有時無法成功消弭社會運動的風潮？」為了處理這個問題意識，本文採取一個「策略-關係」途徑的研究方法，並假設「社會運動若能於特定結構之下運用得宜的策略，即能持續生存發展」。因此，本研究探討台灣民主化過程之下一種特殊型態的「指向國家核心的社會運動」，分別是「反核四抗爭運動」以及「紅衫軍反貪腐倒扁運動」。 在本研究的第二章與第四章內容分別描述了這兩個特殊的社會運動興起背景以及台灣民主化的進程；而在本研究的第三章與第五章內容則分別討論這兩個社會運動採取的外部策略與策略互動。研究發現，「反核四抗爭運動」是以一種「以國家為槓桿」的外部策略；而「紅衫軍反貪腐倒扁運動」則採取一種「以大眾媒體為槓桿」的外部策略，這兩個案例在台灣民主化的不同階段之下分別成功形塑了「指向國家核心的社會運動」，共同見證了台灣民主化發展的獨特經驗，因此具有相當程度之指標性意義。 / The original research conscious of this study is” Why state machine sometimes can’t terminate social movement successfully?” In order to face this research conscious, the research adopt” strategic-relational approach”, and assume “If social movement could use suitable strategy in particular structure, the social movement could be exist and develop”. For the reason, this study wants to treat a special type of social movement, and we called social movements with “point at state core”. this study further select two social movements with “point at state core” in Taiwan’s Democratization:”Anti-fourth nuclear power plant movement” and ”Anti-corruption depose-Chen Campaign”. In Chapter 2 and chapter 4, we describe the background of social movement and democratic development in Taiwan; In Chapter 3 and chapter 5, we discuss external strategy and the interaction of the two social movement cases. This research discoveries that Anti-fourth nuclear power plant movement uses the external strategy of “as state as leverage”. On the other side, Anti-corruption depose-Chen Campaign uses the external strategy of “as mass media as leverage”. Finally, this study believes that the two social movements with “point at state core” play an important role in Taiwan’s Democratization.

台灣是製造代工王國，在建立品牌上才剛起步。但是當競爭愈來愈激烈時，企業獲利受到壓縮，品牌即變得愈來愈重要。媒體是促進社會進步重要的一環，同時也是企業，也有必要藉由打造品牌而建立競爭優勢。媒體應如何打造品牌？為了有系統地了解媒體品牌的要素和建立的過程，我們有必要將品牌權益（brand equity）的理論和實務做些印證。 本研究採個案研究法，將品牌深受肯定的天下雜誌當作研究對象，探討如何找出最能有效解釋並引導企業建立品牌權益的理論模型，並探討品牌權益各變項中，哪些變項對媒體品牌最重要。研究發現Keller的「以顧客為基礎的品牌權益」模型(CBBE)，結構和邏輯非常清楚，探討的面向嚴密而完整，因而能有效解釋並引導企業建立品牌。 根據Keller的CBBE理論，建立一個強勢品牌需要進行四個步驟的工作：一是用品牌顯著性建立品牌認同，也就是讓消費者認識「你是誰」（Who Are You?）。二是創造品牌內涵，就是讓消費者知道「你有什麼內涵」(What Are You?)，其中分為品牌表現和品牌想像。三是引導消費者對品牌產生反應，知道「你有多優秀？」(What About You?)，分為消費者評價和感覺。四是建立合適的消費者和品牌的關係，創造品牌共鳴(Relationships: What About You and Me?)，這會表現在忠誠的行為、態度上的依賴、社群感和積極參與。 運用這個架構，可以很清楚地看出天下雜誌如何打造出強勢品牌。從清晰的品牌宗旨出發，天下雜誌以「具有人文關懷的財經雜誌」為特色，在建立品牌識別系統、創造品牌內涵上做的很紮實，不隨波逐流，堅持積極、前瞻、放眼天下的報導態度，走一條自己的路，結果順利引導消費者對品牌產生正面反應，不但消費者評價高，對品牌的感覺也很強烈，最後創造出高度品牌共鳴。 本研究也發現，品牌個性對媒體打造品牌很重要。天下雜誌具有「能力」和「真誠」的品牌個性，因而能有效吸引一群有理想性、熱愛學習的讀者和廣告客戶，形成具有歸屬感的社群，27年來持續發揮社會影響力。但面對網路2.0時代，讀者需要更多的參與，和更具創意的多元接觸，天下雜誌的品牌個性可能必須用不同的方式來詮釋和加強，例如在網站上設計更多活動，或嘗試邀請部落客進駐網站，帶動更多網友的參與和討論。甚至在網路上徵求讀者的意見，作為雜誌選擇報導議題的參考等。 / Being a kingdom of OEM for several decades, Taiwan has just begun to build its own brand. But as competition gets fierce and profits are squeezed, branding becomes more and more important for Taiwanese companies. Media industry, which is crucial in the advancement of society, has experienced severe revenue shrinkage in recent years, so branding has also become an imperative to increase its competitiveness. To find out how a media company could build up its brand, we need to consult major theories in brand equity and compare them with practices been taken in the industry. This research uses the technique of case-study analysis. Using the widely acclaimed CommonWealth Magazine as the case to be studied, it is aimed at finding out the most suitable brand equity model to explain how a strong media brand is built, and what variables are most important in this process. We found that the Customer Based Brand Equity Model (CBBE) by Kevin Keller can best explain the way to build a strong brand, because it is solid and logical in its structure, and is comprehensive in the aspects it covers. According to the CBBE model, there are four steps in building a brand: 1. Ensure identification of the brand with customers, and let customers know “Who are you?” 2. Firmly establish the totality of brand meaning in the minds of customers, and let customers know “What are you?” 3. Elicit the proper customer responses to this brand identification and brand meaning, and let customers know “What about you?” 4. Convert brand response to create an intense, active loyalty relationship between customers and the brand, and let customers know “What about you and me?” Using this model as a reference, we can see clearly how CommonWealth Magazine has developed a strong brand. Ever since its establishment, CommonWealth has strived to create a business magazine with a spirit of humanity. The name “CommonWealth” represents its mission to make a better society. It has been very mindful in building its brand identity and brand meaning, insisting on a positive, outward looking and forward looking approach, and has thus created positive brand response and high loyalty from its readers. This research also finds that brand personality plays an important role in brand building. With a perceived personality of competence and sincerity, CommonWealth has successfully attracted a large readership characteristic of being idealistic and always eager to learn. A community of loyal readers and long-time advertisement clients has thus been formed over the past 27 years, supporting CommonWealth to become one of the most influential magazines in Taiwan. But with the advent of Web 2.0, people are requiring more interaction with media and are looking for creative and diversified media contacts. Therefore CommonWealth Magazine needs to interpret its brand personality in a different way, such as providing more on-line activities, openly soliciting story ideas from readers, or inviting bloggers to write on its website, so as to involve and engage more readers.