在21世紀的國際關係中，全球事務的複雜性提高，跨國民眾間的互動愈趨頻繁，以國家為中心的傳統外交思維逐漸出現轉變。各國的外交政策也更強調跨文化間的對話與互動，及建立跨國人際關係網絡的重要性。而公眾外交的作用即在於藉由影響他國民眾或菁英份子的認知與觀感，進而在目標國家內部形塑對本國有利的政策環境，遂成為各國政府制定對外政策時的重要工具，更是當前相當熱門的國際關係研究主題。近年來，我國政府也開始透過多樣化的途徑來推動公眾外交，希望提升國家形象以期能增加臺灣的國際能見度。其中，國際教育交流不僅能夠提供國際青年學子相互交往的機會，促使外籍學生以最直接的方式認識臺灣，甚至能建立他國民眾與我國的長期情感聯繫，被認為是最有效的推動途徑之一。在這樣的研究背景及政策環境基礎上，本文將以「臺灣獎學金計畫」作為研究主軸，並針對計畫受獎生進行問卷調查，進而評估政府獎學金計畫推動公眾外交的成效，同時也將釐清「臺灣獎學金計畫」在我國公眾外交上扮演何種角色。 總結而言，本研究首先經由詳盡地文獻回顧，以釐清公眾外交的發展脈絡及不同發展階段的概念核心。其次，本文嘗試賦予公眾外交更多在國際關係和外交政策中具體的理論基礎，並將軟實力、系統理論、結構主義的概念帶入公眾外交領域之中。再者，本文也從臺灣眾多的公眾外交作為中，歸納出其背後所欲追求的政策目標，而後聚焦於說明「臺灣獎學金計畫」，並致力於探討及評析國際間具知名度的政府獎學金計畫，從中歸納出成功推行政府獎學金計畫的關鍵因素，進而與我國獎學金計畫進行比較。最後，本文藉由問卷調查的實證結果來說明我國以政府獎學金推動公眾外交的成效，並提供臺灣日後發展公眾外交的建議。 / International relations in 21st Century has shown the features of highly complexity of global affairs and frequently interaction among cross-borders people; therefore, traditional diplomacy has changed into modern face accordingly. Nowadays, the governments tend to emphasize the dialogues and linkages of relationship between different cultures in foreign policy. The purpose of public diplomacy is to influence opinion in target countries to make it easier for the government to achieve its aims. For this reasons, public diplomacy has become an essential element of many countries foreign policy and a popular research area in the IR studies. Taiwanese Government has implemented public diplomacy in various approaches in order to improve the Taiwan images on the world stages. Among all the approaches of public diplomacy, international educational exchanges can not only let international students experience Taiwan in person, but also facilitate inter-cultural communication and build the long-lasting relationships between Taiwan. Based on the above-mentioned reasons, this article takes the Taiwan Scholarship Program as a study case in order to analyze of the role of the program in Taiwan’s public diplomacy. This study empirically investigates the outcomes of the Taiwan Scholarship Program by conducting the questionnaire for the Taiwan Scholarship grantees, who are studying in Taiwan during 2011-2012. To sum up, this article manages to extensively retrospect the development of public diplomacy in the international relations and capture the core elements of public diplomacy under different ages. Besides, in order to provide theoretical bases for public diplomacy, the article tries to put soft power, systemic theory, and structuralism into discussions. Furthermore, the study dedicates to illustrate its policy goals from the practices of Taiwan’s public diplomacy and compare the Taiwan Scholarship Program with other prestigious government scholarship in world as well. Finally, the study indicates that the Taiwan Scholarship Program plays an important role in Taiwan’s public diplomacy, particularly because face-to face contact between grantees and Taiwanese people helps diminish the stereotypes and increase the mutual understanding.

中東地處歐亞非交界，是地緣戰略不可忽略的地方，亦是全球的能源生產重地，世界強權皆欲在此佔有一席之地，其中伊拉克含括兩河流域，為中東地區中心位置，石油儲量全球第二，戰略地點更顯重要，但宗教派系紛爭及強權覬覦的影響，伊拉克經常呈現紛亂狀態。 911事件後，美國將伊拉克列為邪惡軸心國家之一，認定其與恐怖組織掛勾，危害國際社會，決定再次出兵撻伐，並計劃以「美式民主」將伊拉克改造成中東的民主表率，期能在該地區推動民主風潮，但事實與結果卻是美國深陷伊拉克戰爭泥沼，為此付出極大代價，並被國際社會批判。 美國對伊拉克發動戰爭共經歷小布希總統及歐巴馬總統共3個任期，兩人政黨背景不同，執政理念存在差異，執政期間亦經歷各種國內外不同事件之影響，繼而產生不同的伊拉克政策；分析比較兩位總統在對伊拉克戰爭期間的做法，有助探討美國在不同政黨及總統外交政策的延續情況。 經過探討小布希總統與歐巴馬總統採取的伊拉克政策、對極端分子的態度及國內外重大事件等對美國伊拉克政策的影響，顯示美國不會因政黨及總統改變而轉變其外交政策，其政策是延續性的，政策的最高原則仍是將國家利益與安全放在第一位。 / The Middle East which is located at the junction of the three continents of Europe, Asia and Africa, is important for both geography and energy. That is the reason why all powerful countries wanted to occupy it. Iraq which includes Mesopotamia is in the central location of Middle East and takes the second leading in the world’s oil output. However, Iraq is usually in a unstable situation because of religious tribal disputes and keen competition of many powerful countries. After the 911attacks, the United States identified Iraq as the key of the evil countries and also a terrorist organization. The U.S. sent troops to attack Iraq and planned to transform Iraq into a democratic example of the Middle East with "American democracy". However, the U.S. paid a great price, and faced lots of criticism from the international community. The United States launched a war against Iraq across the term of office from President George W. Bush to President Barack Obama. Because the two presidents of different political parties and leading styles were influenced with various internal and external events, they also held different policies to Iraq. To analyze and compare the measures took by these two presidents in the Iraq war will help us to explore the situation of the U. S. foreign policies during the two political parties. After analyzing the foreign policies of President George W. Bush and President Obama towards Iraq and terrorist, we can know that the U.S. did not change its foreign policy through the two presidents of different political parties. The policy practiced by U.S. is continuous and consistent. The U.S. always put the nation’s interests and safety in the first place.

歷年來台灣金融體系結構一直大幅度蛻變轉型中，尤其自銀行法於一九八九年修正並通過開放民營以來，銀行家數已快速增加，票券金融公司、投信公司、投顧公司、證券商、證券金融公司等亦快速開放成長。 近年我國金融體系又產生另一波趨勢，合併與策略聯盟風氣盛行，迄今國內已成立十四家金融控股公司，未來其彼此間應仍有再進一步整合之可能。惟金融控股公司之成立雖意味著金融產品多樣化、經營規模大型化與國際化之走向，但因金融機構於資本整合之後，其於經濟體系中之重要性亦不斷向上竄升，從而金融控股公司之內部監控與外部監理似亦應受到同等之重視，否則金融機構可以利用少數的股本掌握大量資產，槓桿倍數不小，恐將容易發生弊端。 復觀目前國內金融控股公司對其子公司持股之概況，吾人發現其共同特點，亦即金控公司僅負責對轄下子公司之指揮協調，自身並未實際經營業務，且各家金控公司殆皆持有其子公司百分之百股份。於此情況下，傳統股份有限公司內部監控機制所受之衝擊與因應為何，爰為本文所欲探究之核心。

當前主權國家仍是人民利益的最高集中表現，亦是人類歷史發展形成現代文明的主要標誌，這事實命題預告著主權國家的功能與地位，在國內與國際之間的中介重要性。概括地說，研究西方國家的理論與方法，構成了認知現代文明標準的途逕和框架，對於邁向現代化國家的參照體，實有具體的模仿對應。環顧國際社會，對於西方國家所建立的現代文明，具有潛在挑戰性或威脅性的最大變數應屬中共，即強調有「中國特色」的因素，在於中共與國際接軌的同時，亦是「麻煩製造者」的產生，特別是在冷戰後的中共所代表的意義與影響。 　　從兩極格局瓦解所開啟冷戰後的新歷史時期，中共益顯自信對於「時代問題」的預判。換言之，強調「經濟因素」在國際層面上，是主導國際政治格局未來發展的關鍵力量，憑藉著槓桿原理將國家由邊陲位置轉向至核心地位，在制高點透過規範機制予以設計出有利於中共的國際政治、經濟新秩序。而在國內層面上，「經濟因素」亦是共產主義理論再創新的活力源泉，專注於中共治理的主權國家內部範疇，並保證共產黨執政的最大績效與人民的滿意度。構成了當前中共以共產主義中國化的本質，卻採取西方國家的市場經濟制度，即在綜合國力逐漸提升之際，西方國家深信地認知「中共崛起」的相對意義，卻是「中國威脅論」的序幕開始。 　　本文運用「認知途逕」去分析中共的世界觀，據以觀察其對國際形勢的變遷，是由於中共內因作用的影響，來理解中共的對外思維，實係有別於西方國家的世界觀，此部分亦說明了雙方結構性矛盾之所在。特別是在冷戰後的中共，在國際政治格局轉換的期間，表現出對於國際機制積極參與者和建構者的旺盛企圖，譬如以國際政治權力和利益的水平分權化為原則的多極化格局推動，認知是中共朝向大國之林的外交奮鬥目標。又例如2001年中共成為「世界貿易組織」第143個會員國，代表著中共經濟地位的戰略轉變。這是在中共與西方國家互動行為的歷史經驗積累，所得到「實力政治」的總結，使得中共在冷戰後的整體表現更傾向是現實主義的維護者。 / The thesis contends that an understanding of the effective and significant intermediate role of sovereignty both in the national and international relations. Sovereignty is not only the most advanced development of collectivity, but also the reform process of the modern civilization. The importance of this research is brought into focus by recent changes in broader economic and social reform programmes, political decentralization and reforms in China. By 1978 China was ready for major shifts in political and economic policy. Hong Kong had become essential as a vital source of foreign exchange for the Chinese economy. In addition, the return of Hong Kong by Britain in 1997 and of Macau by Portugal in 1999 formally heralded the end of European extra-territoriality in China. 　　After the Cold War, China seems to be potentially regarded as a ‘trouble maker’ in western societies. Unlike Russia, with the emergency of Chinese historical assessment, strategic analysis, contingency planning and policy reformulation, China has adopted a gradualist part-privatization policy based on ‘the characteristics of Chinese nationalism’, slowly opening its economy to the global economy while resisting democratic political reform. The thesis examines whether the reform and pace of reform is shaped by the desire to avoid political and social unrest which could, potentially, threaten the harmony of the Chinese central apparatus. 　　In addition, China has succeeded in combining stability with political-economic change on the mainland. The thesis views the fact that China has drawn the increasing attention from international perspectives in the western world. With its confidence, Chinese government has predicted the epoch belonging to China in terms of the powerful economic growth at the turn of the century. Although the successful EU integration and such international factors as the strategic perceptions of the USA may partially determine the future of the configuration of world power, China has taken a special position on the establishment of diplomatic relations from marginal position up to the vital status. Moreover, by concentrating on the internal affairs within China, Chinese government could remain the authority and legitimacy of the communism party. Chinese communism party has adopted the western marketization (free marketing system), which is now implicit in the development of successful ‘China Rising’; meanwhile, it has the potential to be propelled by the powerful trends of globalization and policy reformulation transferred into the stage of ‘China Threatening’ in international relations. 　　In this study, the perceptive approach is the main research methodology in analyzing Chinese global perspective on the diplomatic development as well as the political economy and international diplomatic relations of transition in China. Clearly, this study includes an examination of the influence of the powerful economic growth on the reproduction of the communism party in China. With ‘backdoor privatization’ through opening up the economy and the encouragement of foreign direct investment and non-state owned enterprises in the form of township-and village-owned enterprises, the Chinese economy has undergone dramatic transformation during the past two decades. However, control remains firmly in the hands of the Chinese communist party. 　　The thesis concludes that, to broaden the horizon in the western community, after the Cold War, China has been active and proactive on the establishment of diplomatic relations with western countries, and China has a tendency to commit itself to the guardian of realism. For example, China became a party of the 143rd member in World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001, which formally marked the milestone of the Chinese economic power in the world. These consistent changes have indicated that China embarked on its open policy and the western community evolved into the major economic and political force in the world.