根據Joseph Nye的定義:軟實力是透過吸引和説服，而非以強迫或收買，使你得到想要的東西的能力。最近，為了推動他們的「和平崛起」，中國政府致力於軟實力的發展。其焦點是採用非威脅的、基於文化的方法以迎合世界其他國家，進而達到展現中國是新興超級強國的目的。 已知電影為強而有力的文化工具，而在二十一世紀美國好萊塢的電影產業一向穩占世界主導地位。但在世紀之交，中國把本土的電影業市場化，將此媒介從純粹的宣傳工具變成一個文化產業。根據胡錦濤二零零七年的敦促，中國需要進一步發展文化上的軟實力以因應國家快速的崛起。發展至今，固然中國電影業的軟實力尚未能與美國電影業相比擬，但它在過去十年的進步仍然令人難以置信。 若中國確實將電影業視為國家重要的軟實力資源之一，則仍然有許多障礙需要克服。 但所謂的障礙究竟是什麽？本論文將評論中國電影業的軟實力發展。我們將蒐集與評估現有的資料以研究其進化與現況。更將進一步分析， 在針對中國特定的軟實力目標上，該產業的成功與不足。 / According to Joseph Nye, “Soft power is the ability to get what you want through attraction rather than coercion or payments” (2004, 256). Recently, China has been making a soft power push to promote its “peaceful rise,” focusing on a non-threatening culture based approach, with the aim of ingratiating themselves as an emerging super power to the rest of the world. Film remains a powerful cultural tool, one that the U.S. industry in Hollywood has dominated throughout the twenty-first century. But as China marketized its own film industry at the turn of the century, the medium there has moved away from being purely a propaganda apparatus to more of a cultural industry. Upon Hu Jintao’s urging in 2007, China must better develop its cultural soft power to accommodate its meteoric rise. While the Chinese film industry’s soft power development has not yet reached the ranks of the U.S.’s, it has made incredible strides over the past decade. There are still many hurdles for it to surpass if it truly intends to become a significant soft power resource for the country, but what are they? This thesis will evaluate the Chinese film industry’s soft power development by surveying existing material, data, and research on the subject, by examining its evolution, by reviewing its current environment, and by analyzing its successes and its shortcomings against the framework of China’s specific soft power objectives.

孔子學院是中國軟實力政策的展現。它創設的是目的為了向世界推廣中國文化與漢語，增進世界各國對中國的瞭解，目前全球已設有443所孔子學院與648間孔子課堂。 俄羅斯是中國最友好的朋友之一，也是重要的政治、經濟、戰略夥伴。因為兩國的關係不斷地發展，俄羅斯人對漢語的興趣也越來越高。為滿足俄羅斯人的需要，中國遂把在俄羅斯設立孔子學院列為積極推動的項目。俄羅斯目前已經有18所孔子學院與5間孔子課堂。 本論文的題目是『孔子學院在莫斯科：國家的形象與在地認知』，旨在瞭解在俄羅斯漢語教師與學生對孔子學院的觀感為何。 本論文所採用用的研究方法為面對面訪問跟次級資料分析。 分析的結果顯示，大部分受訪者持正面的看法，並對孔子學院給予高度評價，以及認為孔子學院對中俄關係的發展產生很重要的作用。雖然有一些人認為，孔子學院是中國政府情報機關的部分，但是總的印象是正面的。中國在俄羅斯成功地建立其自身的良好形象，而孔子學院是它以達到其目的使用的工具之一。 / Abstract Confucius Institute (CI) is one of China's soft power policy initiatives. It aims to promote Chinese language and culture all over the globe, enhance the world's understanding of China. Today there are already 443 Confucius Institutes and 648 Confucius Classrooms in the world. Russia is one China’s closest friends and allies, as well as its important political, economic and strategic partner. Due to the continuous development of the bilateral relations, Russian people are more and more interested in Chinese language. To meet their need in studying Mandarin, China is actively promoting the establishment of the Confucius Institute there. Now there are already 18 Confucius Institutes and 5 Confucius Classroom 5 in Russia. The name of this thesis is: "Confucius Institutes in Moscow: national image and local perception." It aims at understanding what kind of attitude Russians, who teach or study Chinese either at the CI or somewhere else, have towards the Confucius Institute. Besides, it was also important to understand whether Sino-Russian relations play a crucial role in shaping people’s attitude towards the CI. Throughout the research the author used primary data sources (field work, interviews), as well as secondary data sources. Field research was conducted only in Moscow, the rest of the information about the development of the CIs in Russia is observed through the secondary data sources (reports, newspapers, journals). Results of the analysis indicate that the majority of Russian people, on the example of Moscow, have favorable attitude towards the Confucius Institute. Although in general there are also those who are skeptical about this initiative in Russia, stating that China is using the CIs as a part of its intelligence network, but the overall impression is positive. The PRC managed to create a favorable image of itself in Russia, and the Confucius Institute is one of the tools it uses in order to reach its aim.

電影作為跨文化傳播的重要媒介，對國家形象的扮演有著重大作用。胡錦濤特別在2004的四中全會上提到中國一方面發展硬實力，另一面就是軟實力的培養。中國當局希望透過文化電影的發展超越西方國家。 　　中國旅法畫家高醇芳女士於2004年有感於法國人對中國電影的生疏，因而創立「巴黎中國電影節」，其宗旨就是向法國人推廣中國的電影，而此活動也逐漸受到中國當局的關注和協助。因此，中國政府採用「巴黎中國電影節」進行「公共外交」的策略。也希望影片中的意識形態能讓法國人接受。 　　中國在經濟上已逐漸與歐美並駕齊驅，在文化上更是希望與歐美國家抗衡。然而在西方影展得獎的中國片或是西方電影呈現的中國意象，這些影片經常出現很深的東方主義觀念。「巴黎中國電影節」的出現提供中國宣揚自身文化，以及利用此機會平反歐美國家對中國東方主義的觀點。 / Film is an important medium of cross-cultural communication, it plays major role in the shaping of national image. In 2004, Hu Jintao particularly referred to the development of China on Fourth Plenary Session. One is hard power; another is the training of soft power. Chinese authorities want to go beyond the western countries through the development of cultural films. 　　In 2004, Chinese painter in France, Ms. Gao Chunfang felt the French were unfamiliar on Chinese films, so she found “the Chinese Film Festival in Paris”. The purpose is to promote the Chinese Films to French public, and this festival is also gradually paid attention by Chinese authorities. Therefore, the Chinese government has adopted "Chinese Film Festival in Paris" to execute "public diplomacy strategy". The government also hopes the film's ideology could be accepted by French person. 　　Chinese economy has gradually reached Europe or American; it also wants to compete on culture. However, Chinese films won the reward on West Film Festival and the Chinese image on western films which often appear the concept of "Orientalism". The appearing of ''The Chines Film Festival in Paris" provides China to promote their culture, as well as they use this opportunity to vindicate the perspectives on Chinese Orientalism from United States and Europe. / 第一章緒論 1 第一節研究動機與目的 1 第二節研究架構 6 第二章文獻探討8 第一節軟實力和公共外交理論探討 8 第二節意識形態理論11 第三節國際電影節與中國電影節概略 12 第三章研究方法 16 第一節樣本取樣 16 第二節研究限制 28 第三節符號學分析 28 第四節鏡頭分析 32 第四章、分析 35 第一節中國夢VS.美國夢：《中國合夥人》、《北京遇見西雅圖》 35 第二節宣揚政府形象：《三個未婚媽媽》、《蝶吻》 46 第三節歌頌青春愛情：《情人節》、《青春派》、《我願意》 51 第四節演繹女性主義：《蕭紅》 76 第五節彰顯愛國情操：《黃金大劫案》 90 第六節營造民族融合：《唐卡》 97 第七節再現古老中國：《畫皮II》 110 第五章、結論 119 第六章、文獻參考 125

隨著中國在國際場域上地位的崛起，一方面為了消弭其他國際強權的防備之心，另一方面在經濟的驅動力之下，中國意識到國際形象的重要，於是近年來「軟實力」開始成為中國政府的重點政策。根據美國學者Joseph S. Nye，軟實力指的是一個國家對於國際公眾的吸引力，這樣的吸引力可能來自於文化資產、政治的意識形態以及形塑國際議題方向的能力。媒體通常在軟實力中扮演著重要的角色，像是CNN、Al Jazeera就分別為美國和阿拉伯國家帶來影響國際輿論的能力。2010年，新華社創立了一個新的國際新聞頻道CNC World，便是因應軟實力的需求而生，期許CNC World能和CNN、BBC、Al Jazeera等國際新聞頻道分庭抗禮，不僅僅有主導國際議題的能力，更能在國際事件中，將所謂的「中國觀點」傳播出去。因此新華社投入了巨額的資金在CNC World上，並且在財務結構上改革，允許49% 的私人投資，藉以昭示CNC World的新聞內容不受中國政府的檢查制度介入，旨在提供國際觀眾「公正」、「客觀」與具有「中國觀點」的國際新聞。 本論文欲探討，CNC World是否在軟實力的時代脈絡下，在建構新聞事件上真的有所調整。因此本論文比較CNC World和另外一個全然由中國政府出資的國際新聞台CCTV 9，以及國際主流新聞頻道CNN，在七件國際重大議題上的報導架構，去觀察CNC World如何平衡中國政府的偏好和國際觀眾的期待。研究結果發現，CNC World相較另外兩個新聞頻道，在修辭以及題材的選擇上都較為中立，而對於「中國觀點」CNC World也有獨樹一格的闡述方式。但是研究結果也反映，無論是CNC World、CCTV 9 或是CNN 都無法脫離其主要資金提供者那隻「看不見的手」來左右新聞的框架。 / CNC World is an international news channel of China established in July 2010 with a mission of the changing China. Under the current international political context of a rising China, the Chinese government started to emphasize on the development of its soft power. One of the abilities that China wants to obtain is the power to influence the worldwide audience’s conception of the major global agenda and their perception toward certain countries’ images. This is the context in which CNC World is established. The Xinhua News Agency has invested unprecedentedly in CNC World to ensure its success. In addition, to assure CNC World’s news credibility, the financial structure of CNC World is reformed to have a government hands-off editorial board. This thesis compares CNC World’s news reporting with CCTV 9 and CNN International, aiming to find out how CNC World adjusts its news coverage on the major global agenda under the soft power context. Seven current global issues are included in the study: South China Sea Dispute between China and Vietnam, US Currency Bill on China, Palestinian Statehood bin in UN, The Fall of Gaddafi, Arab Spring in Egypt, Greece Debt Crisis, and The Killing of Osama bin Laden. The result shows that CNC World tends to use a relatively neutral way to report these issues and it has indeed found a unique way to present the Chinese perspective. However, that the international news represents its funding providers’ positions remains the same.

近年來，中國和拉美國家在政治、經貿和人文等各方面的關係越來越密切。為了增強中國的綜合國力、提升中國的國際地位並促進中拉關係持續發展，中國在拉美地區大力推廣孔子學院。本文透過研究孔子學院在拉美發展的情形，探討中拉關係的發展趨勢及中國對拉美國家的文化軟實力，發現中拉雙方的政治和經貿關係影響文化交流甚深，顯示中國希望其文化軟實力能和政治與經濟等硬實力相匹配。然而，儘管漢語熱確實在拉美地區升溫，拉美孔子學院在改善中國形象方面的成效卻不如預期。 / In recent years, China and Latin American countries have developed closer relations in various fields such as politics, economy and humanities. Through promoting Confucius Institute in Latin America, China seeks to improve its comprehensive national strength, enhance its international status and promote the sustainable development of Sino-Latin America relations. This thesis, through analyzing Confucius Institutes in Latin America, discussed the trend of China-Latin America relations and China’s cultural soft power in Latin American countries. It was found that the political and economic ties between China and Latin America have a profound impact on cultural exchanges because China attempts to make its cultural soft power match its hard power. However, despite the fact that the demand for Chinese language learning has indeed surged in Latin America, the improvement of China’s image in the region is less than expected.

中國自1963年向阿爾及利亞派遣第一支醫療隊以來，穩定對非洲發展衛生外交，近年來漸吸引中國及外國學者注意，然基於中國對外援的保密性，以及衛生外交未成顯學，對於中國在非洲衛生外交的狀況因此缺乏資料，本文以現有研究結果為基礎，蒐集和整理中國官方資料，描繪出中國在非洲衛生外交發展、規模及樣態。中國藉由衛生外交在非洲取得可觀利益，包括政治方面，如非洲國家支持中國取代台灣在聯合國席位、為中國人權議題護航以及在兩岸議題上支持中國立場；經濟方面，如以衛生外交打進非洲市場，引入中國製藥品以及以醫療物資換取非洲國家資源；軟實力方面：提升中國形象，促進中非在其他方面的合作。然中國在非洲衛生外交也面臨不少挑戰，包括中國國內醫生不足、語言文化隔閡、中國人大量進入非洲為非洲帶來的威脅感，以及非洲國家效率不佳等問題。 　　本文選用莫三比克為討論個案，主要基於中國對莫國衛生援助穩定，以及莫國非能源出口國，因此正可用以檢視中國官方媒體對中國在非洲衛生外交的「神話」般報導以及有些中國學者對於中國衛生外交不為能源而是傳播道義思想的論述是否真確。研究發現僅管莫國現不具能源，中國藉由提供衛生援助在莫國取得其他重要利益，如政治層面，外科醫生江永生使莫國堅定且明確支持兩岸統一；經濟層面，如熟悉中國藥品的莫國向中國製藥公司購買抗瘧疾藥品，軟實力層面，莫國大部分民眾對中國抱持好感，政府官員也甚讚中莫醫療合作。莫國同時也是第一個曾經拒絕中國醫療隊派遣的國家，也正可藉此檢視中國衛生外交面臨的困境。除語言文化隔閡外，中國醫生不願至莫國偏鄉服務加上其他外國醫生在莫國的競爭使莫國有意降低對中國醫療資源的依賴，是莫國不願續約的主因。中國若不能妥善處理上述問題，莫國可能不會是唯一一個拒絕接受中國醫療資源的國家。 / Since its very first medical team to Algeria in 1963, China has been steadily developing its health diplomacy in Africa. This stably growing flow of medical resources from China to Africa has caught attention from both Chinese and foreign scholars. However, owing to the confidentiality of Chinese foreign aid and the fact that health diplomacy is a term that is relatively new in the academia, there is no clear picture about China’s health diplomacy in Africa. Based on the existing literature, this thesis complies facts and figures principally from Chinese official sources in a bid to draw a clear picture of the development, scale, and pattern of China’s health aid to Africa. Via health diplomacy, China gains considerable benefits. In the political front, African countries that have received medical assistance from China support China’s bid to replace Taiwan in the United Nations, shield China from human right censoring, and stand with China in cross-strait issue. In the economic front, with health diplomacy, China introduces home-manufactured medicine to Africa or simply trades its medical service with Africa’s natural resources, tapping into a continent that is stricken with disease. More than political and economic benefits, health diplomacy most importantly burnishes China’s image in Africa, enhancing its soft power. However, China’s health diplomacy doesn’t go without any obstacles. The lack of volunteer doctors, the barriers of language and culture, a sense of threat conjured by the heavy presence of Chinese in Africa, the inefficiency of African countries and so forth, all present themselves as impediments to China’s health diplomacy in Africa. This thesis chooses Mozambique as the target for further research because China’s medical aid to Mozambique has been very stable. Also, Mozambique is not a major exporter of natural resource; hence it could be used to examine the often mythologized reports from China’s official media on the Chinese doctors serving in Africa, and the claims by some Chinese scholars about how China’s health assistance is not for natural resources but for solidarity. What my research finds however is that despite the lack of energy currently, Mozambique offers some other benefits to China. For political benefits, the Chinese surgeon, Jiang, Yong-Sheng ensures that Mozambique firmly endorses the unification of Taiwan and China. For economic benefits, Mozambique, who is well acquainted with Chinese medicine, purchases anti-malaria medicine from a Chinese medical company. As for soft power, a majority of Mozambicans have favorable opinion toward China. The Mozambican officials for numerous times praise the medical cooperation between China and Mozambique. However, at the same time, Mozambique was the first country that refused to accept a new team of Chinese doctors to come to Mozambique, and thus it is also a good case to analyze the challenges that are facing China now. Apart from language and cultural barriers, Chinese government’s refusal to deploy their doctors in rural areas in Mozambique, and the medical personnel from other countries, make Mozambique tries to gradually reduce its dependence on China’s medical assistance. Being aware of its overdose reliance on China was the main reason why Mozambique didn’t want to renew the contract. If Beijing fails to solve the aforementioned problems, Mozambique might not be the only African country that says no to China’s doctors.

創新是進入二十一世紀以後，全球共同關注的焦點議題，不論對企業或對國家而言，均可謂扮演著成長引擎的角色；而本研究進一步認為，產業創新是企業在思考更上一層樓時應該著眼的大方向，更是政府在創造國家競爭力上不可忽視的重要課題，有必要了解其本質與內涵。由於過去文獻大部份僅探討以企業為主體的創新議題，即使論及產業創新，亦多屬定義上的著墨，缺乏具體且完整的架構論述，因此本研究透過實際案例來探討產業創新的實際內涵與具體模式，研究本身即屬一創新產物的聯盟組織──A-Team，以產業創新的觀點探究其如何造成台灣自行車產業今日的創新升級，藉由架構出其已證明可行的模式與實務操作重點，提供產業界應用之參考。 此外，不同於一般對A-Team強調其內部互動結果的相關研究，本研究同時亦重視A-Team發展過程所遭遇的實務問題與解決過程，並發掘其尚有待突破的問題與原因，最後也提出相應的建議。本研究同時亦回顧台灣自行車產業一路發展至今的歷史，發現其階段性成果之體現恰可說明台灣中小企業的一種「軟實力」，故本研究亦建議政府有關單位應重新思考固有對「傳統產業」的區分是否適當，本研究認為政府未來在制定產業政策時，尚可納入產業的競爭力、獲利力等思考面向進行規劃。 本研究針對產業創新與實務案例進行關聯性與理論化之探索研究，嘗試由實務案例歸納出一完整可供實務界參考之產業創新模型，而研究結果摘要如下： 1.A-Team的出現乃欲解決台灣產業外移與自行車產業走入價格競爭困境之問題，是故其產業創新背景來自產業遭遇困境，產業創新動機乃出自於欲解決產業所面臨之問題。 2.A-Team重新定位台灣自行車產業在全球扮演的角色為──「台灣為全球自行車市場創新樞紐及創新產品與服務的來源」，以此作為努力的大方向。由此可見就全球化競爭的產業而言，產業創新第一步在於建立其差異化的市場定位，產業創新過程的任何戰術均為達此戰略目標而來。 3.A-Team由巨大與美利達兩大世界級成車廠聯手發起，首先由其供應商與協力廠中篩選、募集初始會員，會員組成涵蓋產業上、中、下游廠商。由此可知，產業創新涉及整個產業鏈，非產業任一端所能獨立達成，而台灣自行車業以其獨特的產業聯盟方式成立A-Team，作為產業創新的樞紐。 4.A-Team定調其發展主軸在「協同管理」、「協同開發」、「協同行銷」，實際執行方式乃由協助會員導入豐田生產管理(TPS)與E化做起，改善會員廠商的生產製造管理效能，此亦目前實踐得最為成功的一個軸心。由此可知，台灣自行車產業原來有著生產製造、研發設計、經營行銷能力上的「不夠好」問題，為了開創「夠好」產品的新市場，乃在A-Team架構下結合產業鏈各端，以「集體學習、個別改善」的方式進行整體產業能力的提升，因此提升產業成員能力是傳統製造業創新升級的首要課題。 5.承上，在A-Team的發展主軸中「協同管理」在生產製造能力的提升上，因導入TPS、引進資訊科技，及施行會員彼此定期觀摩與檢驗成果的作法，而有顯著的精進，然在「協同開發」、「協同行銷」方面則尚未達到令A-Team滿意的成績。本研究認為A-Team在「協同開發」、「協同行銷」目標上至今仍難以突破的原因，除了研發設計與行銷實力本來就不易由內部短期培養而成之外，另一大關鍵因素在於A-Team會員中其實存在競爭關係，巨大與美利達即是一例，因此產業創新就A-Team模式來看，不可忽視「利益衝突」的問題，本研究建議從「智慧財產規劃管理」的面向去解決；而行銷議題則建議應思考以發展「產地品牌」為共同行銷所努力的目標，讓「台灣自行車」在全球建立像「紐西蘭奇異果」一樣的國家品牌印象，此亦產業創新可作為其後維持競爭力的參考策略。 6.A-Team創造自行車產業在台灣與大陸的兩岸分工生產模式──A-Team許多會員原來其實已將公司、廠房移至大陸，在A-Team的要求下才又將部份基地遷回台灣，而形成台灣研發生產高級自行車、大陸生產中低階自行車的分工模式，其中巨大與美利達乃以創造副品牌或第二品牌的方式行銷不同等級的自行車，並堅守高級自行車由台灣生產組裝的原則，以落實兩岸自行車產業的差異化。由此可見，處於全球競爭環境之中，產業與企業在世界工廠的磁吸效應下，外移成本低廉國家並非維持競爭力的唯一途徑，A-Team即是為了解決此種產業兩難問題的創新產物，因此產業創新可參考台灣自行車A-Team模式而發展產業在本地的新價值，此亦可視為一種破壞式創新，而欲解決的是傳統產業「既有市場」(因價格競爭造成產品不夠好)與「新市場」(研發生產夠好的產品以創造新的市場需求)之間的兩難困境，上述亦為本研究一獨特之發現，即傳統產業所面臨的「兩難」與哈佛大學教授克里斯汀生研究科技產業所提出的「創新的兩難」中之「兩難」恰相反，然事實上卻有異曲同工之妙，最後仍可經由實踐「破壞性的創新」而改變市場現況，因此本研究結果不僅印證、更充實了克里斯汀生教授的創新理論內涵。 / Innovation is crucial for any corporation or country to stimulate their economic growth. Innovation should be indispensible in industrial strategy and government competiveness. However, most studies on innovation have focused their subjects on an enterprise rather than an industry; this study would instead try to explore the essence and nature about the innovation of a mature / traditional industry through a successful case, aiming to serve as a reference for industrial innovation practice. This research will study how Taiwan’s bicycle industry upgraded itself through the organization / alliance innovation, as is known for A-Team. A-Team comprises major companies in the bicycle industry. Its members are not only partners but also competitors. The study will gather some key successful factors of the innovation as well as the transformation on Taiwan’s bicycle industry and propose some suggestions for both A-Team and the industry from a perspective of industrial innovation. The findings of this study basically include: 1. The background and the motivation of Taiwan’s bicycle industrial innovation. 2. How the hub of the innovation in Taiwan’s bicycle industry, A-Team, practices its plans/strategies to achieve its objective of upgrading and renewing Taiwan’s bicycle industry. 3. The potential solutions for certain problems in A-Team’s present practice. 4. The steps for a possible model of an industrial innovation based on the case-study of Taiwan’s bicycle industry. 5. This study further found that it also works for Professor Christensen’s theory—“Disruptive Innovation” to apply in the innovation of a traditional industry, but the innovation dilemma in the traditional industry is a reverse of that in the high-tech industry. 6. This study also demonstrates the “soft power” of Taiwan's small and medium enterprises by the active evolution in Taiwan’s bicycle industry.

本研究旨在藉由中國大陸與台灣公眾外交策略、官方文獻、新聞稿、研究報告、著作之搜集，分析比較兩岸公眾外交的思維發展、制度沿革、文化交流、國際傳播、形象塑造等，主要的研究發現如下： 一、因應無國界挑戰環境，網路科技是公眾外交的利器：處於瞬息萬變的資訊化、全球化、民主化時代，公眾外交必須善加利用網路科技，方能因應無國界、無時差之挑戰。 二、支助非政府組織推動公眾外交：政府不被信任是常有的事情。非政府組織強調獨立、非營利與專業，活動形式靈活多樣，與民眾關係也較密切，較官方機關更受人們信任。因此，政府支助非政府組織推動公眾外交，將獲得更明顯的成效。 三、公眾外交傳遞之訊息，其包裝須符合目標國家需求：設計訊息時，要有一個清晰的主題。在傳遞訊息之前，要了解接受訊息一方的需要，以他們能明白的方式去發送訊息。為吸引目標對象的注意，訊息內容除了要符合對方的國情外，還要以創意或新奇的手法包裝。 四、研究機構及媒體最能塑造輿論，是公眾外交的重點目標對象：研究機構及媒體之意見受到很多人的重視，會直接影響社會菁英及大眾。政府經常與各國智庫、基金會及大學等研究機構建立合作關係，共同提倡某些議題或政策，並藉由媒體塑造有利於本國的輿論環境，推動外交關係的發展。 五、設計推動公眾外交的跨部門協調機制：公眾外交涵蓋資訊、文化、教育等領域，有賴不同機關協力合作，但不同機關基於本位思考，難免意見相左，因此有必要設計一個跨部門的協調機制。 六、突發事件中之公眾外交，在於盡快提供正確的資訊：當突發事件發生時，由於資訊不明，國內外民眾詮釋危機訊息時，經常各自表述，公眾外交必須盡快提供正確的資訊，積極掌控全盤。 七、體育外交係較為國際社會所能接受之公眾外交活動：體育被譽為「世界通用語言」，可以讓不同血統、背景、宗教信仰和經濟狀況的各國人民共聚一堂，互相學習、瞭解、欣賞不同文化。 八、國民素質、文化活動、消費產品及對國際社會之貢獻係塑造國家形象之關鍵：公眾外交重要的目標就是形塑良好的國家形象。從研究分析形塑國家形象經驗中，了解塑造國家形象關鍵在於注重國民素質之培養、善用文化活動、提高消費產品信譽，以及對國外民眾做出實質貢獻，建立休戚與共與互惠關係。 / The research is aimed at studying ideology, institution, cultural exchanges, international communication of public diplomacy in Mainland China and Taiwan. After analyzing the relevant policies, official literature, news releases, and publications, I come up with the following research findings: First, internet technology is an efficient instrument of public diplomacy to cope with boundless environment. In the face of ever-changing global and democratic environment equipped with information technology, a government should make the most of internet technology to deal with real-time challenges transcending national borders. Second, a government may sponsor non-governmental organizations to implement public diplomacy. Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) attach great importance on their independence, non-profit programs and expertise. Moreover, by means of various and lively activities, NGOs establish close relations with the public, and thus are more trusted by the public than governments. In this context, a government may sponsor NGOs to launch public diplomacy and will bring about lasting effects. Third, a message to be delivered should meet the needs of the target audience. A message should be clear to the receiver and framed from the receiver’s point of view. Besides, to attract the target audience’s attention, the message should be delivered in a novice manner. Most importantly, the message will be perceived by both the sender and the receiver in the same way. Fourth, public diplomacy targets research organizations and the media to construct public opinion. As the majority of the public pay attention to the suggestions and advice from research organizations and the media, research organizations and the media can exert deep influences on the social elite and the public. As a result, a government always teams up with such research organizations as think tanks, foundations and universities to advocate certain issues or policies. Meanwhile, favorable public opinion will be built through the assistance of the media to develop foreign relations. Fifth, an inter-agency coordinating mechanism should be designed. Related with various aspects like information, culture and education, public diplomacy depends on relevant agencies to work hand in hand. However, given that different agencies surely have conflicting opinions, it is necessary to design an inter-agency coordinating mechanism. Sixth, timely leading public opinion is a key to dealing with unexpected events. As unclear or confusing information is rampant in an unexpected event, people at home and abroad are likely to make their own interpretation. A government should release accurate information as soon as possible to dominate the whole situation. Seventh, sports diplomacy is the most well received activity of public diplomacy. Dubbed the world’s common language, sports can bring all kinds of peoples together regardless of race, background, religion, and economic status and learn from each other. Eighth, national overall quality, cultural activities, consumer products, and contributions to the international community play a vital role in building a national image. Successfully building a national image lies in improving the national overall quality, making the most of cultural activities, enhancing the credibility of consumer products, and establishing mutually beneficial relations with the people abroad.

在台灣內部產、官、學界對於「開放陸生來台」議題，於政治、經濟、教育層面產生諸多正反討論之際，本研究深度訪談40位大陸地區交換學生，試圖由政策實施對象瞭解大陸地區交換學生在台現況、釐清大陸地區學生來台攻讀大專院校學位之意願以及檢視開放陸生來台政策內容。 過往涉及大陸學歷認證與開放陸生來台政策的相關文獻，多將研究主題著重於探討兩岸關係，如權力、政治菁英、意識型態等影響政策制定過程的決定因素。本研究則以「全球化」、「知識經濟」與「軟實力」的概念探討「開放陸生來台」政策，本研究焦點置於全球競爭時代中，吸收一流人才提升國家競爭力的重要性。 本研究針對受訪者的人口特徵、大陸地區交換學生來台動機、大陸地區交換學生在台現況、大陸地區學生來台就學意願進行分析，從受訪者對開放陸生來台政策之相關反應，整理歸納台灣吸引大陸地區學生來台攻讀高等教育學位之主要優勢，並預測台灣可能吸收之大陸學生類型。 根據主要研究發現，本研究之具體政策建議如下：1. 以香港、新加坡招收陸生政策為借鏡，放寬相關限制。2. 政府應投注更多資金與優惠政策協助各大專院校建立良好口碑，前往大陸地區進行「針對性、目的性」宣傳。3. 政府應對大陸地區學生展開大規模調查研究，瞭解其需求以作調整改進。4. 政府機關應培養兩岸優秀談判人才。 在未來研究方向的建議部分，應針對第一波來台留學之大陸地區學生進行後續追蹤研究，向大陸高校學生進行來台攻讀學位之意願調查，並針對亞太地區的招收陸生留學政策做更詳盡的比較分析，以期對開放陸生來台政策的施行進行有效之相關配套措施規劃，提升大陸地區學生來台就學意願，達到兩岸雙贏局面。 / Under the effects of globalization, attracting talents to improve national competitiveness has become a top priority for all countries in the world. Adopting to globalization, knowledge-based economy and soft power, this research intends to answer the following questions: （1） What is the current situation of mainland exchange students in Taiwan? （2） What are the factors affecting mainland students’ willingness to gain higher education degree in Taiwan? （3） How mainland exchange students subjectively interpret the open policy in allowing mainland students study in Taiwan universities? Through in-depth interviews and analysis of relevant policy making, this research tries to deduce the motivations and willingness of mainland students moving to Taiwan for higher education. Since no registered mainland students gained academic degree in Taiwan, the author interviewed and discussed with 40 mainland exchange students to identify Taiwan’s attractiveness and advantages compared to other opponents, such as Hong Kong and Singapore in the Greater China Area. The main research findings are: （1）The aspiration to go abroad, the limited opportunity to cross border, the convenience of using the same language, the attraction of Taiwan culture and the tough restriction to access Taiwan are the five main reasons why mainland exchange students choose Taiwan to visit. （2） Different degree of competitive pressure on students makes the distinct higher education circumstances between Mainland China and Taiwan. （3） The advantageous overseas diploma, the convenience of using the same language, the lower learning cost, the higher level of academic standards and the employment opportunities after ECFA are the main factors which attract mainland students gaining higher education degree in Taiwan. Based on the research findings, the policy advices are the followings: （1） Learning the advanced experience from Hong Kong and Singapore, the government should bend the rules and consider further relaxation of the policy. （2）Inject more money into making more propaganda for Taiwan’s universities. （3） Undertake large-scale empirical investigation to gather more information about the Chinese students’ willingness to study in Taiwan. （4） Train excellent negotiator in coordinating cross-strait affairs.

本文的目的在於說明國家形象和企業聲望的重要性，以及二者對國家競爭力的影響，並且針對如何改善台灣國家品牌計畫以提高它的形象建直一個模型。該模型強調在國家品牌計畫中，社群媒體所扮演的重要角色。由於社群媒體愈趨普及與廣泛使用，社群媒體將形成很大的可能性以凝聚民意。 本文主要分析材料分為兩個部分。其一，透過分析機關團體和群眾所編寫的聲望排名列表的內容，所收集到的原始數據，並且該數據也包括一項透過Facebook分析以觀察品牌貫徹的研究；其二，透過社群媒體與形象形成有關的研究著作、網站與書籍等文獻回顧，所收集的補助數據。 原始數據顯示大眾對於在技術媒體網站上建立產品排名有很大的興趣，而且在這些網站上的排名通常與一般機關團體排名有顯著不同，且以Facebook為材料分析顯示，台灣企業的品牌貫徹與全球最有聲望的企業並未有很大的差別。另外，輔助數據也顯示形象與聲望的重要性，以及社群媒體確有極高的可能對象與聲望生高度影響。 由於數據可見，台灣在技術開發和產品質量方面確有良好的形象，本文進一步指出，台灣應該集中這些功能，二非僅是推廣旅遊景點，方能改善國家形象的諸多方面。作為這項研究的結果，本文對於台灣以及和台灣具有相似特徵的其他國家，提出一個較能妥善貫徹國家品牌的模型。該模型強調國家與企業之間合作的必要性，進以改善雙方的形象與聲望。此外，該模型也指出，利用社群媒體提供的工具將有效地達成品牌貫徹。 / The purpose of this paper is to illustrate the importance of national image and corporate reputation and the interrelating power of the two on national competitiveness. In addition I hope to develop a model for the improvement of Taiwan’s nation branding project. The model points to the relevance of Social Media channels in nation branding projects. As a consequence of its increasing popularity and extensive usage, Social Media offers great opportunities for the reformation of public opinion. Data has been collected through a comprehensive literature review of research papers, websites and books on the two major subtopics: Social Media and image construction. Besides, analyses of reputation ranking lists prepared by organizations and the public were conducted. In addition, the paper also includes research through Facebook to examine branding practices. The research demonstrated the relevance of image/reputation, moreover the wide-ranging possibilities inherent in Social Media for exertion of influence. The data also showed that there is a broad public interest in product rankings of Tech Media Websites and that the top companies of those are usually distinct from the favorites of the official listings. The Facebook research did not show relevant differences between nation branding practices of the Taiwanese and the most reputable companies worldwide. The data showed that Taiwan has a good reputation in terms of technological development and product quality. This paper states that Taiwan should concentrate on these features instead of the promotion of tourist attractions, as a spillover effect will eventually lead to improvements in all aspects of national image. Based on the results of the study, this paper includes a nation-branding model for Taiwan and for other nations with similar characteristics to Taiwan. The model emphasizes the necessity of collaboration between the state and the corporate sphere in order to improve the image of both. Additionally, the model illustrates that an effective nation-branding project needs to exploit the tools provided by Social Media.