京都大学 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(人間・環境学) / 甲第23967号 / 人博第1019号 / 新制||人||240(附属図書館) / 2022||人博||1019(吉田南総合図書館) / 京都大学大学院人間・環境学研究科共生人間学専攻 / (主査)准教授 守田 貴弘, 教授 谷口 一美, 准教授 堀口 大樹 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Human and Environmental Studies / Kyoto University / DFAM

本論文旨在探討「掉」出現在動詞後面時的語意內涵與語法地位。我們認為當「掉」身為結果補語時，它的意思為「被往下移除」；身為動相標誌時，意思為「被移除」；身為動貌標誌時，則標示起始意。「掉」經常與及物和非作格動詞形成複合動詞：與靜態動詞、瞬間動詞及達成動詞構成達成複合動詞，與動作動詞及完成動詞則構成完成複合動詞。雖然V-掉的論元結構經常是其前置動詞與「掉」之論元結構的結合體，但在某些情況下「掉」可能會壓制前置動詞的論元、幫V-掉複合動詞增加新論元或先壓制前置動詞的論元再幫V-掉複合動詞增加新論元。最後，我們採用虛化的理論來解釋為何「掉」具有多重語意及多重語法地位。由於「掉」符合Hopper (1991)所提出的虛化原則，因此我們相信「掉」的確正處在虛化的過程中。 / There are two main questions about post-verbal diao we dealt with in the present study: one is its meanings, and the other is its syntactic status. We argue that when diao acts as a resultative complement, it means ‘to be removed in a downward direction’, when it acts as a phase marker, it means ‘to be removed’, and when it acts as an aspect marker, it bears a grammatical meaning indicating inchoative. Post-verbal diao usually co-occurs with transitive and unaccusative verbs to form compounds. When diao goes with State, Semelfactive and Achievement verbs, the V-diao compounds will be Achievements, when diao goes with Activity and Accomplishment verbs, the V-diao compounds will be Accomplishments. In most cases, the argument structure of a V-diao compound is a composition of the argument structure of the preceding verb and that of diao. However, diao will suppress the Goal argument when co-occurring with three-place transactional verbs; it will create an argument for the V-diao compound when the argument of the preceding verb and that of diao are incompatible; it will suppress an argument of the preceding verb and create a new one for the V-diao compound when occurring with verbs which have an incremental theme. Grammaticalization is taken to account for the polysemy and the multiple syntactic status of post-verbal diao. Because except specialization, diao follows all of the principles (i.e. Layering, Divergence, Persistence, and De-categorialization) proposed by Hopper (1991), we suggest it is in the process of grammaticalization.

本論文「客語「放」及其同類動詞：框架語義與構式之互動」以Fillmore (1985)提出的「框架語義」以及Goldberg (1995)等學者提出的「構式語法」觀點為基礎，分析客語「放」字構式呈現的多義現象。客語「放」字涉及「使動事件」：空間位移與狀態變化。本文著重分析「使動結構」與客語「放」字在動賓、動補及句子等構式中語意－句法的互動。同時藉助隱喻與轉喻的強化，說明客語「放」字延伸語意之間的關聯性，並進一步闡述客語「放」字在動賓結構中詞彙化為複合詞的現象。此外，本文亦檢視客語其他放置類動詞：方向同類動詞、工具同類動詞、方式同類動詞，經由審視其詞彙化類型與框架語義之互動，說明其語意內涵與句法上的表現。因此，本論文經由分析詞彙化類型與探討事件架構中參與角色的展現與否，說明客語放置類動詞語意與句法間的相互關係。 / English verbs describing putting, a prototypical exemplar of a caused-motion activity, have been pervasively found to be the first acquired and the most frequently used verbs in many languages. Their semantic compatibility with various syntactic structures reinforces the association between verbal meanings and the constructions, giving rise to a grouping of related but distinct senses (Goldberg et al. 2004). Piong3 (放) ‘to put’ in Hakka is abundant in semantics. The basic meaning of piong3 designates a common pattern of human experience: An animate entity exerts manual force upon a physical object and causes the object to move. Adopting Goldberg’s (1995) Constructions and Fillmore’s (1985) Frame Semantics, this study aims to account for the meaning relatedness latent in piong3 and explicate the shades of meaning rooted in the set of its congeners with different degree of family resemblance. It is argued that the delicate nuances denoted by piong3 are derived from the interaction between frames and constructions while the extended meanings of piong3 are linked to its typical use through various metaphors and metonymies such as CONTAINER, EVENT STRUCTURE, CHANGE OF STATE AS CHANGE OF LOCATION metaphors and ACTION FOR RESULT metonymy. Furthermore, with regard to congeners of piong3 in Hakka, it is maintained that differences in profiling and lexicalization patterns capture the primary difference between piong3 and its congeners. Specifically, piong3 does not lexicalize other semantic elements (i.e. path, means, manner, result, and etc.) into its lexical meaning whereas its congeners explicitly do so, in that three subtypes of the congeners can be identified: directional congeners, means congeners, and manner congeners.

國 立 政 治 大 學 研 究 所 碩 士 論 文 提 要 研究所別：語言學研究所 論文名稱：論台灣華語中的限定與非限定子句的區分 指導教授：何萬順 博士 研究生：何郁瑩 論文提要內容：〈共一冊，20013字，分七章〉 本篇論文藉由三段邏輯論證法推翻漢語沒有限定與非限定子句之分的論證；反之，支持此區分在台灣華語中的有效性。鑑於「時式」的普遍性，表現在構詞方面的限定與非限定區分在綜合型語言當中是顯而易見的。雖然台灣華語缺乏明顯的構詞標記，但此限定與非限定的區分透過句法類目以及句法現象的限制依然成立。此外，我們亦將次劃分子句為補語的動詞進ㄧ步區分為三類─限定補語動詞、非限定補語動詞、雙類動詞。限定補語動詞可同時次劃分有明顯主語的限定子句以及經由代詞刪略現象後無主語的限定子句，而非限定補語動詞僅能次劃分不帶主語的非限定子句。至於雙類動詞，一類從舊有文獻中劃分出來的新類動詞，擁有同時次劃分限定子句與非限定子句的能力。當雙類動詞次劃分限定子句為補語時，有兩個條件必須被滿足：一是情狀動詞的出現，此為必要條件；二是明顯主語的出現，此為充分條件。再者，子句主語的出現與否端視於主要句謂語與子句謂語間的緩衝詞是否出現。在詞彙功能語法的架構之下，情狀動詞的出現之所以為雙類動詞次劃分限定子句為補語的必要條件是由於雙類動詞要求其子句補語擁有「非實現貌」的元素，而此元素便是由情狀動詞所提供。基於本篇論文中強而有力的論述，我們強烈主張此限定與非限定子句的區分在台灣華語中是存在的，甚至普及於全人類的語言。 / This thesis provides robust argumentation via syllogisms so as to deny the argument that the distinction between finiteness and non-finiteness does not exist in Mandarin Chinese; on the contrary, to defend the proposition that this finite vs. non-finite distinction does exist in Taiwan Mandarin. In virtue of the universality of the category tense, the finite vs. non-finite distinction, morphologically manifested in synthetic languages, is taken for granted. Opaque as it is in Taiwan Mandarin, there still exist other ways for distinction, such as constraints on syntactic categories and operations. Furthermore, we re-classify verbs subcategorizing sentential complements into three types—finite-complement verb (FC verb), non-finite-complement verb (NC verb), dual-listing verb (DL verb). FC verbs can subcategorize not only finite clauses with overt subjects, but also those with covert counterparts left after pro-drop processes, while NC verbs can only subcategorize non-finite clauses as sentential complement. As for DL verbs, a neonatal one extracted from the so-called persuade-type verbs in the literature, has the capability of subcategorizing dual sentential complements, namely, finite clauses and non-finite clauses. When DL verbs subcategorize finite clauses as complement, two conditions must be satisfied to ensure the grammaticality. They are the presence of modals and the presence of overt subjects. The former is a necessary condition; the latter is a sufficient condition. Moreover, the presence of embedded overt subjects hinges on the presence of proper buffers between main predicates and embedded overt subjects. In LFG’s framework, the reason for the presence of modals being the necessary condition is that DL verbs require their sentential complements to have the value IRREALIS, which is denoted by modals obviously. On account of the tenable criteria mentioned in this thesis, we assert with confidence that this finite vs. non-finite distinction does exist in Taiwan Mandarin and that this distinction is considered universal.

本篇論文引用Hopper在1993年所提出的五項原則，論證漢語中「起來」、「下去」、「上來」的多義現象是反映語法化的現象。在「起來」、「下去」、「上來」語法化的過程中，可以發現許多語意和語法的痕跡，例如語意選擇的限制、受詞位置的限制、受詞限定的要求、與完成貌時貌標記使用的限制。根據Lehmann 1991年的研究，這些痕跡說明「起來」、「下去」、「上來」在語法化的過程中是由「子句中」向「子句間」變動。這樣的語意變動主要來自於概念上由空間向時間的比喻轉換。除此之外，在「起來」、「下去」、「上來」的句子中，這樣的轉換還受到不同的語意角色要求所限制。 / This thesis applies Hopper*s Principles (1993) to assert that the semantic varieties of Mandarin directional verbs qi-lai, xia-qu, and shang-lai are reflections of grammaticalization. The grammaticalization of Mandarin qi-lai, xia-qu, and shang-lai has left traces on selectional restriction, syntactic constraints on object positions, object definiteness, and requirements of perfective aspect marker. Based on Lehmann (1991), these traces lead to the conclusion that Mandarin qi-lai, xia-qu, and shang-lai shift from clause-internal to cross-clause grammaticalization. The semantic shifts of Mandarin qi-lai, xia-qu, and shang-lai are considered to be motivated by SPACE-to-TIME metaphorical transfer. The transfer is also constrained by theta-role requirements.

本研究，基於分辨非賓存現動詞及瞭解二語學習者如何讓習得此類動詞之需求，旨在分析一個高頻率之非賓格存現動詞 HAPPEN與其三個同義字(OCCUR，APPEAR，與EXIST)和中文同義字「發生」從語言使用者角度作比較。採用了母語語料庫 (英文採用英國國家語料庫 BNC；中文採用十億詞語料庫 GW 2.0)及學習者語料庫(含語言訓練與測驗中心學習者語料庫the LTTC，國際英語學習者語料庫the ICLE，及政治大學外語學習者語料庫the NCCU)作為第一部分的語料庫分析。此外，為了探索二語英文錯誤及母語中文遷移的關係，我們也進行了以語料庫為基礎的心理語言學實驗(兩個關於中英文HAPPEN句子結構的接受度判斷測驗)。 本研究結果發現，其一，就語料庫中的文法形式(Grammatical form)來分析HAPPEN、OCCUR、APPEAR與EXIST，英文母語語料庫中的高頻文法形式(例如：happened或happen)與學習者語料庫中有相同的現象。然而大部份的高頻文法形式都是二語學習者經常誤用之處，且容易與兩個常見非賓動詞錯誤—過度被動化錯誤(Overpassivization)和及物化錯誤(Transitivization)—共現(Collocated)。其二，從語料庫錯誤分析各種錯誤類型得知， HAPPEN與OCCUR較常出現過度被動化錯誤；APPEAR與 EXIST較常有及物化錯誤。此結果顯示每個非賓存現動詞可能會犯不同錯誤，也因此造成其錯誤的原因有所不同。其三，從分析心理語言實驗結果得知，我們發現母語中文文法句型(L1 Chinese grammatical patterns)，例如：「V-了」－「出現了」；抑或是「V+N」－「發生車禍」、「發生戰爭」、「存在缺失」，都影響了二語學習者對英文非賓動詞之文法形式的正確判定。由此揭示了母語中文大多都對二語英文非賓動詞習得有所干擾。 基於所得結果，我們提出「完成體」(Perfectivity)及「及物性」(Transitivity)之不同來探討中英文間存現動詞用法之異同，並試著解釋造成二語非賓動詞學習複雜化的原因。 此研究克服了過去文獻中比較非賓存現動詞之困難也透過語料庫結合心理實驗研究法提供對非賓動詞習得之解釋方法。這些發現可進一步作為詮釋非賓動詞的假說，並將其應用於語言教材設計或被視為未來跨語言分析研究之基石。 / Owing to the necessity to identify unaccusative existence/appearance verbs and realize how they are acquired by L2 learners, this present thesis aims to analyze a highly frequent English unaccusative verb HAPPEN and compare it with its three other synonyms (OCCUR, APPEAR, and EXIST), as well as its Chinese counterpart發生 fāshēn ‘happen.’ Native speaker corpora (the British National Corpus (BNC) for English and Chinese Gigaword 2 Corpus (GW 2.0) for the Chinese), and L2 learner corpora (the Language Training and Testing Learner Corpus (the LTTC), International Corpus of Learner English 2.0 (the ICLE), and the National Chengchi University Foreign Language Learner Corpus (the NCCU)) are utilized to analyze the unaccusative verbs in the first main section. In addition, in order to discover the relationship between L2 English errors and L1 Chinese transfer, psycholinguistic experiments (two acceptability judgments tasks with comparable Chinese and English HAPPEN sentence constructions) based on the corpora data were conducted in this thesis. The results in this thesis showed that, first, the highly frequent grammatical forms of unaccusative verbs (e.g., happened or happen) in the English native speaker corpus share some similarities with those of L2 learner corpora. However, these grammatical forms were usually misused by L2 learners and were frequently collocated with the two common unaccusative errors (overpassivization, e.g., *What is happened? and trasitivization, e.g., *I happen a car accident.). Second, as for the distributions of unaccusative error types, HAPPEN and OCCUR were found to mainly co-occur with overpassivization errors, whereas APPEAR and EXIST were found to mainly co-occur with transitivization errors. This indicates that each unaccusative verb may have different potential for L2 unaccusative errors, and therefore the causes of these errors with different verbs may vary. Third, from the analysis of psycholinguistic experiments, we discover that the L1 Chinese grammatical patterns, such as the V-le grammatical pattern (e.g., 出現了chūxiànle ‘appear-le’) and the V+N grammatical pattern (e.g., 發生車禍fāshēngchēhuò ‘The car accident happened’, 發生戰爭 fāshēngzhànzhēng ‘The war occurred’, and存在缺失 cúnzàiquēshī ‘The pitfalls existed’) may influence L2 learners’ correct judgment as to the grammatical forms of unaccusative verbs. This reveals that generally L1 Chinese might have some interference with L2 unaccusative acquisition. Based on the results, we proposed that the perfectivity and transitivity differences between English and Chinese unaccusative existence/appearance verbs could distinguish the uses among the English HAPPEN and the Chinese發生 fāshēn ‘happen’ with their synonyms. These differences could also provide a possible reason for the cause of the problematic L2 unaccusative acquisition. This thesis overcomes the difficulties of comparing unaccusative existence/appearance verbs in the previous studies and attempts to unravel the enigma of acquiring this verb type from the integrated corpus-based and empirical findings. These findings in turn serve as the suggested assumptions to interpret unaccusative verbs, which can be applied to the design of language teaching materials or can be viewed as the basis of cross-language analysis in the future studies.

過去許多研究著眼於探討英文介系詞的語意，其中許多學者專注在單一介系詞的探討（e.g., Boers, 1996; Lindstromberg, 2010），其它學者則分析由動詞與介系詞組成之動詞片語、由介系詞與名詞組成之介系詞片語的語意（e.g. Larsen-Freeman & Celce-Murcia, 1999; Lindner, 1983; Quirk, Greenbaum, Leech, & Svartik, 1985）。過去這些研究大多在單一介系詞的框架下進行，鮮少有包含雙介系詞的句構的研究。本論文所研究之句構為：一個由動詞及UP/DOWN組成之動詞片語加上一個由IN與名詞組成之介系詞片語，在本句構中包含兩個連用之介系詞，本研究的分析包含雙介系詞的語意、動詞片語以及介系詞片語的語意，另外還包含此句構中所有語意的語意關連。 本研究採納並調整前人對介系詞、動詞片語以及介系詞片語的語意類別，以調整過的語意類別分析句構。研究結果發現在此句構中，雙介系詞大多含有隱喻概念，而大多的動詞片語則用來表達完成的動作語意，介系詞片語則多描繪空間概念或狀態。除此之外，我們發現此句構中的語意間有所關連，另外我們更發現UP和DOWN在本句構中並沒有完全對比的語意。 在本研究中，我們不同於以往研究只專注於一個介系詞或一個片語的分析，而是由三個角度切入探討一個含有雙介系詞的句構，未來期望能將本研究的結果運用在對比學習者對此句構的語言表現，並對介系詞的教學有更多貢獻。

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範域 (Extent)這個論旨角色在漢語中是個常見卻鮮少被研究的論旨角色 (Halliday, 1964; Teng, 1975; Dowty, 1991; Huang, 1993; Her, 2009)，本研究旨在探討漢語中的範域論旨角色並且為以客體(Theme)，感受者(Experiencer)，以及範域(Extent)三個論旨角色為論元的句子提出合理的解釋，例如 “一本書寫了他三年”此類句子。 本篇論文的第一部份探討漢語中的數量詞(number expression)以及時間詞(duration)並且指出在漢語中他們經常被指派為範域論旨角色(Extent)。接著探討 “一本書寫了他三年”此類句子，並且提出活動動詞(activity verb)以及達成動詞(accomplishment verb)會模仿心理動詞(psych verb)因此產生此類句型，也就是客體(Theme)在主詞位置，而感受者(Experiencer)以及範域(Extent)為受詞。由於動詞 ‘寫’模仿了心理動詞，而且此類句型著重在受詞受到動詞的影響，因此原本的主事者(Agent) ‘他’成為主事者和感受者的複合角色(composite role)，但是只有感受者參與詞彙照映(lexical mapping)。論文最後一部份為“一本書寫了他三年”此類句子進行詞彙照映(lexical mapping)，本篇論文參照Zaenen (1993)的混合解釋方法(mixed account)以及Her (1999, 2003, 2007)的統一映照理論(unified mapping principle)成功的解釋了此類句子的論元體現(argument realization) 。 / Extent (Dowty, 1991; Her, 2009) is also referred to as Range (Halliday, 1964; Teng, 1975) or Domain (Huang 1993). It is a less studied yet commonly seen thematic role in Mandarin Chinese. This thesis aims to investigate the thematic role Extent in Mandarin Chinese, and to propose an explanation for the sentence where the verb has three arguments as Theme, Experiencer and Extent, such as yi4ben3 shu1 xie3le5 ta1 san1 nian2 ‘It took him three years to write a book’. In the first part, this thesis explores the thematic role Extent in Mandarin Chinese, and it is proposed that number expression and duration be considered as Extent. Then, the sentences having three arguments such as in the sentence yi4ben3 shu1 xie3le5 ta1 san1 nian2 ‘It took him three years to write a book’ are investigated. It is proposed that activity verb and accomplishment verb model the syntactic behavior of psych verb so that they can have Theme in the subject position and Experiencer and Extent as two complements. Since the activity verb xie3 ‘write’ models the psych verb and the sentence structure focuses on the [affected] feature of the object, the Agent ta1 ‘he’ becomes a composite role of Agent and Experiencer, but only the Experiencer can participate in the lexical mapping. In the last part of the thesis, the lexical mapping of the sentence yi4ben3 shu1 xie3le5 ta1 san1 nian2 ‘It took him three years to write a book’ is demonstrated. This thesis adopts Zaenen’s (1993) mixed account and Her’s (1999, 2003, 2007) unified mapping principle (UMP) to successfully account for the argument realization of the sentence.

情態動詞「會」在前人的研究當中，具有許多不同的功能，例如表能力、表預知、表一般特性等不同的功能。本論文採用Monosemy View，認為「會」在語言表面上所呈現出之不同用法，並不是武斷毫無關係的，而是存在著非常密切的語意關連性。再者，透過此觀點，我們希望嘗試找出這些不同功能之間的語意關係。本研究提出三個假設如下：第一，情態動詞「會」有一個語意核心，表說話者對於句子命題的體現(realization)，有著非常高的把握；第二，情態動詞「會」在句子裡擔任一個運符(operator)的角色，其作用是將說話者對此句子的語態加諸在此句子之上；第三，本篇論文提出「會」所呈現出許多不同的功能，是經由情態動詞與句子之情態內容所交互作用的結果。 / Carrying multiple functions--such as ability, prediction and generic--the modal verb hui in Mandarin Chinese has been extensively studied by previous researchers. This thesis, following the monosemy view, claims that the various functions of hui are not arbitrary, but closely related to one another. To account for the correlation between the various functions of hui, this thesis proposes three hypotheses. First, hui denotes assurance, indicating that the speaker’s attitude towards the realization of the propositional content is full of high assurance. Secondly, hui functions as an OPERATOR of the proposition denoted by the sentence. Thirdly, hui's multiple functions are context-derived. This thesis maintains that it is the interaction between the modal verb hui and the sentence’s proposition that results in the different functions carried by hui.