Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:24:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2011-02-21Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T18:20:10Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 leao_amf_me_bauru.pdf: 1225182 bytes, checksum: 6305cbe0215da3b121f62ee5ce46d2a9 (MD5) / Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP) / O objetivo de estudo deste trabalho é a questão da cidadania, entendida como a posse de direitos, e sua relação com o jornalismo, considerado fundamental para a efetivação desses direitos, pois possui o poder simbólico de agendar e enquadrar temas, além de fomentar o debate na sociedade. Com o objetivo de compreender de que maneira os jornais atuam na consolidação da cidadania e investigar como são construídos noticiosos, capazes de apresentar aos leitores uma versão dos fatos, optamos pela análise comparativa de dois jornais, sendo um de abrangência nacional e outro de circulação regional. Para examinarmos os enquadramentos presentes nas narrativas desses dois jornais, escolhemos o caso de um adolescente morto por policiais em Bauru/SP, em dezembro de 2007, por considerarmos um grave caso de violação dos direitos de cidadania, já que foi um crime cometido por agentes do Estado contra um garoto. Dividimos nossa pesquisa em duas etapas: fundamentação teórica e análise dos jornais. Iniciamos o trabalho abordando o conceito de cidadania e as mudanças sofridas por ele no decorrer da história. Em seguida, discorremos sobre o surgimento da imprensa como direito de expressão e a função do jornalismo para difundir os direitos de cidadania. A seguir, apontamos o papel da ANDI na consolidação dos direitos da infância e da juventude na imprensa brasileira. Tratamos do processo de produção jornalística expondo as implicações do agendamento e da seleção de notícias, os critérios de noticiabilidade e as influências do enquadramento na construção da realidade. Por fim, apresentamos uma análise comparativa, baseada na metodologia da análise do enquadramento, das notícias publicadas nos dois jornais, referentes ao caso do garoto assassinado por policiais. Dessa forma, foi possível observar que os jornais cumpriram sua função social de dar visibilidade... / The object of study of this work is the citizenship issue, known as the possession of rights, and its relationship with journalism, considered fundamental to the effectuation of these rights because it has the symbolic power of agenda-setting and of framing themes, and it can also promote discussion in society. This research aims to understand how newspapers work in the consolidation of the citizenship and to investigate how the news frames are built - capable of presenting a version of the facts to the readers. Considering that, we opted for the comparative analysis of two newspaper, one nationwide circulation and another one regional. To exam the framings present in the narratives of these two newspapers, we chose the case of a teenager killed by policemen in Bauru, São Paulo, Brazil, in December 2007 because it was a serious human rights violation case since it was a crime committed by agents of the State against a boy. We divided our study into two steps: theoretical discussion and analysis of newspaper. First, we start discussing the concept of citizenship and it changes suffered in the course of history. Next, we wrote about the emergence of the press as a right of expression and the function of journalism to disseminate the citizenship rights. Then, we point out the role of ANDI in consolidating the rights of children and youth in the Brazilian news media. We deal with the journalistic process production by exposing the implications of the agenda-setting and the selection of the news, the criteria of newsworthiness, and the framing influence in the construction of reaity. Finally, a comparative analysis is presented based on the methodology of the framing analysis of the news published in both newspapers, concerning the case of the boy killed by the policemen. Thus, it was possible to observe that the newspaper fulfilled their social function of providing visibility... (Complete abstract click electronic access below)

The Rohingya population of Myanmar have been called one of the most persecuted ethnic minorities on earth. Beyond the systemic discrimination and ongoing violations of basic human rights, Tatmadaw operations against Rohingya communities in Rakhine State in recent years have amounted to ethnic cleansing, if not genocide. Reports of widespread sexual violence by security forces have garnered significant international attention, increasing our collective awareness of how rape is used as a weapon of war. In light of Canada’s Special Envoy to Myanmar’s report recommending that investigation take place to establish an evidence base for future prosecutions, it is critical that sexual and gender-based violence crimes be adequately factored into documentation strategies. This strategy will send a message that abuses upon women’s bodies are no longer regarded as mere inevitable ‘spoils of war’, but instead belong among the gravest of crimes, worthy of international resources and expertise to address. In order to minimize further intrusion into the lives of Rohingya survivors, it is necessary to consider the various possible justice mechanisms that may be used, and the different methods and standards of documentation that may be required for each. While early documentation efforts are encouraged so that relevant evidence is not lost, these considerations call for careful research, planning and ethical reflection. In order to contribute to this process, this thesis explores how law may operate to bring about justice for sexual and gender-based violence, and provides guidance on how to document evidence to be used for this purpose. At the same time, it recognizes that the form of justice international criminal trials can offer is inherently limited in scope. It further explores how “justice”, a contested concept, is not always defined or achieved through the punishment of perpetrators alone. It therefore draws on critiques of international criminal justice to imagine other ways that justice might manifest, and then identifies the methods of documentation possible to facilitate these efforts. / Graduate / 2019-09-07

Le nationalisme basque est apparu voilà maintenant deux siècles, cependant, il ne connait un retentissement mondial que depuis environ cinquante ans avec la création de l’ETA (Euskadi Ta Askatasuna, Pays basque Et Liberté). Fondée pour combattre le régime franquiste, cette organisation est aujourd’hui considérée comme un groupe terroriste par l’ensemble de la communauté internationale. L’organisation va être, toutefois, à la base d’une prise de conscience nationale basque sur la question de l’appartenance à un même peuple et, aujourd’hui, la lutte pour l’autodétermination du Pays basque fait écho tant sur le territoire espagnol que français. Ce mouvement nationaliste, bien qu’indissociable entre le sud et le nord, prendra tout de même des modes d’expression différents même si le nationalisme basque restera toujours rattachée à une violence politique. Le présent terrain de recherche a alors permis de récolter les « perceptions subjectives » de la population basque sur cette violence politique et ainsi, de dégager une violence de la part des Etats espagnol et français. Cette violence d’Etat est principalement caractérisée par une violence symbolique mais elle ira parfois jusqu’à une violence physique. Ainsi, bien plus que les contextes historiques et institutionnels distincts des Etats espagnol et français, c’est la violence disparate des ces deux Etats qui est le facteur de distinction de la violence nationaliste constatée sur le territoire français et espagnol. / Basque nationalism has emerged several centuries ago, however, it experienced a global resonance only since the last fifty years with the formation of the armed Basque nationalist and separatist organization Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA). Formed to fight the Franco regime, the organization is now considered as a terrorist group by the entire international community. The organization will, however, raise a Basque national consciousness on the question of belonging to the same people, and today, the conflict for self-determination for the Basque country echoes back in both the Spanish and French territories. This nationalist movement is indissociable between south and north. Different modes of expression are still observed even if the Basque nationalism will always be linked to political violence. The present research work allowed to apprehend the "subjective perceptions" of the Basque population on this political violence and, thus, to highlight a violence from both Spanish and French States. This State violence is mainly characterized by a symbolic violence but it will sometimes lead to physical violence. Therefore, much more than the separate historical and institutional contexts Spanish and French States, the un-harmonized State violence is the distinguishing factor of nationalist violence experienced on French and Spanish territories.

Ce travail se penche sur le conflit de mémoires, les usages et les projets autour de l’immeuble de l’ancien Departamento de Ordem Política e Social (DOPS), dans le cadre du processus de ce qu’on appelle la justice transitionnelle au Brésil. Le centre de l’étude est la dynamique de la dispute pour ce lieu de mémoire, dans le contexte des luttes sociales menées par des ex-prisonniers politiques et des parents des morts et des disparus de la dictature militaire (1964-1985). La confrontation entre les projets “Espaço Cultural Memória e Direitos Humanos” et “Museu da Polícia Civil” en révèle les enjeux symboliques, idéologiques et pédagogiques. En outre, le travail expose et questionne les fonctions imparties à la police politique dans la structure de l’appareil répressif de la dictature, et à la police civile dans la sécurité publique en situation démocratique au Brésil. / This work approaches the dispute of memories, uses and projects surrounding the building of the former Departamento de Ordem Política e Social – DOPS (Department of Political and Social Order) within the framework of the process of so-called transitional justice in Brazil. The focus of the work is the dynamics of the conflict for the site of memory in the context of social struggles carried out by ex-political prisoners and relatives of the dead and disappeared of the military dictatorship (1964-1985). The confrontation between the projects "Espaço Cultural Memória e Direitos Humanos” (Memory and Human Rights Cultural Space) and “Museu da Polícia Civil" (Museum of Civil Police) reveals what is at stake in symbolic, ideological and pedagogical terms. It is presented and problematized the place occupied by the political police in the structure of the repressive apparatus of the dictatorship, as well as by the Civil Police in the public security of democracy situation in Brazil. / Este trabalho aborda a disputa de memórias, usos e projetos entorno do edifício do antigo Departamento de Ordem Política e Social (DOPS) no quadro do processo da chamada justiça transicional no Brasil. O foco do trabalho é a dinâmica do conflito pelo lugar de memória no contexto das lutas sociais protagonizadas por ex-presos políticos e familiares de mortos e desaparecidos da ditadura militar (1964-1985). O confronto entre os projetos “Espaço Cultural Memória e Direitos Humanos” e “Museu da Polícia Civil” revela o que está em jogo em termos simbólicos, ideológicos e pedagógicos. É apresentado e problematizado o lugar ocupado pela polícia política na estrutura do aparato repressivo da ditadura, assim como pela Polícia Civil na segurança pública em situação de democracia no Brasil.

Le nationalisme basque est apparu voilà maintenant deux siècles, cependant, il ne connait un retentissement mondial que depuis environ cinquante ans avec la création de l’ETA (Euskadi Ta Askatasuna, Pays basque Et Liberté). Fondée pour combattre le régime franquiste, cette organisation est aujourd’hui considérée comme un groupe terroriste par l’ensemble de la communauté internationale. L’organisation va être, toutefois, à la base d’une prise de conscience nationale basque sur la question de l’appartenance à un même peuple et, aujourd’hui, la lutte pour l’autodétermination du Pays basque fait écho tant sur le territoire espagnol que français. Ce mouvement nationaliste, bien qu’indissociable entre le sud et le nord, prendra tout de même des modes d’expression différents même si le nationalisme basque restera toujours rattachée à une violence politique. Le présent terrain de recherche a alors permis de récolter les « perceptions subjectives » de la population basque sur cette violence politique et ainsi, de dégager une violence de la part des Etats espagnol et français. Cette violence d’Etat est principalement caractérisée par une violence symbolique mais elle ira parfois jusqu’à une violence physique. Ainsi, bien plus que les contextes historiques et institutionnels distincts des Etats espagnol et français, c’est la violence disparate des ces deux Etats qui est le facteur de distinction de la violence nationaliste constatée sur le territoire français et espagnol. / Basque nationalism has emerged several centuries ago, however, it experienced a global resonance only since the last fifty years with the formation of the armed Basque nationalist and separatist organization Euskadi Ta Askatasuna (ETA). Formed to fight the Franco regime, the organization is now considered as a terrorist group by the entire international community. The organization will, however, raise a Basque national consciousness on the question of belonging to the same people, and today, the conflict for self-determination for the Basque country echoes back in both the Spanish and French territories. This nationalist movement is indissociable between south and north. Different modes of expression are still observed even if the Basque nationalism will always be linked to political violence. The present research work allowed to apprehend the "subjective perceptions" of the Basque population on this political violence and, thus, to highlight a violence from both Spanish and French States. This State violence is mainly characterized by a symbolic violence but it will sometimes lead to physical violence. Therefore, much more than the separate historical and institutional contexts Spanish and French States, the un-harmonized State violence is the distinguishing factor of nationalist violence experienced on French and Spanish territories.

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[pt] A presente tese é construída com o objetivo de contribuir para compreensão das relações entre mobilizações e controle social repressivo, a partir de uma perspectiva socioespacial, tomando como base o ciclo de protestos de 2013 na cidade do Rio de Janeiro e os movimentos de mães e familiares de vítimas de violência de Estado das favelas e periferias da cidade. Trata-se do resultado de uma experiência de pesquisa na qual foi possível acompanhar diretamente as dinâmicas de mobilização e repressão desenvolvidas durante as manifestações de 2013 e, posteriormente, junto aos coletivos e movimentos protagonizados pelas mães e familiares de vítimas de violência de Estado no Rio. Analisa ainda como se constitui a luta dos familiares em torno da reivindicação pública e elaboração política do luto e do sofrimento pela perda de um ente querido. Observou-se que durante o ciclo de protestos uma lógica repressiva de intervenções militarizadas desenvolvidas tanto no asfalto, quanto nas favelas, alcançou maior expressividade na cena pública, assim como, os eventos de protesto desencadeados pelos atores sociais nos dois contextos. Nesse sentido, a abordagem compreende os efeitos das interações entre repressão e mobilizações e explicita todo um conjunto de repertórios, de enquadramentos e de modos de subjetivação que se produzem, se conservam e se transformam no curso do tempo, resultando, de um lado, na produção da criminalização do inimigo, que pode ser o insurgente e o indesejável da cidade e, de outro lado, na produção de práticas, estratégias e elaborações simbólicas e discursivas por parte dos atores sociais, que constituem enquadramentos de luta por Voz e por direitos. / [en] The thesis aims to contribute to the understanding of the relationship between mobilization and repressive social control, from a socio-spatial perspective, based on the 2013 protests cycle in the city of Rio de Janeiro and the movements of mothers and relatives of victims of state violence from the city s slums and suburbs. It is the result of a research experience in which it was possible to follow directly the dynamics of political mobilization and state repression developed during the 2013 demonstrations and, later, with the groups and movements carried out by the mothers and relatives of victims of state violence in Rio. It also comprises how their struggle around the public claim and the political elaboration of mourning and suffering for the loss of a loved one is constituted. It was noticed that during the cycle of protests a repressive logic of militarized interventions developed in both asphalt and favelas reached greater expressiveness in the public scene, as well as the protest events developed by social actors, in both contexts. In this sense, the approach understands the effects of the interactions between repression and mobilization and clarifying a whole set of repertoires, frameworks and modes of subjectivation that are produced, conserved and transformed over time, resulting on one hand, in the production of the criminalization of the enemy, which may be the insurgent and the undesirable of the city, and, on the other hand, in the production of symbolic and discursive practices, strategies and frames by the social actors who constitute the political struggle for their Voice and for their rights.