Ce travail de recherche cherche à répondre à deux questions : Quels sont les liens sociaux liant les maîtres et ingénus aux dépendants, sont-ils plus importants entre ingénus et affranchis qu’entre ingénus et esclaves? Ont-ils une influence positive sur l’affranchissement des esclaves dans la Correspondance de Cicéron ? Cette étude évolue par thème, passant des liens amicaux, matrimoniaux, sexuels aux évaluations des maîtres et des patrons sur leurs esclaves et affranchis. Avant la conclusion, quelques pages seront également dévolues aux esclaves et affranchis absents de la Correspondance pour expliquer cette absence et les situer dans le contexte de la fin de la République romaine. L’étude des liens sociaux liant les dépendants aux maîtres, patrons et ingénus, dans une approche soulignant les liens amicaux, affectifs, maritaux et sexuels plutôt que les liens sociaux purement juridiques, a permis de prouver l’existence assez fréquente de liens amicaux et affectifs entre les dépendants (esclaves et affranchis) et les maîtres, les patrons et les ingénus dans la Correspondance. L’étude de la Correspondance démontre également que ses liens amicaux et affectifs étaient plus nombreux et plus soutenus entre affranchis et ingénus qu’entre ingénus et esclave, mettant en lumière l’importance des liens d’amitié et d’affection dans le processus d’affranchissement de certains esclaves. / This paper will answer these questions: What were the social relationships between Roman masters/ingenui and slaves/freedmen? Were these relationships more often between ingenui and freedmen than ingenui and slaves? Did these relationships influence positively the slaves’ manumission in Cicero’s Letters? This paper will index and analyse the social relationships between ingenui and slaves/freedmen in the Letters. By social relationships, are meant friendships, marriage ties, sexual relations, masters’ and patrons’ estimation of their slaves/freedmen behaviours. Some pages will be devoted to the slaves and freedmen not mentioned in the Letters to explain this absence in the context of Rome in the last century BC. The study of social relationships between slaves/freedmen and masters, patrons and ingenui, in a social approach rather than a purely legal one, permitted the conclusion that friendships and affection often existed between slaves/freedmen and their masters/patrons or other ingenui of the Letters. In addition, this study proves that friendships and affectionate ties were more numerous and lasting between ingenui and freedmen than between ingenui and slaves. Accordingly, I defend the importance of friendships and affections ties in the manumission’s strategies of certain slaves.

This dissertation investigates how two fifth-century bishops of Rome, Leo I (440-461) and Gelasius (492-496) understood and opposed heresy. More specifically, by stressing the contested character of heresy and the at times optative nature of the bishop of Rome’s opposition to it, this dissertation hopes to provide a new perspective on how Leo and Gelasius imagined and justified the authority of the Apostolic See in an uncertain world. To accomplish this task, this dissertation considers Leo and Gelasius’ opposition to various different heresies and details the methods by which they were opposed. This will be done through an examination of the records of synods, Roman law, other contemporary narrative sources, but especially through the letters and tractates of Leo and Gelasius themselves, carefully read and considered in their fifth-century context. Furthermore, it is argued that the history of the development of the ideas of heresy and orthodoxy were profoundly connected with Rome’s emerging importance as a locus of authentic Christian teachings; the history of the bishops of Rome cannot be told without examining the history of heresy and orthodoxy and vice versa. Because orthodoxy and heresy were not tangible historical phenomena but rather were malleable categories that emerged as part of a wider discourse of Christian identity construction, the bishops of Rome were not in every case the unqualified enemies of heresy. Instead, their definition of heterodox belief and their opposition to religious deviance were complex, often qualified and always historically contingent. This study seeks to investigate the way in which Leo and Gelasius mobilized the language of heresiology in order to convince Christians in the Latin west and the Greek east, as well as the imperial authorities, that Rome’s interpretations were legitimate and binding.

This thesis challenges the position that the serek texts are primarily prescriptive and legal, as they have been customarily defined. It argues that the term serek should be reconceptualized according to descriptive analysis, with the purpose of creating what C. Newsom terms a ‘Gestalt structure.’ In order to achieve this, four serek texts (M, S, Sa, and D) will be analyzed at three literary levels—semantic, textual and hypertextual—explaining how the elements at these levels interact as cohesive wholes, thus serving to create a more complete picture of this group of texts as a literary unity. Thus, while the separate, constituent semantic, textual and hypertextual parts must be analysed as separate elements, the fundamental questions posed regarding these elements will be different in a Gestalt paradigm as compared to a traditional, definitional analysis. Going from the micro to the macro, the first chapter will look at the serek texts through the ‘microscope’ of close philological analysis, examining how the term serek functions atomistically within the Dead Sea Scrolls. Building upon these results, the second chapter will more broadly analyse the structure, themes and narrative apparent in the serek texts, thus creating a fuller understanding of how the serek texts relate to one another and respond to circumstances in community life. Finally, the last chapter seeks yet more broadly to understand the serek texts in the wider literary milieu of the Second Temple Period. Here, a scribal technique present in the serek texts will be compared to a similar technique used in the Book of Isaiah—arguably the most important prophetic work for the Qumran sectarians.

Exploring age structure in Mediterranean cultures illuminates the social dynamics of intergenerational relationships that became more visible in late first and early second century early Christian texts, and especially in 1 Timothy 5. This was a time of crisis when those with a living memory of the foundations of the movement were almost gone, and the community was scrutinized by outsiders. Since we have relatively few clues related to aging and age structure in the extant texts, a model of generational stability and social change based on ethnographic data helps us to imagine culturally sensitive possibilities that we can then test out as we reread the texts in their Roman cultural context. In his fictive story of Paul and Timothy, the author of the heterographical (pseudepigraphical) letter of 1 Timothy establishes an ideal intergenerational relationship between “Paul” as an older man and “Timothy” as his adult “child.” When the fictive Paul directs Timothy to speak kindly to older people (5:1-2), he introduces a section on age-related issues. Behaviour that was causing concern for public reputation included adult children shirking filial duty (5:4, 8), young widows gadding about in public (5:11-15), and younger men accusing their elders (5:19). These behaviours threatened the reputation and honour of the community and may have been encouraged by the opposing faction. The author’s solution was to reject the opposing teachings and enforce behaviour that reflected proper age structure: adult children should fulfill their filial responsibilities and care for widowed mothers and grandmothers (5:4); young widows should be guided and supported by middle-aged women who were responsible for them in the age hierarchy among women (5:16); middle-aged women should imitate the exemplary behaviour of the enlisted widows who were over 60 years old; and young men were to be rebuked in front of everyone for their disrespect toward elders (5:20). In the face of social change, the author advocates for behaviour reflective of the traditional age structure of Roman society.

This thesis challenges the position that the serek texts are primarily prescriptive and legal, as they have been customarily defined. It argues that the term serek should be reconceptualized according to descriptive analysis, with the purpose of creating what C. Newsom terms a ‘Gestalt structure.’ In order to achieve this, four serek texts (M, S, Sa, and D) will be analyzed at three literary levels—semantic, textual and hypertextual—explaining how the elements at these levels interact as cohesive wholes, thus serving to create a more complete picture of this group of texts as a literary unity. Thus, while the separate, constituent semantic, textual and hypertextual parts must be analysed as separate elements, the fundamental questions posed regarding these elements will be different in a Gestalt paradigm as compared to a traditional, definitional analysis. Going from the micro to the macro, the first chapter will look at the serek texts through the ‘microscope’ of close philological analysis, examining how the term serek functions atomistically within the Dead Sea Scrolls. Building upon these results, the second chapter will more broadly analyse the structure, themes and narrative apparent in the serek texts, thus creating a fuller understanding of how the serek texts relate to one another and respond to circumstances in community life. Finally, the last chapter seeks yet more broadly to understand the serek texts in the wider literary milieu of the Second Temple Period. Here, a scribal technique present in the serek texts will be compared to a similar technique used in the Book of Isaiah—arguably the most important prophetic work for the Qumran sectarians.

No description available.

Cette thèse s’intéresse aux historiens classicisants de langue grecque de l’Antiquité tardive. Elle développe une analyse sociale de ces historiens et de leurs écrits. Son objectif principal est de souligner les interactions entre l’écriture de l’histoire, vu comme une pratique sociale, et la société romaine tardo-antique. La première partie dresse la biographie des historiens, d’Eunape de Sardes à Théophylacte Simocatta. Le profil social de ces historiens y est défini, et une attention particulière est portée aux liens entre activité littéraire et carrière professionnelle. La seconde partie étudie plus spécifiquement les élites provinciales tardo-antiques, groupe auquel appartiennent en majorité nos historiens. Elle explique pourquoi pratiquement tous les historiens étaient des avocats et comment ces derniers en venaient à écrire de l’histoire. La dernière partie analyse les fondements sociaux de l’histoire. Elle souligne ce que l’histoire devait à l’éducation tardo-antique et montre comment les vertus de l’historien reflétaient les vertus sociales attendues d’un membre de l’élite tardo-antique. / The main objective of this dissertation is to offer a social analysis of the classicizing historians of late antiquity. It aims to underline the interactions between history-writing and society. The first part presents the biographies of late antique classicising historians, from Eunapius of Sardis to Theophylact Simocatta. It describes the social profile of those historians, while insisting on the interactions between professional career and literary endeavours. The second part explains why most historians were lawyers and analyzes the place history-writing occupies in their social life. The third part deals with the social foundations of history writing. It focuses on the role of rhetorical education in the formation of future historians and shows how the virtues of the historian mirrored the social virtues of late antique elites.

Auteur romain du 6ème siècle connu pour ses traductions en latin des textes en grec d’Aristote, Boèce a aussi rédigé une traduction-adaptation d’un texte de Nicomaque de Gérase sur l’arithmétique. La première partie de ce mémoire de maîtrise est consacrée à l’étude de Boèce en tant que passeur de savoir. Sa relation avec son père adoptif est mise en valeur afin de soutenir l’hypothèse selon laquelle Boèce aurait acquis sa connaissance du grec et son éducation tout en restant à Rome, sans avoir séjourné dans les écoles athéniennes ou alexandriennes. La deuxième partie porte sur le contenu mathématique du De institutione arithmetica. Après avoir montré comment le De arithmetica était relié à l’oeuvre de traduction par Boèce des philosophes grecs, le choix de l’Introduction à l’Arithmétique de Nicomaque comme point de départ du traité d’arithmétique de Boèce est étudié. Un catalogue raisonné des concepts mathématiques présentés est ensuite proposé, organisé autour des notions de quantité en soi et quantité relative qui conservent l’opposition entre le Même et l’Autre et rappellent l’opposition fondamentale entre Limité et Illimité, si chère aux pythagoriciens. Ce mémoire se termine par une analyse de la transmission du De institutione arithmetica et de son influence sur les mathématiques et l’enseignement du quadrivium au Moyen-Âge. / Roman author of the 6th century known for his Latin translations of Aristotle’s Greek texts, Boethius has also composed a translation-adaptation of a treatise on arithmetics written by Nicomachus of Gerasa. The first section of this master’s thesis focuses on characterizing Boethius as a intermediary, transferring Greek knowledge to the Latin West. His relationship with Symmachus is highlighted in order to argue that Boethius had been able to learn Greek and reach such a high level of learning in Rome, without the need to study in the Athenian or Alexandrian schools of his time. The mathematical content of the De institutione arithmetica is the main topic of the second section. After showing how the De arithmetica is related to Boethius’ magnum opus – the Latin translation of the Greek philosophers – the choice of Nicomachus of Gerasa’ Introduction to Arithmetics as the source of Boethius’ treaty on arithmetics is studied. Then, a catalogue raisonné of the mathematical concepts showcased is provided, organized around the notions of quantity constant of itself and relative quantity which retain the opposition between the Same and the Other and stems from the pythagoricians’ fondamental opposition between the Limited and the Unlimited. This masters’ thesis ends with an analysis of the medieval transmission of the De institutione arithmetica and of its influence on medieval mathematics and education through the quadrivium.

Cette étude partira de deux principes fondamentaux. D’abord, elle considérera le goût du vin comme une construction complexe qui, par l’exercice de la dégustation, convoque à fois la vue, la capacité à percevoir les saveurs, et la mémoire olfactive. Ensuite, elle concevra le goût comme le rapport esthétique et discriminatoire qu’on peut entretenir avec un objet. En ce sens, l’argumentation aura pour but d’explorer les aspects de la dégustation dans la « large Antiquité », en comparant de manière systématique la littérature grecque à la littérature latine. Comme le vocabulaire pour parler du vin est aussi sensoriel (amer, sucré) qu’extrasensoriel (charpenté, costaud), nous proposerons dans cette étude une relecture des sources pour voir de quelle manière les Anciens caractérisaient le vin qu’ils dégustaient. Le tout, en démontrant comment couleur, harmonie, goûts et textures jouent un rôle dans la compréhension et le développement du goût du vin. La comparaison des sources grecques et latines tentera de montrer qu’un véritable raffinement de vocabulaire est perceptible au courant des Ier et IIe siècles, en lien avec la constitution d’une sphère plus spécialisée de dégustateurs. L’exercice sera donc réalisé sans oublier le nécessaire retour à la terre pour comprendre les principes fondamentaux de la vitiviniculture. L’ensemble, en suggérant que la terminologie relative aux saveurs et les techniques agricoles de l’Antiquité sont capables de capturer des complexités similaires à celles d’aujourd’hui. L’examen des sources aura également pour but de démontrer qu’avec l’enrichissement indéniable de ce vocabulaire, un véritable exercice de distinction sociale se dessine pour l’élite romaine en situation de dégustation. Par la dialectique propre au vin, nous tenterons de voir que de la vigne au chai puis du cellier à la table, la pratique de la dégustation en milieu social inclut et exclut, fonde et déconstruit, honore et ridiculise à la fois. / This study will start from two fundamental principles. Firstly, it will consider the taste of wine as a complex construction which, through the exercise of tasting, convokes at the same time the sight, the ability to perceive flavours, and the olfactory memory. Secondly, it will conceive taste as the aesthetic and discriminatory relationship that one can maintain with an object. To that extent, the argumentation will explore aspects of tasting in the "broad Antiquity" by systematically comparing Greek literature with Latin literature. Because the vocabulary used to talk about wine is as sensory (bitter, sweet) as it is extrasensory (robust, full-bodied), we will propose in this study a new reading of the sources to see how the Ancients characterized the wine they tasted. All of this, while demonstrating how color, harmony, tastes and textures play a role in the understanding and development of the taste of wine. The comparison of Greek and Latin sources will try to show that a real refinement of vocabulary is perceptible during the first and second centuries, in connection with the constitution of a more specialized sphere of tasters. The exercise will therefore be carried out without forgetting the necessary basics of agriculture to understand the fundamental principles of winemaking. Taken together, suggesting that the flavor terminology and agricultural techniques of antiquity are capable of capturing complexities similar to those of today. The examination of the sources will also aim to demonstrate that with the undeniable enrichment of this vocabulary, a real exercise in social distinction for the Roman elite in tasting situations is taking shape. Through a dialectic specific to wine, we will try to see that from the vine to the cellar and then from the cellar to the table, the practice of tasting in a social environment both includes and excludes, builds and deconstructs, honors and mocks.

Ce mémoire s’articule autour de trois sections distinctes : dans la première, nous examinons la figure divine de Liber Pater et la perception de cette divinité dans l’Italie romaine. Liber ne cesse de surprendre les chercheurs entre autres grâce à son association avec Dionysos, c’est pourquoi il est nécessaire de s’attarder à une question simple, mais cruciale : qui est Liber Pater? Nous soulignons à travers cette section que Liber est une divinité agraire reconnue au sein du panthéon de Rome et recevant ainsi un culte public à travers les Liberalia et la triade qu’il forme avec Cérès et Libera. La pérennité de Liber sur la libertas y est aussi remise en jeu : plutôt que de concevoir une liberté politique, il faut s’attarder à une liberté physique et mentale. Dans la deuxième section, nous établissons une connexion sur le territoire italien entre Liber et Dionysos-Bacchus grâce au processus d’acculturation qui s’est concrétisé avec l’arrivée de Dionysos en Grande-Grèce au VIIIe et VIIe siècle av. J.-C. Nous explorons par la suite, à travers la tutelle de Liber et Bacchus sur le vin ainsi que la répression des Bacchanales, les formes hétérogènes qu’ont pu prendre les rituels et les cultes dédiés à ces divinités. Finalement, notre dernière section se penche sur le culte de Liber en Italie au Haut-Empire. Pour y parvenir, nous utilisons le cadre méthodologique de la lived ancient religion qui s’intéresse au spectre des stratégies religieuses pouvant être mises en place pour communiquer avec Liber, que ce soit à travers le don, la prière, le geste, le sacrifice, etc. Ce modèle d’analyse nous donne l’opportunité de nous intéresser au culte vécu de Liber, nous rapprochant ainsi de l’expérience religieuse des individus. Nous démontrons, grâce à un corpus épigraphique comportant plusieurs types d’inscriptions, que de nombreuses stratégies de communication étaient utilisées, notamment les rituels du votum, de la dedicatio, et de la consecratio à travers le don d’objets tels des autels et des statues. En groupe, ces stratégies se complexifient puisque le phénomène associatif produit une diversification cultuelle significative : plusieurs associations romaines, toutes différentes les unes des autre dans leurs pratiques et leur composition, honoraient Liber et ses bienfaits. / This dissertation is structured in three distinct sections: in the first one, we examine the divine figure of Liber Pater and the perception of this divinity in Roman Italy. Liber never ceases to surprise scholars, mostly because of his association with Dionysus, so it is necessary to address a simple but crucial question: who is Liber Pater? We emphasize in this section that Liber is an agrarian deity recognized within the pantheon of Rome and thus receives a public cult through the Liberalia and the triad that he forms with Ceres and Libera. The tutelage of Liber on libertas is also questioned: rather than understanding it in terms of political freedom, we must rather focus on a physical and mental freedom. In the second section, we establish a connection on the Italian territory between Liber and Dionysus-Bacchus thanks to the process of acculturation that took place with the arrival of Dionysus in Magna Graecia in the 8th and 7th century BC. We then explore, through the tutelage of Liber and Bacchus over wine as well as the repression of the Bacchanalia, the heterogeneous forms that the rituals and cults dedicated to these deities may have taken. Finally, our last section dives into the cult of Liber in Italy in the Early Empire. To do so, we use the methodological framework of lived ancient religion, which focuses on the spectrum of religious strategies that can be put in place to communicate with Liber, be it through donation, prayer, gesture, sacrifice, etc. This model of analysis gives us the opportunity to focus on the lived worship of Liber, therefore bringing us closer to the religious experience of individuals. We demonstrate, through an epigraphic corpus comprising several types of inscriptions, that numerous communication strategies were used, notably the rituals of votum, dedicatio, and consecratio through the donation of objects such as altars and statues. In groups, these strategies become more complex since the associative phenomenon produces a significant cult diversification: several Roman associations, all different from one other in their practices and composition, honored Liber and his benefits.