國內許多社區擁有豐富的自然及人文資源，為了有效促進經濟發展與促使遊客了解社區環境資源，部分組織體系較完整的社區，已陸續展開社區發展規劃工作，鼓勵社區民眾共同參與社區林業經營與環境資源管理等工作。對於社區資源管理方面，如何將社區內各項資源進行有效地規劃與適當地呈現，以及與其他不同社區之間的資源資料整合，皆為當前主要面臨的課題之一。為考量社區的經濟條件限制，本研究利用低成本的開放源碼(Open Source)軟體如Django和QGIS (Quantum GIS)，及網路上提供的免費軟體Google Earth，搭配空間資訊科技輔助資料蒐集，建構出社區資源之地理空間資料庫，並建立一套完整的網際網路地理資訊系統WebGIS (Web-based GIS)平台，提供使用者可經由操作網頁方式進行資料分享、管理及分析等服務。並結合MapServer、Google Maps API (Application Programming Interface)、Openlayers API與JavaScript設計動態網頁，讓社區和一般使用者可以透過地圖互動方式與相關地理資料的多樣化呈現以了解社區之各項資源，且促使社區管理者更有效進行資源規劃及提高生態旅遊之效益；同時融入公眾參與地理資訊系統(Public Participation Geographic Information Systems, PPGIS)的理念，鼓勵共同參與資源管理，於網站上加入討論與分享機制，進而擴大居民參與社區資源規劃討論的空間。研究成果顯示，利用GPS軌跡記錄器可於低成本的條件下，幫助環境資源等資料的收集；本研究舉辦數次的教育訓練以及觀察社區居民的學習情形，證實利用WebGIS平台的簡易操作，能促使社區中不同的使用者願意分享各自擁有的資料，發揮自發性地理資訊(Volunteered geographic information, VGI)的精神。且藉由公眾參與的方式，將能獲得更多不同來源的圖資或社區資源相關資料，以強化系統的資料庫內容。此外，透過各種豐富圖資瀏覽與空間分析工具，更有利於社區資源管理與決策分析之應用。 / Many local communities have a wealth of natural and humanistic resources. In order to effectively promote economic development and let more tourists know the environmental resources of the community, some more well-organized communities have launched community development planning to encourage local people to participate in community forestry and environmental resources management work. For community resources management, the most important issue is how to manage and present various community resources effectively, and to integrate resource data collected by different communities. Considering the economic constraint of community, this study used low-cost open source software such as Django and QGIS (Quantum GIS), and free software such as Google Earth, and spatial information technologies to collect data and establish geospatial database of community resources. Moreover, a WebGIS (Web-based GIS) platform was built to provide users with various services including data sharing, management, and analysis. By combining MapServer, Google Maps API (Application Programming Interface), Openlayers API, and JavaScript dynamic web pages, the system let users understand the resources of the community through a diverse display of interactive electronic maps and related geographic information. It also enables the community manager to carry out resource planning more effectively, and promotes benefits of ecotourism. In addition, the system incorporates the concept of PPGIS (Public Participation Geographic Information Systems) by adding functionalities of discussion and information sharing so as to encourage public involvement in resource management, and facilitate residents to participate in the discussion of resource planning. The results show that, GPS tracking devices can assist in collecting community resources data with low cost and high efficiency. By observing the activities of community residents after several training workshops, this research proves that WebGIS platform can facilitate different users of the community to voluntarily share their own data, which conforms to the spirit of VGI (Volunteered geographic information). With public participation, the geodatabase can effectively incorporate more data about the community resources from different sources. Furthermore, the geodatabase and spatial analysis tools will be helpful for decision-making on community resources management.

自從2008年全球經濟衰退以來，歐元區經濟顯著的衰退，特別是歐元區各成員國的經濟表現有明顯的差異。在本文中，我們試就成員國「貿易開放程度」和「財政基本面」這兩個重要特徵，來詮釋歐元區經濟穩定這個議題。在第二章中，我們在貿易開放程度不同的國家下，比較貨幣同盟制度與浮動匯率制度對於負向衝擊產生的影響。我們發現當貨幣當局愈重視產出穩定時，相較於浮動匯率制度，貨幣同盟制度將使產出下降的更多。在第三章中，我們將短期私人債券及長期政府債券引入貨幣同盟的兩國DSGE模型。我們推斷，歐洲央行(ECB)的公共部門債券購買計劃（PSPP），對於不同財政狀況的成員國，有著不對稱的總體經濟影響。在第四章中，我們建立貨幣同盟經濟的最適貨幣政策模型。我們發現成員國間經濟差異，將影響貨幣同盟的整體福利水準。相較於傳統零利率最適貨幣政策文獻，本研究的結果顯示不論是權衡或承諾制度，增加公共部門債券購買將緩和貨幣同盟的經濟波動。 / Since the global recession in 2008, the economic performance of the Euro area has declined significantly. In particular, there have been great differences in the economic performance among member states in the Euro area. In this dissertation, we attempt to address the issue of economic stability by focusing on two key features: the trade openness and the fiscal fundamentals among member states. In Chapter 2, we compare the impacts of the adverse shocks on countries with different degrees of openness under the monetary union regime, and our finding shows that the monetary union will result in a greater decline in output if the monetary authority attaches a higher weight to output stabilization. In Chapter 3, we build a two-country DSGE model representing a monetary union with both short-term and long-term government bonds. We deduce that the ECB’s public sector purchase programme (PSPP) has asymmetric macroeconomic effects on member states under different fiscal fundamentals. In Chapter 4, we set up an optimal monetary policy model of a monetary union. We find that the differences in the economic performance of individual member states will influence the union-wide welfare. Comparing our results with classical literature of optimal monetary policy at zero lower bound, by adding the PSPP, our study indeed reflects lower volatility of the union-wide economy under either discretion or commitment.

本研究では李登輝政権以降の台湾における対外経済政策の変化メカニズムを検討した。構造レベルからの入力である米国の台湾政策と台湾企業は、台湾政府に対して対中投資規制の緩和と直航便の開設を求めてきた。これに対して台湾政府は、強固な抵抗・不安定な抵抗・構造への順応という3つの反応をしてきた。これを決定付けるのは、政権基盤の強弱・政権の重心・政権基盤の強化策というユニットレベルの3つの変数であることを明らかにした。 / This study examines the mechanism of changing foreign economic policy of Taiwan. The U.S. Taiwan policy and Taiwanese businesses, which were the inputs from the structure level, had demanded Taiwanese government to ease restrictions regarding investment to PRC and to introduce direct cross-strait link. Taiwanese government's reactions can be divided into three, which are 'Strict Resistance,' 'Partial Resistance,' and 'Accommodation to Structure.' This study shows that 'Strangeness of Administration's Political Power Base,' 'Administration's Direction,' and 'Way of Enforcing Administration's Political Power Base,' which are unit level variables, had determined which reaction the government would take. / 博士(政治学) / Doctor of Political Science / 同志社大学 / Doshisha University

本篇論文旨在探討中共與伊朗在各層面關係的演變，及兩國關係發展的限制。本論文的研究途徑係採取系統理論，透過國際環境、國內環境與決策者因素的探討，以瞭解中伊各項關係受到哪些因素的影響。 基本上，中伊兩國以「經貿互利、權力與安全」為主軸，分別進行各種層面關係的互動。首先，在中伊關係特點上，中伊政治外交關係的特點包括推動「反對霸權主義」、「反對單極國際體系」及追求「互利合作」。軍事關係的特點在於獲取政治與商業利益，降低伊朗研發武器的成本。能源關係的特點在於平衡兩國的貿易關係、確保能源安全。經貿與科技關係的特點在於創造對中伊兩國互利的經貿利益，促進伊朗科技發展。 以政策目標來看，中共對伊朗的政策目標在於推動與伊朗的國際議題合作；兩伊戰爭期間維持平衡的外交策略；促成兩伊戰爭的和平解決；鞏固中共對伊朗的政治影響力；推動中伊兩國在中東地區的議題合作；基於反對單極國際體系的理念，推動國際議題合作；推動與伊朗的國際議題合作；防範中亞地區分裂主義及基本教義主義擴張；增加中伊兩國在中東地區的議題合作；增加中共對伊朗核問題的影響力。在軍事關係上，中共對伊朗的政策目標包括提供伊朗所需武器，抵禦國外勢力的攻擊；避免伊朗遭受區域強權或國際大國的安全威脅；維護伊朗和平使用核能的權利。在能源關係上，中共對伊朗的政策目標包括平衡中伊兩國的貿易逆差；探詢與伊朗進行能源合作的機會；增加從伊朗進口的能源數量；爭取在伊朗的能源探勘計畫；增加中伊雙方能源合作的領域；增加從伊朗進口原油的數量；爭取在伊朗的能源探勘機會；增加中伊雙方能源合作的領域。在經貿與科技關係上，中共對伊朗的目標包括加強中伊雙邊貿易；增加與伊朗經濟合作的項目；促進中伊兩國的科技合作。 本文以政治外交、軍事、能源、經貿與科技作為實務分析的面向，並以三個時期為區分，分別是鄧小平時期(1979年至1988年)、江澤民時期(1989年至2002年)、胡錦濤時期(2003年至2008年)。在鄧小平主政期間，中伊關係以國家安全及權力平衡為主軸。中伊關係最重要的面向就是軍事關係。江澤民主政期間，中伊關係則以經貿互利及權力平衡為主軸。此時期經貿與科技關係、能源關係及政治外交關係則是雙方發展的重點層面。在胡錦濤主政期間，中共與伊朗關係改以「互利合作」作為主軸。此時期中伊的能源關係、經貿與科技互動成為雙方關係的重點，政治外交關係及軍事關係則退居其後。 綜觀中共與伊朗伊斯蘭政府關係的基礎，建立在中伊雙方國家利益考量。對中共而言，伊朗戰略地理位置重要，與中共同屬第三世界開發中國家，兩國歷史情誼淵源已久，都是促成因素之一。其次，在中東地區以親美政府為主的國家中，伊朗伊斯蘭政府反其道而行，抱持反美且不親蘇的立場，此外，伊朗能源蘊藏豐富，因此伊朗成為中共在中東地區的重要據點。 對伊朗政府而言，中共在以阿議題上，屬於少數較為同情巴勒斯坦立場的國際大國，同時中共反對現有的以美國為主導的國際體系、以第三世界開發中國家與伊朗立場相近。此外，中共在國際政治或區域議題上具有舉足輕重的地位，在國際議題上更具有實質影響力。 從中伊關係的發展，可以發現幾個大趨勢：第一、中伊關係的發展中，主導權越來越操之在中共的手中；第二、中共在盱衡整體國家利益下，對於伊朗的強硬態度，已經無法給予強力支持；第三、中共與伊朗關係發展中，能源、經貿等實質利益，已經逐漸取代政治與戰略利益的重要性。第四、中共有意透過國際組織的力量，給予伊朗適當的壓力；第五、中伊雙方互動在遇到歧見時，向來秉持「求同存異」、「各取所需」的精神，以不傷害彼此既有關係的前提下，以獲取各自最大的利益。 展望未來中、伊兩國關係發展的前景，中伊兩國仍會維持各關係層面的議題式合作關係。中伊兩國政治外交關係的未來的動向，將取決於伊朗內部政治的演變與伊朗及美國關係的發展，如果伊朗國內的激進派持續在外交政策上採取不退讓的立場，美國對伊朗的政策將趨於強勢，如此，中共與伊朗關係的發展很難繼續突破。但是，面對伊朗豐富的能源儲量與產量，加上維護能源安全已經是中共的外交要項，美國倘若對伊朗採取強制作為，中共絕不可能默許。至於伊朗方面，它必須仰賴具有傳統友誼基礎，又是聯合國常任安理國的中共在各項議題上為其執言。因此，即使中共在某些議題的立場上向美國靠攏，但是伊朗也不敢斷然與中共反目成仇。其次，對伊朗而言，無論在經貿科技上或者能源上，中共是個較能信賴的國家，伊朗不願讓這些實質關係倒退。短期內中共與伊朗關係仍將以經貿、能源為主，政治外交關係將退居其次。此外，中共也將持續維持伊朗成為中東地區制衡美國勢力過度擴張的據點。 / The purpose of this dissertation is to explore the development of China and Iran relations and to understand the factors contributing to the adjustment of bilateral relations. The writer intends to introduce system theory as analytical approach. The finding of this study is that the bilateral relationship between China and Iran is established on the mutually economic benefits, power and security. On the diplomatic dimension, China and Iran relationship is characterized by anti-hegemony, anti-unipolar international system, mutually benefits and cooperation. On the military dimension China and Iran relationship is characterized by enhancing Iran’s sovereignty and national security. China and Iran relationship is characterized by balancing mutual trade imbalance and ensuring energy security. On the economic technological dimension, China and Iran relationship is characterized by creating mutual interests for both nations and advancing Iran’s technological development. In terms of policy objectives, China’s objectives are many folds. On diplomatic dimension China’s objective toward Iran comprises promoting issue cooperation with Iran, supporting Iran’s independent foreign policy, fending off foreign intervention in Iran’s domestic affairs, ensuring Iran’s status as a regional power. On military dimension China’s objective toward Iran comprises helping establish Iran’s national defense power, helping stave off potential security threats directed toward Iran. On energy dimension China’s objective toward Iran comprises balancing mutual trade imbalance. On economic dimension China’s objective toward Iran comprises enhancing mutual trade and tapping into Iran’s market. In terms of policy instrument, China and Iran try to achieve policy objective via the use of a variety of policy instruments, ranging from diplomatic bargaining, high ranking officers visits, arms sales, military cooperation, military officers visits, negotiation on Iran nuclear issue, energy trade, nuclear technological cooperation, energy joint development, economic and trade bargaining, engineering contract, assistance in technology and funding. This analysis is conducted from several different dimensions of China and Iran relations, that is, diplomatic, military, energy, economic and trade dimensions. For the analytical needs, this analysis is mainly divided into three periods, from 1979 to 1988, 1989 to 2002 and 2003 to 2008. From 1979 to 1988 the central pillar of China Iran relations is on military dimension featured by national security and balance of power. From 1989 to 2002 the central pillar of China Iran relations is on economic-trade, energy and diplomatic dimensions featured by mutually economic benefits and balance of power. From 2003 to 2008 the central pillar of China Iran relations is on economic-trade, energy and diplomatic dimensions featured by mutually benefits and oooperation. From the track of China and Iran relations, several trends can be inductively identified. First the leverage is more favorable to China. Secondly China has reduced its all-out support for Iran’s militant foreign policy. Thirdly the substantive interests such as energy and economic ones have surpassed economic and strategic ones in terms of importance. Fourthly China try to press Iran to readjust the latter’s policy through the force of international organizations. Fifthly China and Iran will adopt the principle of ‘put aside the difference and pursue the consensus’ and ‘to serve one’s own need’ if there is conflicting opinion between China and Iran. From the process of China and Iran relations, some major limitations can also be identified. First the international environment factor, particularly U.S. factor, is a critical source of limitation. China has to strike a balance in its relationship between Iran and U.S. Secondly China’s decision maker’s policy adjustment is also a source of limitation. In the process of its peacefully rising as a responsible great power, China chooses to abide by international regimes and keep cautious in dealing with Iran’s contentious issues. Thirdly China’s long standing principle of non-involvement in highly disputed issues also hamper China-Iran relationship. Fourthly the dominance of Iran’s conservative faction has indirectly impeded China-Iran relation. The future of China and Iran diplomatic relations will depend on the development of Iran’s domestic politics and U.S.-Iran relations. China will not allow U.S. to take military actions against and Iran will not give up China as a reliable great power. Over the short term, China and Iran relations will prosper on substantive issues, while political issues will lose its importance.