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  • About
  • The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is provided by the Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
    Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
21

美日「帕奈號」(U. S. S. Panay)事件與中美關係(1937-1938) / The Panay Incident and the Sino-American Relations, 1937-1938

楊凡逸 Unknown Date (has links)
No description available.
22

從新自由制度主義分析中美因應氣候變遷議題:1992~2010 / Climate change in Sino-U.S. relations, 1992-2010: A neoliberal institutionalism approach

陳臆尤, Chen, Yi You Unknown Date (has links)
氣候變遷目前正深刻的影響人類的生活與安全,需要世界各國共同合作才有可能解決問題。有鑑於此,1992年與1997年分別制定了《聯合國氣候變化綱要公約》與《京都議定書》,期望透過國際建制來有效因應氣候變遷。然而國際氣候建制的運作不良,導致京都進程無法順利推進,第二承諾期的存續爭議也持續擴大,其中美國和中國為京都進程的阻礙因素之一。從全球二氧化碳排放份額來看,中美兩國合計共排放出超過40%的二氧化碳,顯示出美國和中國在減排行動上占有相當重要的角色。   換言之,在氣候變遷的時代下,中美攜手氣候合作不僅是可能的也是必須的。本研究利用新自由制度主義作為研究途徑,分析自1992年訂定《聯合國氣候變化綱要公約》以來,中國和美國的氣候互動與合作,並探討兩國在氣候議題上,是否合作關係大於競爭關係。儘管自1979年起,兩國即已開始進行氣候與能源合作,但直到歐巴馬總統上任後,中美才開始大動作的進行氣候協商。在應對氣候變遷的問題上,兩國共同擁有三大目標:減緩全球暖化、促進經濟發展與維護能源安全。因此,中美都了解到清潔能源的合作領域為兩國共同利益,即便在氣候合作上還存在著許多障礙,雙方還是願意採取互惠的手段,共同創造一個雙贏的局面。
23

911事件後之中美反恐戰略與合作 / China-U.S. counter-terrorism strategy and cooperation after 911

林信成, Lin,Hsin Cheng Unknown Date (has links)
911事件發生後,國際體系權力格局受到衝擊,國家在國際社會中所扮演的角色與彼此之間的互動關係出現了轉變,尤其是中國與美國的國際角色與雙方關係的變化,同時,國際安全環境因持續不斷的恐怖活動的衝擊,而充滿著不安的氛圍。不僅美國與中國積極進行反恐行動,包含歐盟、俄羅斯、澳洲、東南亞及南亞國家,都投入了不少財力、人力與物力在這個領域之內,同時,全球性及區域性國際組織皆制訂一系列的反恐國際規範來因應國際恐怖主義勢力的發展,及提供各國進行反恐行動的依據、規範。 美國以「布希主義」(Bush Doctrine)作為其反恐戰略的基礎,強調軍事打擊手段、先發制人(preemption)、單邊主義(unilateralism),而中國則是以「新安全觀」作為其反恐戰略的理論基礎,強調以多元的手段打擊恐怖主義勢力,及推動國際社會進行「安全合作」以尋求「共同安全」。在中、美雙方都有反恐的現實需求下,進行了包含政治、經濟、法律與情報等四個方面的廣泛合作。
24

中國大陸建構與美國「新型大國關係」的努力:以北韓核武議題為例 / On China’s Attempt to Build "New Type of Great Power Relations" with the United States : North Korean Nuclear Issue As An Example

潘丁央, Pan, Ting Yang Unknown Date (has links)
自從習近平在「莊園會晤」時向歐巴馬提出,中美共同建立新型大國關係,中共在亞太地區已經是掩蓋不住大國崛起的態勢。此時的平壤早已察覺到大國的壓力,面對中美關係日趨緊密,北韓為維持政權延續以及從中獲取利益,盡其所能提高在中美大國競爭時的籌碼,尤其是在東北亞各國政權更替時,施展戰略邊緣政策。 美國藉由北韓核試爆議題,成功部署軍事規劃、高舉國際輿論的大旗,迫使中共不得不對北韓施以必要措施。對於北韓不斷的舉行核試爆與導彈試射,中共在維護其重要國家利益與面對美國再平衡戰略的考量下,轉而借力使力,運用北韓核議題的持續發酵,得以延長應對美國及國際壓力。 因此,整個東北亞的關係結構,就是有關各國在中共與美國之間,取得對自己最大利益的位置。 / Xi Jinping proposed to Obama in the "Ennenberg Estate” summit in California during June 2013, Beijing has aftermath tried every effort to establish a “New Type of Great Power Relations” with Washington. China rise has been an obvious trend in the Asia-Pacific region. In this critical moment, Pyongyang has been aware of the pressure of big powers, in the face of China and the United States increasingly conciliatory relationship. In order to stabilize the North Korean regime and continue to take advantage of power politics in this area, North Korea tries to facilitate its bargaining gravity within the Sino-American interaction when they seek to use Pyongyang to counterbalance against each other. Particularly North Korea tends to exert its caliber of brinkmanship policy while it notices that the East Asian area is in the process of regime reshuffles. . Against the backdrop of North Korea's threat of continuing nuclear tests, Washington successfully accomplished military deployment and dominate direction of world public opinion in forcing China to impose the necessary measures on North Korea. For North Korea's ongoing nuclear test and missile test, China intends to manipulate its advantage based on its national interest. In the meantime, China implements this policy to counterweight the US “Rebalancing” strategy. Beijing goes to use the issue of North Korean nuclear development to further exert its strategy in responding to the pressures from both the United States and international community. Therefore, the international structure in the Northeast Asia, therefore, is that the concerning countries are seeking for their maximize advantage in the Sino-U.S. strategic engagement.

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