本文主要探討蔣中正於1930～1937年之間如何型範其建構現代國家的模式。此期間在完成北伐後對中共展開軍事圍剿，他試圖融合中國傳統社會控制方法與現代西方觀念，展開一連串政治、社會、經濟等層面的改革，從中體現了現代國家的建構過程。江西省作為對中共軍事圍剿的中心，在熊式輝主政下施行一系列地方政治改革措施，其中包含了許多傳統的中國社會控制方式，而正也體現了蔣中正其有關地方政治改革觀念。同時，江西省的農村與同時期中國其他省份農村，均面臨了嚴重的經濟與社會危機，江西農村在當時更成為毛澤東建立革命根據地並成功動員農民的大本營，並且展現了毛澤東建構現代國家的另一種模式。所以分析江西為何能夠成為中共進行武裝革命的重要根據地，以及其能成功動員農民的主要動力何在，成為理解蔣中正據以提出其著名的「三分軍事，七分政治」策略的重要原因。因此，江西省政府於1930年代進行一連串的地方政治改革，分析其方案內容以理解蔣中正對於地方政治改革與建構現代國家之間的關係。對蔣中正而言，進行地方政治改革的主要目的是為了擴張與強化國家對基層社會之基礎控制能力，借以強化對農村社會的控制。但為使改革成功而必須適應中國之國情，因此蔣中正採借了中國傳統帝國時期有關農村社會控制與動員的手段，例如保甲制度、團練與強調恢復傳統道德精神的新生活運動等。其後，蔣中正以江西省的實際作法與成功經驗作為其掌握國家權力後的具體施政參照，例如1939年對日抗戰期間國民政府毅然決定全面革新進行縣政制度，也反映了相同的政治改革邏輯。在蔣中正的政治改革理念中，不僅反映了傳統與現代性之間的掙扎、反抗與妥協，衝突、轉化與融合，並且有意或無意地採取了中國特有的習慣與制度，從而體現了現代性的多元特性。 / This dissertation focuses on the ideas and mode of how Chiang Kai-shek build the modern state in 1930-1937. In this period, he tried to integrate traditional Chinese social control methods and modern Western concepts, and launched a series of political, social, economic and other aspects of the reform. However, in the period of 1930-1937. Which embodies the construction of the modern state process. Jiangxi Province as the center of the Chinese military siege before 1935, Xiong Shi-hui implement a series of local political reform measures which contains many of the traditional Chinese social control, Chiang Kai-shek is the best embodiment of the concept of local political reform. At the same time, rural areas in Jiangxi Province and other provinces in China in the same period were facing serious economic and social crises. At that time, the rural areas in Jiangxi Province became Mao Zedong's revolutionary base areas and the headquarters where successfully mobilized the peasants, moreover, Mao Zedong to show the construction of a modern state of another model. Therefore, the analysis of why Jiangxi could become an important base for the armed revolution in China, its main motivation to mobilize the peasants, became an important reason for Chiang Kai-shek to put forward his famous "three points military, seven political" strategy. Therefore, the Jiangxi provincial government in the 1930s to carry out a series of local political reform, analysis of its program content to understand the Chiang Kai-shek for local political reform and the construction of the relationship between the modern state. For Chiang Kai-shek, the purpose of local political reform is to expand and strengthen the country's basic control of grass-roots level of social control, but to make the success of the reform must adapt to China's national conditions, so he adopted the traditional society of social control and mobilization means, such as the system of “Bar-jia”, “Tuan-Lian”(militia) and the new life movement which that emphasizes the restoration of the traditional moral spirit. The practices and successful experience of Jiangxi become an important reference after Chiang Kai-shek take the political power of nation, for example, he decided to conduct a comprehensive reform of the county system during the Sino-Japanese war in 1939, which that also reflects the same logic of political reform. In Chiang Kai-shek's ideas of political reform, not only reflects the struggle between tradition and modernity, resistance and compromise, bat also conflict, transformation and integration. At the same time, in his ideas had adopted China's unique habits and institutions intentionally or unintentionally, thus reflecting the characteristics of modernity multivariate.

本論文以歐盟防制人口販運之實踐做為實例，驗證全球治理下聯合國及歐盟等領導性的國際行為者，對於國際人權發展與人權保障除正面的發展外，亦可能造成負面之影響，國際人權規範擴散面臨一定之侷限性與挑戰。全球治理下之國際人權規範擴散，對於人權的保障有時是種助力也是種阻力。 歐盟雖然倡導針對防制人口販運議題之合作應當採取一個包括查緝起訴、保護以及預防三大面向的全面性解決途徑，但實際上，歐盟防制人口販運之合作制度架構初期仍是以維持境內安全的安全途徑為主軸，而非關注受害者人權之保障；幸而歐盟於2011年通過「預防及打擊人口販運與保護受害者指令」後，防制人口販運的政策更加強調必須以人口販運受害者為核心。然而，在將以受害者為核心的人權規範擴散至成員國方面，卻仍受到極大的挑戰，蓋歐盟成員國多將人口販運視為非法移民議題，故其防制人口販運之作為實仍環繞著以打擊犯罪為主的思維，人口販運受害者時常被視為非法移民而使其人權遭到侵害。 全球治理下，歐盟等人權法律規範相對完備之國際行為者，其人權規範與建制的推廣與擴散，確實有其值得肯定的正面意義。然而，當歐盟等全球治理行為者不能有效地實現其宗旨，或是其行為違背其理當服膺之價值而削弱其公正、客觀及道德性角色時，其規範性權威亦會受到挑戰。

在現代講求合作與和平共處的國際環境裡，國與國之間已不太運用傳統的剛性、強迫性的力量來試圖影響對方，反之更多的是在文化、教育等柔性力量上的交流與溝通，慢慢轉變對彼此的觀感，進而改善雙邊或多邊關係。因此在現今國際關係互動上，一國的柔性權力就被廣泛認為可以在許多方面造成巨大的影響，在奈伊提出柔性權力概念之後，更是受到國際關係學界的重視。 歐盟與中國於1975年即建立外交關係，但囿於冷戰的格局，雙方難有合作的發展。到了後冷戰時期，由於中國勢力的增長，歐中即在1998年召開歐中高峰會，除了發展經貿關係之外，也開始將合作推至包括文教在內的多領域議題上。文教議題因具有敏感性低、容易調整之特性，更有促進雙方了解與散播價值觀的力量，達到形塑國家形象的效果，可作為外交策略來使用，因此國際文教交流作為研究柔性權力作用即有其價值。許多國家都試圖透過文教交流等途徑，塑造對本國有利之國際環境、或影響他國之行為，進而使一國能夠在國際行動上取得更大的活動空間。因此，就歐盟與中國在文教領域所擁有的資源，以及如何透過文教領域的合作來試圖影響對方，以及歐中關係基於此的改變，便是本研究想關切的議題。 因此本文運用柔性權力之概念，並以歐中文教合作為出發點，以另一面向來檢視歐中雙邊關係的發展，發掘歐中在文教合作的驅動力、對歐中關係發展之成果與前景，包括探討雙方所採取的文教議題、文教交流之互動過程，以及最後對於歐中雙方文教領域交流範圍與程度的日益加深，是否有助於雙方峰會根本目標的達成，以及是否對於歐中間的對話管道與交流模式有著積極的幫助，提出研究發現與心得。 / In the modern international communication and interaction which set pace well on cooperation and harmoniousness, the influence inflicting from one country to another rarely resorts that much to the traditional rigid, enforcing way of negotiation. Rather, more cultural and educative ways of interaction have, slowly changing how countries evaluate each other, improved relationships of both or even multiple sides. Therefore, upon the global relationship, one country’s power of pliable nature can be commonly deemed of creating influential impacts on many aspects, which has gained more attention from fields of international relationship after the concept of soft power has been suggested by Joseph Nye. The European Union has established diplomatic relationship with China since 1975. Owing to the restriction resulted from the cold war; however, both sides had very limited room for further cooperation. After the cold war, China and The European Union, because of China’s growth, established EU-China summit in 1998, starting to push their cooperation, along with economic development, to various fields including cultural and educational ones. The nature of low sensitivity and flexibility of cultural and educational issues makes it easy for both sides to understand and distribute the power of philosophy of value, which helps to shape the image of the country for diplomatic purposes, so international intercourse for cultural and educational purposes has its status in the study of soft power. Many countries have tried to create a comfort zone in the international environment or to influence other countries’ decision making via cultural and educational interaction, and hence strive for a bigger room to take political action. As a consequence, this research aims at exploring the issue of the changes that have been brought about by this cultural and educational cooperation and how they influence each other through the cooperation upon the resources that both sides have. This paper manipulates the idea of soft power and bases on China and European Union cooperation to look at how both sides evolve from this relationship, to discover the drives towards their cooperation, and to oversee their developed relationship and its prospects, including discussing cultural and educational issues that both sides adopt, the interaction along their communication. At the end, this research gives a retrospect and discovery for whether their goals are achieved after their cultural and informational development has been established, and whether their channel of communication and their modes of interaction have been significantly benefited.

柔性權力一詞已是大家耳熟能詳的名詞，透過公眾外交方式增進跨文化間的理解並培養國際化人才已逐漸成為時代潮流，公眾外交運用的途徑多元，但總不脫以柔性權力資源促進跨文化間理解的原則，歐盟2004年開始實施「伊拉斯莫斯世界」(Erasmus Mundus) 計畫，旨在提昇歐洲高等教育品質及促進與非會員國的合作、吸引更多第三國學生及學者赴歐交流，讓歐洲成為教育卓越中心的代表，該計畫的實施可看出歐盟從歐境內高等教育的整合、促進歐洲各國文化的理解到向全世界推廣其教育理念、文化資源的努力，本研究以伊拉斯莫斯世界計畫為例，探討歐盟如何憑藉此計畫發揮歐盟的柔性權力資源以吸引更多世界各地人民赴歐求學，進而達到歐洲認同的影響力。 / With the increasing influence and visibility of “soft power” over recent years, it becomes ever more important to understand how to exercise such power effectively. One of the key instruments of soft power is public diplomacy. In Europe, public diplomacy is viewed as the number one priority across a whole spectrum of issues; therefore, the European Union (EU) is regarded as a model of how to utilize soft power. Launched in 2004, the Erasmus Mundus programme is considered to be a part of the EU’s public diplomacy. Erasmus Mundus is a cooperation and mobility programme in the field of higher education. The aim of the programme is to promote European higher education, and to improve and enhance the career prospects of students. The programme also aims to promote intercultural understanding through cooperation with third countries, in order to contribute to the sustainable development of higher education in those countries, in accordance with EU external policy objectives. This study examines how the EU employs public diplomacy by means of the Erasmus Mundus Programme.

對於一個國家而言，柔性權力的重要性和剛性權力同等重要。近年來，各國紛紛加強本國的柔性權力，以吸引外國公眾前來學習和認同本國的文化。美國學者奈伊，說明文化、政治價值觀和外交政策是國家所擁有的柔性權力的資源。因此，本文以柔性權力作為出發點，連接公眾外交與文化外交，進而探討俄羅斯從蘇聯時期到後蘇時期的對外文化政策之作為。 俄羅斯的對外文化政策從美蘇冷戰時期就已經開始，然而受限於意識型態的框架之下，兩國的文化交流深受到國家領導人外交政策風格的影響。普丁上任之後，俄羅斯開始積極向外拓展對外文化政策，其欲加強俄羅斯文化在世界上的影響力並且提高外國公眾對於俄羅斯文化價值的認同。俄羅斯於海外建立「俄羅斯世界基金會」和「俄羅斯合作」等文化推廣機構，以教授俄語和俄羅斯文化為主。希望讓外國公眾以不同的面向，瞭解俄羅斯。 本文的研究發現有下列幾點：第一、儘管俄羅斯近年來積極推廣俄羅斯文化在海外的發展，但是，俄羅斯的發展重心仍是以境外俄羅斯人為主。第二、俄羅斯國家內部的人權和官僚體系的議題和對外政策的實行方針，亦會影響俄羅斯柔性權力的發展。第三、俄羅斯的對外文化政策，與他國相比，仍然是以官方主導為主。因此，除了配合國家對外文化政策以外，俄羅斯應該要多增加非政府組織參與的比例和提昇國內相關文化產業的發展。 / For one country, soft power is as important as hard power. In these years, countries are enhancing its soft power to attract foreign public to learn to these countries’ culture and identify to their countries. American scholar, Joseph Nye , once indicated that culture, politic value and foreign policy are the resources of national soft power. Therefore, this paper discusses soft power, then connecting with public diplomacy and cultural diplomacy, and further probe into foreign cultural policy from Soviet Union era to Russian period . Russia’s foreign cultural policy started from the Cold War period, however , due to the ideology , the U.S-Soviet cultural exchange was deeply affected by the leaders of two countries. After the president Putin gained the power, Russia actively expanded its foreign cultural policy overseas, it wanted to strengthen the influence of Russian culture in the world and enhance the identity of Russian cultural values toward foreign public. The Russian government has established “Russkiy mir foundation ” and “Russotrudnichestvo” overseas to teach Russian language and Russian culture . By expanding the influence of Russian culture, foreign public is able to understand Russia from different aspects. The following are the research findings in my paper: First, the Russian government has actively developed Russian culture overseas in these years, but , the Russian government still focuses on compatriot . Second , the human rights and bureaucracy issue in Russia still deeply affect the development of soft power of Russia. Third, compared to other countries, Russian government plays an important role on foreign cultural policy. Therefore , besides its official policy, Russia should encourage on participation of NGOs and increase the development of the cultural industry.

因應時代的改變，構成國家實力的資源也跟著改變。不同於自然資源、軍事力量、經濟或科技實力等有形的力量，文化資源以價值觀念為核心，是經濟發展的要素之一，也是柔性權力發展的重要基礎。創意產業，是目前全球新興的產業，透過創意產業對於外交上的幫助能強化國家的柔性力量，為國家塑造良好形象，並促進國家經濟利益。 本文以「創意產業作為俄國一項柔性權力」的角度為出發點，思考電影與文化觀光中所體現出的俄國價值與俄國文化，結合文化創意產業創新的概念，如何提升並發揮作用影響國家品牌形象。 透過國家品牌指數及相關國際指標可以得知，俄國成功藉由電影與文化觀光對外國公眾展現文化吸引力，傳達文化精神並提升國家品牌形象。因此，本文研究發現有以下幾點：第一，俄國創意產業作為一種柔性權力，以俄羅斯文化為因子散播並影響著世界。第二，文化吸引力為俄羅斯重要資產。俄羅斯的電影及文化觀光的文化吸引力使得外國公眾能受到吸引而心生嚮往，產生認同感；第三，國家扮演創意產業發展的關鍵推手。藉由俄國政府的主導，使得俄國創意產業能順利與國際接軌，發揮柔性力量；第四，柔性權力可建構出國家品牌形象，讓外國公眾對於俄國的印象不再只有軍事與核武等剛性力量，俄羅斯文化在國際上也具有不容小覷的影響力。 / In respond to the era of changes, the resources that constitute a nation's strength change accordingly. Unlike tangible forces such as natural resources, military power, economic or scientific technological strength, etc., cultural resources have sense of value as its core, and is one of the elements in economic development and also the important basis for the development of soft power. The creative industry is currently an emerging industry around the globe. Through the creative industry, the diplomatic assistance can help strengthen the country's soft power by adding a good image of the country and promoting national economic interests. This paper uses the perspective of "Creative industry as one of Russia’s soft power" as the starting point to reflect on how Russian values and culture expressed in film and cultural tourism, combined with the concepts of the innovation in cultural creative industry, can enhance and influence its national brand image. Through Nation Brands Index and the relevant international indexes we can have learned that Russia successfully exhibits its cultural attraction to the foreign public through cinema and culture, conveys its cultural spirit and enhances its national brand image. Therefore, this paper is meant to study and discover the following: First, Russia’s creative industry is used as a soft power to spread Russian culture as a factor and influence the world; Secondly, cultural attraction is an important asset for Russian. The cultural attraction of Russian films and culture tourism can attract the foreign public and create a sense of longing and a sense of identity; Thirdly, the country plays a key force behind the development of the creative industry. Being led by the Russian government, the Russian creative industry can thereby successfully connect with its international counterparts and bring soft power into play; Fourthly, the soft power can construct a nation’s brand image. It gives the foreign public an impression of Russia not only about hard power like military and nuclear weapon etc.; Russian culture also has influences, which are not to be underestimated internationally.