本論文探討「很X」構式在口語語料中的語意變化，透過「很X」在口語語料庫及電視節目語料中的分布，分析「很X」語法化及詞彙化的情形，藉由語言學的角度，提供未來華語教學實用多樣的內涵。 過去相關文獻多集中於構式、詞類的分析，較少使用口語語料作為研究素材，而言談過程常是造成語言變化的重要因素，因此本文應用語法化及詞彙化理論，探討政治大學口語語料庫及公視節目「爸媽囧很大」中「很X」的分布情形，分析詞類結構、句法範疇及字數三個方面。兩個語料來源中「很X」的分布情形一致，「很」的語法化一直演變，「X」可擔任的範疇向其他詞類擴張，也可以由單詞、詞組、句子等字數不同的單位擔任。「很X」也藉由詞彙化持續演變，「很X」凝結為一個單位，用以修飾其他詞組或是句子。「很」除了保有表示高程度的副詞功能外，亦開始具有突顯「X」特性的功能，與特定詞類搭配時，「很X」必須一起出現才足以表達說話者的意思，這些現象顯示了「很X」的主觀性有逐漸提升的趨勢。本文以語法化和詞彙化理論來分析討論口語語料中「很X」的句法語意變化以及分布情形，研究結果可提供華語教學者進行相關學術研究、編撰教材以及實地教學的素材來源。 / The study aims to investigate the syntactic and semantic changes of hěn X constructions in spoken copora. Many studies have discussed the history of hěn, the development of its degree adverb function and the host expansion of X. To understand the gradual changes of hěn X in daily usages, the study, extracting the data from the NCCU Corpus of Spoken Chinese and Taiwan Public Telivision show, examines the grammaticalization and lexicalization patterns of hěn X . Several findings are found. First, the syntactic and semantic distributions of both sources are consistent. While adjectives and stative verbs still claim the majority of X, new categories of words are discovered, showing host expansion of hěn X. Second, not only words but also phrases and clauses can play the role of X. The flexibility of the length of hěn X demonstrates the gradual grammaticalization of hěn.On the other hand, hěn X can also be used as a unit to modify other grammatical constittuents, showing lexicalization process is also happening regarding. In particular, when hěn X is regarded as a unit, hěn appears to be obligatory, not only indicating degree but also highlighting the characteristics of X. The analysis of the spoken materials also clearly demonstrates that subjectivity is increasing in hěn X. These findings of hěn X in spoken copora can be applied to linguistic studies and Mandarin teaching.

漢語的動補結構長久以來一直是漢語語言學中一個複雜難解的議題，動補結構中的論元在句法上應如何體現及其相對應的語意應如何解讀更是許多語言學家致力解決的問題。衍生語法學派 (Derivational Grammar) 的學者 (Cheng and Huang, 1994; Cheng et al, 1997; Huang, 2006, 2007; Li, 1995) 及詞彙功能語法學派 (Lexical Functional Grammar) 的學者 (Her, 2004, 2007, 2009; Shibagaki, 2009) 均曾試圖提出對於漢語動補結構最正確有效的分析，本論文旨在證明衍生語法學派之理論在動補結構分析上的錯誤及不足，並點出詞彙功能語法學派之理論在預測動補結構的論元體現 (argument realization) 及語意解讀 (semantic interpretation) 上有較全面的分析。 然而，某些動補結構，如「這一大桌子菜胖死我了」，含有不同於其他動補結構的致使義 (Causativity)，進而產生特殊的論元體現模式，此情形卻未被涵蓋在詞彙功能語法學派的理論分析中，本論文也依循詞彙功能語法的理論框架，試圖提出足以預測此種特定動補結構論元體現的句法規則，以彌補詞彙功能語法理論在分析此動補結構的論元體現上之遺漏，使其整體分析更臻完善。 / Resultative compounds in Mandarin Chinese have long been a complicated issue in Chinese linguistics. Many researchers have put great effort in trying to solve the problem of how arguments of Chinese resultative compounds should be syntactically realized and how corresponding interpretations should be achieved. Researchers of Derivational Grammar (Cheng and Huang, 1994; Cheng et al, 1997; Huang, 2006, 2007; Li, 1995) and those of Lexical Functional Grammar (Her, 2004, 2007, 2009; Shibagaki, 2009) have all attempted to propose analyses that are accurate in predicting the argument realization and compound predication of Chinese resultative compounds. This thesis aims to prove the insufficiency in the prediction power of derivational accounts and endeavors to show that the account of Lexical Functional Grammar is superior in the analysis of resultative compounds in terms of argument realization and compound interpretation. However, some resultative compounds, such as that in zhe yi da zhuozi cai pang-si wo le (‘This whole table of dishes is making me fat.’), have certain causativity that makes them different from others in terms of argument realization. Resultative compounds like these are not included in the analysis of lexicalist accounts. Based on the theoretical framework of Lexical Functional Grammar, this thesis also makes an attempt to propose a syntactic rule that predicts the correct argument realization pattern of the kind of resultative compounds mentioned above. It is the goal of this thesis that the proposed rule covers the analysis of the resultative compounds that is missing in previous accounts and makes the lexicalist account given in this thesis a better solution in working on the issues of Chinese resultative compounds.

依據1957年韓文學會的《韓國語大辭典》 的分類，在韓國語詞彙中漢字詞占總詞彙的53%，與之相比，非漢字詞彙占47%。由此可見，由於韓國屬於漢字文化圈，所以韓國人在學習華語的時候，與非漢字文化圈的人相比，存在著許多優勢。不過實際上韓國學生在學習華語時經常遇到很多困難，而且有時候並不能精確地使用詞彙。我們發現韓語中部分的漢字詞與相對應的華語詞彙存在著同形同義和同形異義的現象，雖然同形同義詞只是在語法上有些微的差異，但這些差異會成為韓國學習者學習華語的困擾。不僅在學習華語時會產生誤解和誤用，甚而會影響華語交際。由於韓國學習者的漢字基礎常常會誤導他們，所以他們在學習與運用華語時，已有的韓語漢字基礎會對學習產生負遷移。 在第二語言學習中甘瑞瑗(2002) 指出，詞彙習得和詞彙教學是很重要的一環。對韓國學生來說，掌握華韓語之間漢字詞的關連性是能否有效運用華語的關鍵之一。因此，筆者認為，比較和分析「台灣華語8000詞」和與之相應的韓語漢字詞，具有學習上的幫助。 本文旨在以「台灣華語8000詞」 為中心，對照《韓國漢字語辭典》找出兩者之間的同形漢字詞，並把這些同形漢字詞分為同形同義詞、同形部分異義詞與同形完全異義詞三類，具體地分析台灣華語詞和韓語漢字詞的異同。接著以個案研究的方式，探討韓語漢字詞在韓國學生學習華語詞彙時是否帶來正遷移的現象；並以問卷調查的方式來檢驗韓國學生已認識的韓語漢字詞，是否也對華語詞彙學習造成負遷移的影響。 最後，根據個案調查及問卷研究結果，分別對華韓同形同義詞、同形部分異義詞與同形完全異義詞等三類，提出華語詞彙教學建議。 / According to the research of the Chinese Character Society which get published 1957 in the Korean Dictionary, 53% of the Korean vocabulary is based on the Chinese language. This high percentage demonstrates the great impact of the Chinese culture on the Korean language over a long time. Today, Korean learners of the Chinese language may take advantage of this historical and linguistic fact when compared to learners from Western countries. However, in practice, Korean learners still have great difficulties in acquiring the correct usage of a variety of Chinese words in spite of lexical similarities with their mother tongue. Interferences from the Korean language usage on the learners’ target language are an obvious fact. In a first approach, compared with the homographic vocabulary of the Chinese language, Chinese loan words in the Korean language can be classified into three main categories according to their semantic congruency: 1. homosemantic words: homographic words in both languages share principally the same lexical meaning (同形同義詞); 2. semantic congruent words: homographic words in both languages share a congruent basic meaning but lexical meaning differs in certain properties (同形部分異義詞); 3. semantic incongruent words: homographic words in both languages principally do not share a common lexical meaning (同形完全異義詞). The reason may be due to historical meaning changes in both languages. Semantic differences in basically semantic congruent words and semantic incongruency of homographic words both handicap correct vocabulary acquisition of the Chinese language by Korean learners and complicate their correct comprehension and correct usage of the Chinese language. The relevance of correct vocabulary acquisition was already pointed out by the research of Gan Ruiyuan (甘瑞瑗,2002). The present study wants to do a fresh approach in the study of the basic homographic vocabulary of Chinese and Korean languages in its significance for Chinese language teaching to Korean students. To do this, it compares the semantic features of the Chinese basic vocabulary listed in the Taiwanese dictionary 8000 Words in Chinese with their Korean homographics listed in the Dictionary of the Sino-Korean language and classifies the results according to the three categories of semantic congruency mentioned above. Semantic incongruent features are discussed regarding their difficulty both in acquisition and in the correct usage for Korean learners of the Chinese language. In addition, a short learner’s enquiry wants to give further insights into phenomena of language interference which appear in the usage of Chinese homographic vocabulary by Korean students. Finally, the study wants to give some practical suggestions for teaching Chinese homographic vocabulary to Korean students.

本研究以事件相關電位方法,探討中文字在進行聽覺詞彙辨識的作業中,分別受字形表徵的同音字密度多寡、以及字音-字形對應一致性的影響。首先 進行中文字的字音-字形一致性語料庫的建立,量化中文字的音形對應一致性程度。透過明確的定義並操弄中文字的音形對應一致性,以及中文字同音 字密度的特性,探討在進行中文字聽覺詞彙辨識歷程中,字形表徵屬性如何對語音辨識作業產生影響的認知歷程。實驗分為三種情境(1)同音密度低 (low HD)、(2)同音密度高/音形對應一致性高(high HD/high P-O)、 (3)同音密度高/音形對應一致性低(high HD/low P-O)。前兩項的比較為高同音字密度下的音形對應一致性效果,而後兩項的比較則為在高音形對應一致性下的同音字密度的效果。實驗一採語意判斷作業,研究結果顯示,在高同音字密度時,高音形對應一致性的字引發較大的 N400;而在高音形對應一致性時,同音字密度效果在 LPC 得到顯著的差異。反應中文字在聽 覺詞彙判斷作業上,字形可自動被激活,進而影響語音的辨識。實驗二採押 韻判斷作業,研究結果同樣發現高音形對應一致字引發較大的 N400,實但同音字密度效果性效果在判斷押韻作業上並未達顯著效果。另外,在高音形對應一致性情形下所得到的押韻效果最大,尤以同音字密度高且音形對應一致性高的情況下,押韻效果出現的時間較早。本研究結果支持雙向交互激發模型(BIAM)的假設:中文口語詞彙辨識的歷程中,也會自動激發字形訊息,而語音、字形、語意之間的對應一致性越好,口語詞彙辨識及其整體處理的效能也越高。

本論文主要的目的為找出六個身體部位詞-臉、面、眼、目、嘴、口在台灣華語的真實使用情形。本篇所分析的語料皆來自於目前收錄最多筆語料、體裁種類平衡、被廣泛使用的中央研究院現代漢語平衡語料庫４.０版。我們有系統地分析了包含這六個身體部位詞詞彙的內部構造、語意分佈、與詞彙化類型。研究結果發現，在包含這六個身體部位詞詞彙中，[NN]N為最顯著的詞彙內部構造。而在語意分布的部份，相較於臉、眼、嘴，面、目、口較常被用來表達轉喻及隱喻等非字面上的意義。此外，人與情緒為最為普遍的轉喻意，這兩個轉喻用法在六個身體部位詞詞彙中皆可發現。此外，當身體部位詞詞彙表達人這個轉喻意時，其詞彙內部構造多為[NN]N ; 當身體部位詞詞彙表達情緒這個轉喻意時，其詞彙內部構造多為[NN]N與[VN]V。另外，大體上來說，無論身體部位詞詞彙是表達轉喻意或隱喻意，[NN]N為最普遍的內部構造。並且，當身體部位詞詞彙表達轉喻意或隱喻意時，最常出現的詞彙化類型為隱喻詞彙化（metaphorical lexicalization）。本研究結果期望能提供語料庫辨別轉喻及隱喻的方法，並期望轉喻及隱喻的研究可以從長久以來偏向質性的討論分析，擴展到量化的比較與討論。 / This study aims at finding the actual usage patterns of the six body-part terms liǎn, miàn, yǎn, mù, zuǐ, and kǒu extracted from the largest, balanced and widely-used Sinica Corpus 4.0. The word component structures, meaning distribution and lexicalization types in the six body-part terms are systematically analyzed and compared. The results show that, in terms of word component structures, the [NN]N structure is the most dominant word component structure across the six body-part terms. As for meaning distribution, it is found that miàn, mù, and kǒu are more frequently used to denote non-literal meanings (either metonymic or metaphorical meanings) than their counterparts – liǎn, yǎn, and zuǐ. In addition, PERSON and EMOTION are the most prevalent metonymic meanings across the six body part terms. It is also found that when the body-part terms denote PERSON, the most dominant word component structure is [NN]N, while when they denote EMOTION, [NN]N and [VN]V are the most dominant structures. In general, the [NN]N structure shows the highest frequency of occurrences in all the six body part terms when they are used either metonymically or metaphorically. As for the lexicalization types, most of the disyllabic words containing the six body-part terms are in metaphorical lexicalization when they denote metonymic or metaphorical meanings. The results may provide some insights for refining procedures of identifing metaphors and metonymies in corpora so as to accelarate quantification and statistical evaluation.

本研究旨在探討「以常用詞根輔以圖像構詞式詞彙教學法」、「常用詞根無圖像構詞式詞彙教學法」及傳統的「詞義說明式詞彙教學法」在學生的詞彙記憶上的差異；本研究亦探討學生的英文詞彙量、構詞察覺度、短期記憶、長期記憶及拼詞能力之間的相關。 本研究的主要發現如下：接受「以常用詞根輔以圖像構詞式詞彙教學法」的學生比接受「常用詞根無圖像構詞式詞彙教學法」及傳統的「詞義說明式詞彙教學法」的學生表現出更好的構詞察覺度、短期記憶、長期記憶及拼詞能力。在這三組中，構詞察覺度較高的學生對生詞有較佳的短期記憶與長期記憶能力，反之亦然；在詞彙記憶方面，短期記憶力較佳則長期記憶力也是較佳，反之亦然；並且，一星期後的後測分數比較高的學生在一個月後的後後測分數也會比較高；再者，詞彙的短期記憶與學生英文詞彙量的差異無關，因為學生所記住的生詞都可以持續短暫的時間，但不一定能長久記憶。 / This study aims to investigate the discrepancy in the use of the iconic-morphological approach via commonly-used roots, the non-iconic morphological approach via commonly-used roots, and the traditional definition-based teaching method in vocabulary memorization. It also explores the correlation between English vocabulary size, awareness of morphology, short-term memory for words, long-term memory for words, and vocabulary spelling abilities. The subjects of this study are 91 third-year students studying at the National Overseas Chinese Experimental Senior High School in Taipei County. They received instruction in the iconic-morphological approach via commonly-used roots, the non-iconic morphological approach via commonly-used roots, and the traditional definition-based teaching method, respectively. In the beginning, the three groups took the same pre-test to examine their vocabulary size. Then, subjects were immediately asked to take post-test 1 to examine their awareness of morphology after receiving different instructions. Later, subjects were asked to memorize forty unknown words within twenty minutes and then to take post-test 2 to investigate their short-term memory for words. A week later, post-test 3 was held to check their long-term memory for words. A month later, they sat for post-test 4, used to explore their longer-term memory for the forty words. In conclusion, the study summarizes the main findings pertinent to the proposed research questions. The students who receive instruction in the iconic-morphological approach via commonly-used roots finally develop higher awareness of morphology, better short-term memory for words, better long-term memory for words, and better spelling ability than those who learn in the traditional definition-based approach or in the non-iconic morphological approach via commonly-used roots. Among the three groups, the students who display higher awareness of morphology have better short-term memory and long-term memory for words, and vice versa. Moreover, those who have better short-term memory have better long-term memory, and vice versa; those who have better one-week long-term memory for words definitely have better one-month long-term memory for words. Interestingly, students can learn words by rote for a short period of time regardless of their vocabulary size. That is, one person’s short-term memory for words is not correlated with his vocabulary size.

本論文以語意學、認知語言學及心理語言學的觀點，探討中文名詞的多義現象。本篇論文討論詞彙多重意義的語言及心理語言表徵，並研究詞義如何在心理詞彙庫中被擷取。 文中藉由認知語言學者Tuggy（1993）所提出的認知語意架構，及詞彙語意學中「同形異義詞（homonymy）」、「一詞多義（polysemy）」及「模糊意義（vagueness）」等觀念之區辨，探索詞義之本質。本文所談之意義（sense）根據Ahrens（1999）之定義有以下三個特性：（1）意義非轉喻（metonymy）或部分/全體（meronymy）之延伸，但可以是隱喻性延伸；（2）意義之間的延伸關係無法由在同類名詞中直接以規律獲得；（3）除非特意，一詞的不同意義不會在同一語境中同時出現。 針對詞彙辨識歷程的語意效應，本論文有三大研究主題--意義數目效應、意義相關性效應及相對意義頻率效應。各效應之預測如下：「意義數目效應」認為意義數目較多的詞彙在詞彙判斷作業（lexical decision tasks）中比較容易辨識；「意義相關性效應」認為當一個詞的意義之間的相關性較高時，該詞的辨識時間亦會較快；「相對意義頻率效應」則認為一個詞意義之間頻率差異程度越小，該詞越有歧義之特質，也因此越容易辨識。 本研究旨在以實證方式探討這些語意向度在詞彙辨識歷程中所扮演的角色。由受試者提供200個中文名詞的意義並決定意義間的相關性；進行電腦詞彙判斷作業，得到辨識每個詞所需的反應時間；再由統計考驗反應時間來驗證各效應。 本研究結果發現只有「意義數目效應」達顯著水準，意義數目較多的詞彙在詞彙判斷作業中比較容易辨識。此一效應支持心理詞彙庫的隨機觸接模型（random access model）及平行觸接模型（parallel access model）並駁斥「序列搜尋模型（serial access model）」。 / This thesis studies the multiple senses of Chinese nominals from semantic, cognitive linguistic, and psycholinguistic viewpoints. It discusses the linguistic and psycholinguistic representations of a word's multiple senses, and the access of these senses in the mental lexicon. The nature of lexical meaning is examined by discussing lexical semantic notions such as homonymy, polysemy, and vagueness, and by introducing Tuggy's (1993) cognitive linguistic representation of a word's multiple lexical meanings. The "senses" of a word are defined according to the lexical semantic theory of Ahrens (1999) as having three properties: (1) A sense is not an instance of metonymic or meronymic extension, but may be an instance of metaphorical extension. (2) The extension links between two senses cannot be inherited by a class of nouns. (3) Senses cannot appear in the same context (unless the complexity is triggered). This thesis specifically looks into three semantic effects on word recognition, including the word's number-of-sense (NOS) effect, the effect of sense relatedness, and the effect of relative sense frequency. The predictions of these effects are as follows: The NOS effect predicts that words with more senses are recognized faster than those with fewer senses. The effect of sense relatedness predicts that words with more closely related senses are easier to recognize than those with distantly related senses. The effect of relative sense frequency predicts that words with equal sense frequencies are more easily recognized than words with unequal sense frequencies. This research aims at empirically verifying these three effects during the recognition of isolated lexical items. Subjects generate the senses of 200 Chinese nominals, and rate the relatedness among these senses. Lexical decision tasks are conducted to obtain the reaction times required to recognize each stimulus item. The semantic effects are verified by comparing the reaction times of different groups of experimental stimuli. The experimental results confirm only the NOS effect, giving support to the random and parallel access models of lexical access, and refuting the serial access model of the mental lexicon.

本論文著眼於「共時」與「歷時」兩個視角，並從方言、跨語言現象及歷史語料討論「喫」「吃」「乞」的相關議題，包括歷史音韻、方言語法、歷史語法。 根據我們的研究結果顯示，「喫」「吃」兩字來自於「齧」「齕」的部件取代，而「喫」「吃」混用的機制是聲符「乞」「契」的音同所致，最終「喫」「吃」形成異形同義字。另外，也針對表示飲食義的「喫」進行歷史音韻的推測，按照音變的規則「見」系「溪」母的「喫」在現代漢語應讀為顎化音，但在詞彙擴散的效應下部份的聲母，流入中古的「照」系，其他的例子像是「廈」「閘」也循此變化模式。 文獻指出元明以後「喫」「吃」「乞」三者都有當作被動標記的用例，並且相互的混用。透過閩方言的音韻資料顯示，「喫」「吃」「乞」表示被動的語義根源並不相同，三者的混用主要是在歷史音變中形成一組同音字。 閩方言中有一個單用的入聲「乞」兼表給予、使役、索取、被動。而在閩南地區被動用法則為「乞與」或以授予動詞「與」兼用。因此，我們建立了一個假設：閩方言內部的被動標記「乞」可能有不同的語義根源，一個是和授予動詞「與」複合的「乞與」朝向授予>使役>被動發展；一個是「乞」由索求到被動。為了論證這個觀點，本文從英語的“get”作為觀察，並討論了「與格轉換」、「詞義分解」、原型施事受事理論。 從方言語料顯示「乞」可以出現在動詞及與格標記的位置，形成S+乞+DO+乞+IO；以及雙賓結構「乞+IO+DO」。透過與格轉換理論，前者可以推導出後者，另外歷史上也見到「乞與+IO+DO」的雙賓句式，這兩種句式的存在就是為了辨義作用，如同漢語的「借」和「借給」。閩方言裡不使用「乞與+IO+DO」的雙賓句式，因此我們推測當「乞與」形成之初是一組反義並列，隨著「與」的共現和語法化「乞與」複合成使役動詞並列，並朝向被動標記發展。對照「乞與」的發展推測，單用的「乞」其來源就值得探究。 閩方言單用的被動標記「乞」基本上都必須帶有施事者，形成長被動「NP1+乞+NP2+V」，但有少數的用例顯示，仍可以接受不帶施事的短被動「NP1+乞+V」。動詞「乞」的語義本身就帶有下對上的位階關係，因此操控權並非只限於 「乞」的主語。據此，論文的最後一章推測短被動「乞」的形成有兩個重要條件：動詞作格化(被動化)、動作事件的發生是在非自願性(不幸說)。歷史上「乞+N」最早出現，但是因為名詞動詞的模糊性產生「乞+N」>「乞+V」如「乞降」。 而長被動「乞」的產生，透過其他被動式的觀察，其發展應和「NP1+被+V+於+NP2」這個結構有關，透過句法操作、句式趨向最終產生「NP1+乞+NP2+V」。 兩相對照，短被動是在「乞+V」中「乞」重新分析為一個次要動詞(副動詞)；而長被動是在句法操作生成。 關鍵字: 詞彙擴散 被動標記 與格轉換 作格化(被動化) / Abstract This paper is aimed at two perspectives, “synchronic time” and “diachronic time,” and explores issues relating to “喫” “吃,” and “乞” from dialect, cross-linguistic phenol, and historical corpus discussions, including historical phonology, dialectic grammar, and historical grammar. The results show that the two words “喫” and “吃” are replaced by the “齧” and “齕” parts, while the mixed mechanism of “喫” and “吃” is derived from the homophone of “乞 (beg)” and “契”(bond), thus leading to the synonyms “喫” and “吃” Additionally, targeting the word “喫” that means diet, historic-phonology-related speculations were made. According to the sound shift rules, the word “喫” with “見” system and “溪” constituent should be pronounced as a palatalized sound (tilde) in the modern Chinese language. However, under the influence of lexical diffusion, some consonants fall under the “照” system. Other examples such as “廈” and “閘” also follow this pattern. According to literatures, there have been cases of “喫” “吃” and “乞” used as passive markers, which have been alternatively used. According to the phonological information of the Min dialect, it shows that the semantic roots of “喫” “吃” and “乞” are not the same and that the alternative use is mainly to form a set of homophones from the historical sound shifts. In the Min dialect, there is a single checked tone “乞” which means “give, causative, beg, supplicate, and passive.” In the Minnan region, the passive usage is “乞與” or the dative verb to be given “與.” Hence, the hypothesis is the passive marker “beg” in the Min dialect may have different semantic roots: one is the dative verb that compounds with “與” and “乞與” which are headed toward the direction of give>causative>passive; the other is the word “乞” that shifts from demand to passive. In order to demonstrate this point, the English word “get” was observed in this paper. The dative shift, lexical decomposition, and Porto agent Porto patient were explored. The dialectic corpus shows that “乞” can appear in the position of the verb and dative marker, thus forming S+乞+DO+乞+IO and the double object construction 乞+IO+DO. Through the dative shift theory, the latter can be deduced from the former. Additionally, the “乞與+IO+DO” double object construction has also been throughout history. The existence of the two sentence patterns plays the role of “to distinguish,” just like “borrowing” and “lending” in the Chinese language. In the Min dialect, the “乞與+IO+DO” double object construction is not used. Therefore, it is speculated that “乞與” was first formed as a set of opposite (meaning) antonym. With the collocation of “與” and the grammaticalization of “乞與” compounded to form and tie with the causative verb and head toward passive marker development. In conjunction with the development of “乞與” it is speculated that the source of the sole use of “乞” is worth exploring. Basically, the passive marker “乞” used in the Min dialect must have a causal agent, forming long passive construction “NP1+乞+NP2+V.” However, few cases show that short passive construction “NP1+乞+V” without a causative agent is still acceptable. The verb “乞” itself possesses the semantic bottom-to-top relationship. Thus, the control is not restricted to the “乞” subject. Accordingly, the last chapter in this paper covers two speculated important conditions that contribute to the formation of “乞”: ergativization/passivization and occurrences of actions that are involuntary (sad to say). In history, “乞+N” first appeared, but due to the ambiguity of the nouns and verbs, “乞+N” > “乞+V” such as “beg to surrender or got tamed” resulted. On the other hand, the generation of the long passive “乞,” as observed through other passives, is associated with the “NP1+被+V+於+NP2” structure. Through syntactic operations and sentential convergence, “NP1+乞+NP2+V” eventually resulted. In contrast of the two, short passive is the reanalysis of “乞” in “乞+V” to derive at a secondary verb (coverb), while long passive is generated through syntactic operation. Keywords: Lexical diffusion, Passive markers, Dative shift, Ergativization (passivization)

本論文「客語「放」及其同類動詞：框架語義與構式之互動」以Fillmore (1985)提出的「框架語義」以及Goldberg (1995)等學者提出的「構式語法」觀點為基礎，分析客語「放」字構式呈現的多義現象。客語「放」字涉及「使動事件」：空間位移與狀態變化。本文著重分析「使動結構」與客語「放」字在動賓、動補及句子等構式中語意－句法的互動。同時藉助隱喻與轉喻的強化，說明客語「放」字延伸語意之間的關聯性，並進一步闡述客語「放」字在動賓結構中詞彙化為複合詞的現象。此外，本文亦檢視客語其他放置類動詞：方向同類動詞、工具同類動詞、方式同類動詞，經由審視其詞彙化類型與框架語義之互動，說明其語意內涵與句法上的表現。因此，本論文經由分析詞彙化類型與探討事件架構中參與角色的展現與否，說明客語放置類動詞語意與句法間的相互關係。 / English verbs describing putting, a prototypical exemplar of a caused-motion activity, have been pervasively found to be the first acquired and the most frequently used verbs in many languages. Their semantic compatibility with various syntactic structures reinforces the association between verbal meanings and the constructions, giving rise to a grouping of related but distinct senses (Goldberg et al. 2004). Piong3 (放) ‘to put’ in Hakka is abundant in semantics. The basic meaning of piong3 designates a common pattern of human experience: An animate entity exerts manual force upon a physical object and causes the object to move. Adopting Goldberg’s (1995) Constructions and Fillmore’s (1985) Frame Semantics, this study aims to account for the meaning relatedness latent in piong3 and explicate the shades of meaning rooted in the set of its congeners with different degree of family resemblance. It is argued that the delicate nuances denoted by piong3 are derived from the interaction between frames and constructions while the extended meanings of piong3 are linked to its typical use through various metaphors and metonymies such as CONTAINER, EVENT STRUCTURE, CHANGE OF STATE AS CHANGE OF LOCATION metaphors and ACTION FOR RESULT metonymy. Furthermore, with regard to congeners of piong3 in Hakka, it is maintained that differences in profiling and lexicalization patterns capture the primary difference between piong3 and its congeners. Specifically, piong3 does not lexicalize other semantic elements (i.e. path, means, manner, result, and etc.) into its lexical meaning whereas its congeners explicitly do so, in that three subtypes of the congeners can be identified: directional congeners, means congeners, and manner congeners.

國 立 政 治 大 學 研 究 所 碩 士 論 文 提 要 研究所別：語言學研究所 論文名稱：論台灣華語中的限定與非限定子句的區分 指導教授：何萬順 博士 研究生：何郁瑩 論文提要內容：〈共一冊，20013字，分七章〉 本篇論文藉由三段邏輯論證法推翻漢語沒有限定與非限定子句之分的論證；反之，支持此區分在台灣華語中的有效性。鑑於「時式」的普遍性，表現在構詞方面的限定與非限定區分在綜合型語言當中是顯而易見的。雖然台灣華語缺乏明顯的構詞標記，但此限定與非限定的區分透過句法類目以及句法現象的限制依然成立。此外，我們亦將次劃分子句為補語的動詞進ㄧ步區分為三類─限定補語動詞、非限定補語動詞、雙類動詞。限定補語動詞可同時次劃分有明顯主語的限定子句以及經由代詞刪略現象後無主語的限定子句，而非限定補語動詞僅能次劃分不帶主語的非限定子句。至於雙類動詞，一類從舊有文獻中劃分出來的新類動詞，擁有同時次劃分限定子句與非限定子句的能力。當雙類動詞次劃分限定子句為補語時，有兩個條件必須被滿足：一是情狀動詞的出現，此為必要條件；二是明顯主語的出現，此為充分條件。再者，子句主語的出現與否端視於主要句謂語與子句謂語間的緩衝詞是否出現。在詞彙功能語法的架構之下，情狀動詞的出現之所以為雙類動詞次劃分限定子句為補語的必要條件是由於雙類動詞要求其子句補語擁有「非實現貌」的元素，而此元素便是由情狀動詞所提供。基於本篇論文中強而有力的論述，我們強烈主張此限定與非限定子句的區分在台灣華語中是存在的，甚至普及於全人類的語言。 / This thesis provides robust argumentation via syllogisms so as to deny the argument that the distinction between finiteness and non-finiteness does not exist in Mandarin Chinese; on the contrary, to defend the proposition that this finite vs. non-finite distinction does exist in Taiwan Mandarin. In virtue of the universality of the category tense, the finite vs. non-finite distinction, morphologically manifested in synthetic languages, is taken for granted. Opaque as it is in Taiwan Mandarin, there still exist other ways for distinction, such as constraints on syntactic categories and operations. Furthermore, we re-classify verbs subcategorizing sentential complements into three types—finite-complement verb (FC verb), non-finite-complement verb (NC verb), dual-listing verb (DL verb). FC verbs can subcategorize not only finite clauses with overt subjects, but also those with covert counterparts left after pro-drop processes, while NC verbs can only subcategorize non-finite clauses as sentential complement. As for DL verbs, a neonatal one extracted from the so-called persuade-type verbs in the literature, has the capability of subcategorizing dual sentential complements, namely, finite clauses and non-finite clauses. When DL verbs subcategorize finite clauses as complement, two conditions must be satisfied to ensure the grammaticality. They are the presence of modals and the presence of overt subjects. The former is a necessary condition; the latter is a sufficient condition. Moreover, the presence of embedded overt subjects hinges on the presence of proper buffers between main predicates and embedded overt subjects. In LFG’s framework, the reason for the presence of modals being the necessary condition is that DL verbs require their sentential complements to have the value IRREALIS, which is denoted by modals obviously. On account of the tenable criteria mentioned in this thesis, we assert with confidence that this finite vs. non-finite distinction does exist in Taiwan Mandarin and that this distinction is considered universal.