本論文以「美元霸權」為核心，討論美國做為貨幣霸權對於國際金融體系的影響。首先介紹霸權穩定論之理論內涵與發展，經過重新檢視霸權穩定論的思想內涵後，筆者發現霸權穩定論有許多缺陷並提出修正。其次，討論美元霸權在布列敦森林體系瓦解之後的形成與運作。美元霸權的起源是1971年尼克森將美元與黃金脫鉤，之後，經由1974年「石油-美元計價機制」與金融全球化進一步鞏固美元的霸權地位。最後，以「石油金融化」現象為例，說明美國是如何結合「石油-美元計價機制」與「金融全球化」來鞏固美元霸權地位，最後也導致國際金融體系的不穩定。 本文認為，美國將石油市場變成了一個大型賭場。石油價格暴漲暴跌將對世界經濟，尤其是發展中國家帶來不利影響。「石油-美元計價機制」是一種「誘捕」，它強化了從屬國家對美元的依賴。憑著不對稱的金融相互依賴，美國穩居霸權地位。然而，一個穩定的國際金融體系不能只靠主導國家權力的使用，一個階層狀態的國際關係，還必須有從屬國家配合的意願。隨著「二次大戰效應」的消失，美國無法再以國內市場的龐大需求滿足發展中國家的出口導向政策，因此，身為主導國家的美國必須運用國際金融發展的不對稱性，提供從屬國家支持美元霸權的誘因，此種不對稱性的互賴關係也是美元霸權的權力來源。此外，霸權權力具有自我毀滅的傾向。在金融全球化的過程中，政府的權威不斷被削弱，導致政治反應能力遠遠落後於經濟力量的發展。若美國不採取行動管理國際金融體系，取得主導國家的正當性，則衰落是不可避免。

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・論文博士 / 博士(工学) / 乙第12922号 / 論工博第4115号 / 新制||工||1625(附属図書館) / 32132 / (主査)教授 松岡 俊文, 教授 細田 尚, 教授 小池 克明 / 学位規則第4条第2項該当 / Doctor of Philosophy (Engineering) / Kyoto University / DFAM

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(工学) / 甲第21307号 / 工博第4505号 / 新制||工||1701(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院工学研究科社会基盤工学専攻 / (主査)教授 小池 克明, 教授 石田 毅, 准教授 塚田 和彦 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Philosophy (Engineering) / Kyoto University / DGAM

委內瑞拉為世界第五大的石油輸出國，且同為石油輸出國家組織的創始會員國之一。石油是委內瑞拉最為重要的產業與經濟活動，而委內瑞拉因石油而富，亦因石油而貧，委內瑞拉所依賴的石油一直以來猶如兩面刃般深刻的影響委內瑞拉的政治、經濟與社會。 　　1992年政變失敗的陸軍中校查維茲打著激烈改革的口號，於1998年贏得委內瑞拉總統大選，終結支配委內瑞拉政治長達50年的「協定民主」，為委內瑞拉的歷史打開了新的一頁。對於查維茲而言，委內瑞拉的石油不但是國家主權獨立的象徵，同時亦應用於國際政治中重要的地緣政治武器。因此，查維茲上台後，便積極展開石油改革計畫，強化對國內石油產業的控制權，重整委內瑞拉國營石油公司，並利用石油收入進行社會發展計畫。此外，配合近年來國際油價的高漲，查維茲在區域與國際政治舞台上，運用委內瑞拉豐富的石油蘊藏與龐大的石油收入，進行合縱連橫，攏絡盟友並且試圖削弱美國的影響力。 　　本研究採用K. J. Holsti所提出的個人、國家、體系與全球四個分析層次作為主要分析架構，以求對於查維茲政權能源政策做出全面性的探討。此論文假設查維茲政權能源政策的發展，決策者為核心因素，藉由在個人層次上，透過決策者個人研究，以求對查維茲個人政治理念有通盤的了解，並探討如何影響委內瑞拉能源政策之發展。再者，選取在國內、體系中對委內瑞拉能源政策影響較深的因素，解釋查維茲政權在這些因素影響下，產生何種政策輸出？最後，探討近年來全球能源環境的變遷與重要的發展趨勢，作為影響查維茲政權能源政策的重要中介因素，解釋全球能源環境的變化與發展對查維茲能源政策有何影響？ / Venezuela is the fifth-largest oil exporter in the world, also, one of the funding members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries. In Venezuela, most industries and economic activities are dominated by Petroleum sector, a “double edged sword” which brings both positive and negative effects, and deeply influences the political, economic and social conditions in Venezuela. In 1998, the former lieutenant colonel, Hugo Chávez, who had organized an unsuccessful coup in 1992, seized the power as president in the election with the claim of “radical reformation”. The result in 1998 presidential election terminated the nearly fifty-year long “pacted democracy” and create a unprecendented prospect on Venezuela’s history. To Chávez, the oil is not only the symbol of independence of national sovereignty, but also a useful geopolitical weapon in the field of international politics. Therefore, Chávez began his oil reformation: strengthen the state control to the oil industry, reorganize the national oil company, Petroleos de Venezuela, SA, PDVSA, and use the income to facilitate the social policy. Moreover, due to the reason of oil price surging in recent years, the abundant oil reserve and its’ enormous output value enable Chavez to expand his power base and also to put his intention of striking the influence of United State in both regional and international stage to practice. This study adopts K. J. Holsti’s four levels of analysis – individual, state, system and global, as the analytic framework to this research. In this study, the individual level is assumed as the core factor of the energy policy development under the Chávez regime. Chavez’s political ideas and how it influences Venezuela’s energy policy would be examined through the study of his leadership. Furthermore, taking important factors influencing energy policy in both domestic and international level into account, what policies output related to the above factors had Chavez made? Last but not the least, a discussion of global energy environment change in recent years would be made for explaining how it acts as the intermediary factors which influence the energy policy of Chávez regime.

中國於2000年首次明確提出企業「走出去」戰略，鼓勵並支持具比較優勢之國有與民營企業投資海外市場，使中國企業得以藉由對外直接投資活動，以國家機器作為後盾進入全球主要經濟市場，不僅可影響外國企業之經營運作、提升技術、掌握通路、獲取所需資源等，亦能有效結合經濟與政治實力，逐步豐厚中國之綜合國力，期能達到提升國際地位與成為世界大國之目標。 中國雖引進市場經濟體制，惟政治體制仍屬社會主義制度，由共產黨決定政府運作與經濟制度，國家機器對市場之干預程度遠較資本主義國家既深且廣；本論文為進一步瞭解中國的國家機器如何主導企業對外直接投資之運作、發展狀況及其影響力，係以國際政治經濟學之國家資本主義作為研究途徑，分析中國國家機器在其對外直接投資活動的作用及影響力，並以英國學者John Dunning的投資發展階段論，將中國對外直接投資之成效置於全球脈絡中進行比較分析，俾能歸納發現中國對外直接投資模式的特色。 經比較分析中國整體及企業個案之對外直接投資發展狀況與影響力，可以發現，中國對外直接投資能力逐漸增強，已具經濟自主能力，刻正由邊陲國家逐漸邁向核心國家。整體而論，中國對外直接投資發展模式與世界主要國家確有所差異：相同之處在於，中國與各國之對外直接投資活動均與國內經濟結構具高度正相關，亦即經濟發展到達一定水準後，才會出現頻密的對外直接投資活動及成果；相異之處在於，各國之民營企業已具國際競爭力並在對外直接投資活動扮演重要角色，惟中國的國有企業較民營企業更具對外直接投資之優勢與能力，投資動機主要係依據國家政策及經濟發展需要，而中國的民營企業則因規模較小，國際競爭力仍有待提升，目前在全球市場尚未形成可觀的影響力。 / For the very first time in 2000, China proposed a clear strategy to have corporations ‘going out,’ encouraging and supporting competent state-owned and private enterprises to invest overseas market. With the backup of the state, this policy enables Chinese corporations to get into the global economic market by means of outward foreign direct investment. In this way, they can affect the operation and management of foreign enterprises so as to advance their own technologies, control channels, and to acquire necessary resources. Moreover, they may combine economic power with political strength effectively, enhancing the comprehensive national power of China gradually so that China may increase its international status to become a superpower in the world. Though market economy is introduced in China, its political system, socialism, remains the same. The Communist government makes the decision concerning its operation and the economic system. In other words, the intervention of the state in the market is furtherer and wider than that of capitalist countries. In order to understand how the state controls enterprises in terms of the operation of outward foreign direct investment, its development, and the influence, the study adopts state capitalism of international political economy as the approach to analyze the function and influence of the state government on outward foreign direct investment. Moreover, the study is aimed at concluding the characteristics of Chinese pattern of outward foreign direct investment by adopting the British economist, John Dunning’s, the theory of investment－development cycle to compare and analyze the outcome of Chinese outward foreign direct investment in the scope of the whole world. After comparing and analyzing how the china overall and enterprises case about development and influence of outward foreign direct investment, it is discovered that China’s ability of outward foreign direct investment is increasing. China has the ability of economic autonomy and is transforming from a country of periphery to a core country. Overall, the development pattern of China’s outward foreign direct investment is indeed different from other major countries. The similarity lies in that there is a significantly positive relationship between the outward foreign direct investment of China and other countries and their domestic economic structure. That is to say, when the development of economy has reached a certain level, frequent outward foreign direct investment and its effects will then appear. On the other hand, the difference lies in that private enterprises in other countries are internationally competent and play an important role in outward foreign direct investment. However, in China, state-owned enterprises have more advantages and capabilities than private enterprises in terms of outward foreign direct investment. The motivation of investment is determined by national policy and the demands of economic development. Moreover, due to the scale being small, private enterprises in China need to improve their international competitiveness. Therefore, they don’t exert as much influence in the global market.

911事件後，阿富汗戰爭與第2次海灣戰爭改變國際石油能源板塊，激化大國間的能源爭奪。遠東石油管競標案之爭議，顯示中日積極尋求海灣國家以外之替代來源，中日爭奪遠東石油管線的過程，可視為21世紀亞洲的石油戰爭。該政策之發展勢將影響東北亞各國能源政策之走向，與區域國際關係。 本文乃層次分析法之個案研究，分別從國際層次、國家層次、決策層次等面向切入，探討遠東石油管線案峰迴路轉之深層因素。就國際層次而言，遠東石油管爭議案是日本與中國爭奪石油管線的角力過程；就國家層次而言，遠東石油管爭議案是俄羅斯官方打壓金融寡頭的過程；就決策層次而言，遠東石油管爭議案是俄羅斯行政內，不同派系政爭的過程，以及克里姆林宮內經濟顧問派與安全顧問派爭奪國家發展方向的過程。 / This article is a case study of levels of analysis. It is a researching about Russian pipeline dispute in North East Asia from the view of nation state and decision-making levels. The case offers a step in direction to realize power struggle between 2 families in Russia After 2000. For the long-time, Russian politics has hassled for the national develop line: Security or Economy. Under the policy argument, different groups struggle to control the politic right to speak, and future direction of country. As a top leader of security system, President Putin（Putin Vladimir Vlaimirovich, Владимир Владимирович Путин）has no chose but incriminated into the ero-sum struggle. The result can affect Russian domestic affairs, foreign and security policy, even the development of national line after 2008 and the order of CIS and Eastern-North Asia. We hypothesize that: (1) Power struggle during Yeltsin Period: Power transition in Russia after 2000 is not the change of Russian president, but also the substitution among different interest groups. The war has started even before Putin came to power. And, it is still on going now. (2) State Duma: In state duma, in the election in the end of 2003, United Russia party draws much of its strength from administrative resources. Duma become legislative bureau of Putin. (3) In executive administration, Putin controls Kremlin after fall of Aleksandr S. Voloshin in 2003, and, controls administrative system after fall of Kasyanov in 2004. Finally, controls military system after fall of Anatoli kvashnin in 2004. And, the pipeline is the victim of political struggle.