Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T14:15:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Adriana Pevarello Bacci.pdf: 1379041 bytes, checksum: 9171ff14fd37cc970b01890b08a21d5c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-10-29 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This thesis intends to study the Movimento Nossa São Paulo (MNSP), which was created in May 2007 and has the articulation among many social players as its peculiarity. The approach to such subject of study was made taking into account the concepts of civil society, social movements, networks, social control and articulating organizations as its theoretical bases. A short documental search about the MNSP was carried out, as well as a search on its internet platforms, where MNSP has a wide range of information about its main developed actions. The subjects of this research were assessed through qualitative methods, especially open-ended questions in semi-structured interviews which intended to supply tools to understand MNSP and the fields it mostly acts. This work found that MNSP is much more identified to the concept of network and articulating organization than to the one of social movement. This research also revealed that MNSP displays some level of social control, fact that was made explicit by its quest for participating in the management of public policies in the city of São Paulo / A presente dissertação de mestrado tem como objeto de estudo o Movimento Nossa São Paulo (MNSP), criado em maio de 2007, e que tem como particularidade a articulação entre diversos atores sociais. A aproximação com o objeto de estudo foi feita tomando como base teórica os conceitos de sociedade civil, movimento social, redes, controle social e organizações articuladoras. Além desses, procedemos a uma pesquisa bibliográfica sobre a cidade de São Paulo e suas determinantes históricas, sociais e culturais, na tentativa de melhor compreender o cenário em que a pesquisa foi desenvolvida. Foi realizada, também, uma pesquisa documental sobre o MNSP, bem como pesquisa em sua plataforma de Internet, onde o Movimento possui amplo acervo de informações sobre as principais ações desenvolvidas. A aproximação com os sujeitos da pesquisa foi feita por meio de pesquisa qualitativa, a partir de entrevista semi-estruturada, com perguntas abertas e que serviram como norte para compreender o MNSP e suas principais áreas de atuação. A pesquisa revelou que o Movimento está mais identificado com o conceito de redes e de organização articuladora do que com o movimento social. Também revelou que exerce controle social, explicitado, especialmente, na busca por participar a gestão pública da cidade de São Paulo

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:31:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 LeandraDominguesSilverio.pdf: 783577 bytes, checksum: c5a50edd44d4fcdaace4749bb9d2dc9d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-05-30 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This dissertation contemplates concerning the path of rural workers landless in the construction of MST in the municipal district of Uberlândia and Triângulo Mineiro in the period from 1990 to 2005. In this sense, the work search to evidence as and that it sorts things out workers of the settlement Emiliano Zapata, constituted in 1999 in the municipal district of Uberlândia, they were if constituting on those years in a social and political force through the manners that were if forging as Landless in the daily of the encampment, of the settlement or out of them, mediated by the political ideas and of organization of MST. Thinking about manners as in the fight for the earth resist to the dominance that assumes several configurations; and as that resistance it is constituted impregnated of tensions and ambiguities. In the dialogue with the workers I tried to understand the meanings attributed to the experiences in the fights for the earth that the workers went building and living along the last six years. In the experience lived today, I looked for to apprehend in the narratives as they interpret and they treat the last experiences, in other words, to apprehend as those glances on the past suffer the influences of a present lived as tension. Thinking the narratives as social practices, interpretative actions that ways pull the curtain as those workers understands the reality, they identify amongst themselves and they identify dominant forces to which resist and they face. Thinking about the path of fights for those Landless Workers, problematizing the life manners and of fights, looking for the meanings of the social experiences lived that are instituted as memory; knowing those workers and what incorporates of histories and memoirs recognized as authorized versions of the social reality in dispute in the correlation of political forces. This way, understanding as the workers modifies and they become politically aware in the social experiences of fight for the earth, in the ones which if they turn enunciators of new expressions and practices. / Esta dissertação reflete acerca da trajetória de lutas de trabalhadores rurais Sem Terra na construção do MST no município de Uberlândia e Triângulo Mineiro no período de 1990 a 2005. Neste sentido, o trabalho busca evidenciar como e de que maneira trabalhadores do assentamento Emiliano Zapata, constituído em 1999 no município de Uberlândia, foram se constituindo nesses anos em uma força social e política por meio dos modos que foram se forjando como Sem Terra no cotidiano do acampamento, assentamento ou fora deles, mediados pelos ideários políticos e de organização do MST. Refletindo sobre modos como na luta pela terra resistem à dominação que assume configurações diversas; e como essa resistência se constitui impregnada de tensões e ambigüidades. No diálogo com os trabalhadores procurei compreender os significados atribuídos às experiências nas lutas pela terra que os trabalhadores foram construindo e vivendo ao longo dos últimos seis anos. Na experiência vivida hoje, busquei apreender nas narrativas como interpretam e tratam as experiências passadas, ou seja, apreender como esses olhares sobre o passado sofrem as influências de um presente vivido como tensão. Pensando as narrativas como práticas sociais, atos interpretativos que descortinam maneiras como esses trabalhadores compreendem a realidade, identificam-se entre si e identificam forças dominantes às quais resistem e enfrentam. Refletindo sobre a trajetória de lutas pela terra desses trabalhadores, problematizando os modos de vida e de lutas, buscando os significados das experiências sociais vividas que se instituem como memória; conhecendo esses trabalhadores e o que incorporam de histórias e memórias reconhecidas como versões autorizadas da realidade social em disputa na correlação de forças políticas. Deste modo, compreendendo como os trabalhadores se modificam e se politizam nas experiências sociais de luta pela terra, nas quais se tornam enunciadores de novas expressões e práticas.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:32:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Juliana Segato Tamiao.pdf: 1729178 bytes, checksum: be9d82f61ecb7e9a72419ed079d2c354 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-10-09 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This dissertation seeks for recovering parts of the feminist movement history in Brazil in the alternative press, media vehicle that created ideas and speeches that were not completely silenced by the military government and its imposed censure. We analyzed the feminism in the national alternative feminist press by selecting the following: Brasil Mulher (1978 1980), Nós Mulheres (1976 1978) and Mulherio (1981 -1988). We tried to recover the social tensions faced by that press and, in that context, the theoretic methodological bases used by the newspapers as a whole and especially in the debate about body politics / Esta dissertação tem por objetivo recuperar parte da história do movimento feminista no Brasil expresso na imprensa alternativa, veículo em que, apesar do governo militar e da censura imposta por ele, a manifestação de idéias e falas não foi totalmente silenciada. Procuramos analisar o feminismo expresso na imprensa alternativa feminista nacional. Para tanto, os jornais selecionados foram: Brasil Mulher (1978 1980), Nós Mulheres (1976 1978) e Mulherio (1981 -1988). Tentou-se resgatar as tensões sociais enfrentadas por aquela imprensa e, dentro daquele contexto, os fundamentos teóricos metodológicos utilizados pelos jornais como um todo e depois, em especial, no debate acerca das políticas do corpo

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T14:16:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 sonia.pdf: 1376991 bytes, checksum: 909ae2aadbd57969a5a39cdec1da4093 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-06-15 / This dissertation thesis concentrated on the investigations of the trajectory of Central de Movimentos Populares - CMP [Populist Movement Central CMP] during the period between 1993-2003, having as focus the democratization process in Brazil. The object of this study was centered on the CMP as a collective and political subject that congregates multiple and various social movements, aiming the articulation of such movements towards the general efforts for their unification and, at the same time, respecting their autonomies and strengthening their specific struggles. The investigative process had as general objective to analyze the contribution of this collective subject through its political participation in the struggles for the consolidation of democracy. The qualitative investigation was methodologically based on bibliographic and documental material, on the depositions of advisors and managers of CMP, all obtained by means of semi-structured interviews, as well as based on the participative observation of the researcher. The theoretical references that support the analysis of content of the interviewed parties were substantially social movements, democracy, and social participation. The study carried out revealed the trajectory of the ten years of existence of the CMP, in its constitution and dynamics, being polemical and conflictive, with organization, relational, and sustainability difficulties. It further revealed relevant meanings, especially in relation to its role as an entity that mobilizes and articulates the social movements in the perspective of a Brazilian democratic political project, with social participation, acquisition of social rights and citizenship, further inaugurating new forms to make politics / A presente tese investigou a construção da trajetória da Central de Movimentos Populares - CMP no período de 1993-2003, tendo como foco o processo brasileiro de democratização. O objeto desse estudo centrou-se na CMP enquanto sujeito coletivo e político que congrega múltiplos e diversos movimentos sociais, visando articulá-los em torno de lutas gerais que os unificassem e, ao mesmo tempo, respeitando suas autonomias e fortalecendo suas lutas específicas. O processo investigativo teve como objetivo geral analisar a contribuição desse sujeito coletivo, por meio de sua participação política, nas lutas pelo aprofundamento da democracia. A investigação de caráter qualitativo fundamentou-se metodologicamente em material bibliográfico, documental, nos depoimentos de assessores e dirigentes da CMP, obtidos por meio de entrevistas semi-estruturadas, bem como na observação participante da pesquisadora. As referências teóricas que embasaram a análise de conteúdo dos depoentes foram, substancialmente, movimentos sociais, democracia e participação social. O estudo realizado revelou que a trajetória dos dez anos de existência da CMP, em sua constituição e dinâmica, foi polêmica e conflitiva, com dificuldades organizacionais, relacionais e de sustentabilidade. Expressou, igualmente, significados relevantes, principalmente quanto ao seu papel de entidade mobilizadora e articuladora dos movimentos sociais, na perspectiva de um projeto político democrático brasileiro, com participação social, conquista de direitos sociais e cidadania, inaugurando novas formas de fazer política

La Pennsylvanie est un État complexe dans sa géographie économique, urbaine et raciale et, partant, dans les comportements électoraux de ses citoyens. Cette thèse examine la manière dont le Tea Party s’y est organisé et les modes de mobilisation qu’il a adoptés. Fort d’une tradition conservatrice souvent sous-estimée, l'État de William Penn constitue un bon observatoire pour étudier l'évolution et les mutations du mouvement conservateur et de son bras armé électoral, le Parti républicain. L’observation de terrain démontre que le Tea Party ne peut pas être appréhendé indépendamment d’une large galaxie de groupes nationaux et locaux, de think tanks, de médias avec lesquels il entretient des relations souvent conflictuelles.La thèse met en lumière la mutation d’un mouvement social médiatisé en une mobilisation politique dont les efforts se concentrent à l’échelle fédérée et locale. Rétifs à toute institutionnalisation, les groupes locaux voudraient restituer aux citoyens des processus de décision que l’appareil républicain aurait confisqués à son profit. Stratégie d’entrisme, pressions sur les élus, travail idéologique d’organisations de terrain, action concertée au Congrès ont fait glisser le centre de gravité du GOP vers un conservatisme pour lequel la capacité à nouer des compromis pour gouverner est disqualifiée. En dépit d’une force militante en recul, la nébuleuse Tea Party soumet idéologiquement le mouvement conservateur et le Parti républicain à de fortes pressions qui ne sont pas étrangères à la confusion qui caractérise la situation politique actuelle du pays. / Pennsylvania is a complex state in its economic, urban, and racial geographies, accordingly complex is the electoral behavior of its citizens. This thesis examines the ways in which Tea Party groups in Pennsylvania mobilized and organized. The often overlooked conservative tradition of William Penn’s state makes it an excellent case study to examine the evolution and mutations of the conservative movement and of its electoral arm, the Republican party. The fieldwork conducted in this thesis shows that the Tea Party cannot be understood without taking into account a great number of national and local groups, think tanks, and media personalities with whom it often has chaotic relationships.This work focuses on the evolution of a visible social movement into a political mobilization that targets the state and local levels. Local Tea Party groups, who are opposed to any form of institutionalization, fight to snatch power from the hands of the GOP establishment to give it back to the voters. Gradual infiltration of the Republican party, constant pressure on elected officials, ideological work conducted by advocacy organizations, and concerted action in Congress have driven the GOP towards a brand of conservatism that rejects any idea of compromise in governing. Despite a drop in the number of activists, the Tea Party movement has subjected the conservative movement and the Republican party to heavy ideological pressure, which partly explains the current confusion in the country’s political landscape.

Youth organizations in Sweden try to be a reliable part in the political agenda, to change and improve how the politics affect youths. This study aims to clarify how four different youth organizations work with their political questions: from hbtq-perspective and children’s rights to the right to hearing-aid and involvement in questions regarding youths. The method used for the study was both a comparative study of how the organizations work to improve and change the Swedish political agenda for the better, and interviews with the chairpersons of the four youth organizations for a bigger transparency in their methods. The results of this study are that there aren’t any strategy or method to affect and change how the political agenda works. Even though each of the four organizations are successful within their own area of expertise, it’s not always possible to apply the same methods on another organization with another structure.

本研究以溪洲部落拆遷政策變遷為個案研究，瞭解「代表性官僚」在實務上如何運作，以及他們在現實的政策環境中如何自處，藉由深入的探討來發掘「代表性官僚」的更多可能，讓他們發揮積極代表性的功能。研究方法以深度訪談為主，在不足處再佐以官方新聞稿及國內報紙新聞資料，進行5位受訪者，共計6次訪談，研究範圍自2007年9月至2011年5月止。 本研究結果發現，因個案牽涉層級太高，臺北縣原民局的行政決策空間有限，在個人因素方面，「代表性官僚與代表團體間擁有共享的價值觀與信念」、「代表性官僚改變政策標的之行為」、「代表性官僚本身對其代表性的認同程度」等對代表性官僚的決策與執行有影響；在結構因素中「行政裁量權的多寡」與「外在政治環境」對代表性官僚的決策與執行有影響，較具體是反映在專業與資源不足、社會運動蓬勃、媒體與政治力介入、學者專家介入等因素。除了上述的影響因素之外，本研究亦發現不同行政人員的信仰、生活經歷、工作經歷等亦會影響行政人員處理相關事務的態度。此外，研究發現認為原住民族身分的行政人員如與政策標的屬於同一族群，則較能發揮文化、語言等優勢進行溝通協調工作，而原民住族在有困難時，也會習慣向自己的原民行政體系尋求協助，顯見「代表性官僚」的存在有其功能。但值得一提的是，非原住民族的行政人員也能夠透過與族人的長期互動來獲得族人的認同，因此，從處理原住民族事務的觀點來看，不論行政人員是否屬於原住民族，培養「原民意識」皆是必須的。 此外，本研究建議：第一，原民體系應增加人力與專業等資源，在政策推動上爭取主導權，避免成為自我限縮的官僚；第二，處理原住民族事務需要「原民意識」的培養，增加行政人員的內在動力；第三，為因應愈來愈多的都市原住民人口，中央原民會應主動進行全盤的政策規劃和立法相關準備工作，讓原住民族的利益能夠獲得立法保障，減少政黨輪替所帶來的影響，最後應有原住民族公共利益的產生制度，並增加族人對於原住民族代表性官僚的課責管道，以回應政策需求。 / This study is a case study about the relocation policy negotiation with Shijou Tribe, in order to understand how "Representative Bureaucracy" works in practice, as well as the real policy environment, and to discover the "representative bureaucracy" more likely to enable them to play an active representative functional . the main research method is in-depth interviews, the five respondents, a total of six interviews, and then combined with the official press releases and newspapers from September 2007 to May 2011 only. The study found that because the case involves high-level, Council of Indigenous Peoples Bureau, Taipei County executive decision-making space is limited. In personal factors, "between representative bureaucrats and representative groups with shared values and beliefs," "representative bureaucrats to change its policy subject of conduct "," representative bureaucracy itself, the recognition of their representative, " influence representative bureaucrats on the decision-making and implementation. In the structure factors, "the amount of administrative discretion" and "external political environment" influence representative bureaucrats on decision-making and implementation, more specifically reflected in the lack of expertise and resources, social movements, media and political forces involved, scholars expert intervention. Except the above factors, the study also found that the administrative staff of different beliefs, life experiences, work experience and other administrative staff will also affect the attitude of dealing with relevant affairs. In addition, the study found that Aboriginal identity and policy underlying executive officer of the same ethnic group, are more able to play culture, language and other advantages of communication and coordination, and the original people also used to their own administrative systems of Indigenous Peoples for assistance, which shows that the existence of "representative bureaucracy" has its functions. But it is worth mentioning that non-Aboriginal executives can also via the long-term interaction with the tribe to get the tribe recognized, therefore, deal with Aboriginal affairs from the point of view, regardless of whether they are Aboriginal administrative staff, developing a "sense of the original people" are necessary. In the end, this study suggests that the original system should increase professional ability and other resources, to avoid becoming a self-limited reduction of bureaucracy; In addition, increase administrative personnel intrinsic motivation; Finally, in response to an increasing number of urban Aboriginal population, Council of Indigenous Peoples, Executive Yuan should adjust overall policy planning and legislation related to preparatory work for the interests of indigenous peoples to obtain legislative protection, reducing the impact of politics. On the other hand, indigenous peoples should have the system for the public interest and increase the representative bureaucrats accountability.

The well-known outcome of the 1988 federal election – a Conservative Party majority in Parliament and an effective “yes” to the question of whether or not the Free Trade Agreement between Canada and the United States was desired – tends to obscure the importance of the process by which a large non-party based opposition movement sought to cultivate and organize the public’s understanding of the election’s central premise. While the opposition movement failed to have Prime Minister Brian Mulroney removed from power, the discursive process that the movement both created and was the driving force behind, is key to understanding the historical context of the debate over free trade itself. This thesis will illustrate that there existed a discursive process amongst the efforts of the anti-free trade movement from 1985-1988 to cultivate, organize, and mobilize public opposition to Mulroney’s neo-liberal economic policies, through re-framing those objections into a larger and more deeply-rooted Canadian historical narrative. A discourse analysis was conducted using the various public education materials produced by major anti-free trade civil society organizations in Canada. The examination of that discourse revealed three major stages in the overall process: First, organizations relied heavily on classic paradigms of an anti-continentalist narrative to reinforce what was different between the two countries creating an us and them paradigm and building a case for Canadian exceptionalism. Second, there was an intensification of the us and them language into a more defined us versus them, or them against us, dichotomy. Third, the anti-free trade movement sought to effectively translate the previously established civic opposition into pragmatic political action in preparation for a national election campaign. The results show that there was an evolution in the ways members of the civil society opposition framed and evolved their arguments in order to turn their “issues” into more of a “crisis.” By employing (and expanding on) discursive tools used within that public narrative to generate fear of the other to validate illusions of self, and to construct believable threats to the collective, the more “micro” discussion over the growing pervasiveness of neo-liberalism took on a hyper-nationalistic and symbolic routine, one that mirrored the iconic political and electoral debates in 1891 and 1911, both of which had also been based upon the potential for free trade with the United States. Most of all, the evidence points to a popular opposition movement against free trade, which not only significantly pre-dated the official political opposition, but in some respects created its message and focus.

Using a Marxist perspective, this thesis examines Venezuela’s Socialist Production Units (SPU). SPUs have emerged as a clear alternative to the neoliberal model that characterized Venezuela and most of Latin America for the past 30 years. However, SPUs exist within capitalism and their political economy remains contradictory, a reality that manifests in the concrete experiences of their workers. Although facing contradictory experiences, SPU workers are acquiring important learning that challenges dominant market relations and builds the preconditions for a new, more just society. This learning is being acquired informally, in particular, through workers’ democratic participation in their SPU. For these reasons, SPUs should be considered important sites where revolutionary praxis is taking place. Therefore, I conclude, SPUs are making a significant contribution to the building of ‘socialism in the 21st century’, but further struggles, in particular, against the state bureaucracy and large local landowners are needed to advance their goals.

Using a Marxist perspective, this thesis examines Venezuela’s Socialist Production Units (SPU). SPUs have emerged as a clear alternative to the neoliberal model that characterized Venezuela and most of Latin America for the past 30 years. However, SPUs exist within capitalism and their political economy remains contradictory, a reality that manifests in the concrete experiences of their workers. Although facing contradictory experiences, SPU workers are acquiring important learning that challenges dominant market relations and builds the preconditions for a new, more just society. This learning is being acquired informally, in particular, through workers’ democratic participation in their SPU. For these reasons, SPUs should be considered important sites where revolutionary praxis is taking place. Therefore, I conclude, SPUs are making a significant contribution to the building of ‘socialism in the 21st century’, but further struggles, in particular, against the state bureaucracy and large local landowners are needed to advance their goals.