L'objectif de ce mémoire est de rendre compte, en les comparant, des discours publics respectifs de Theobald Wolfe Tone, pour l'Irlande, et de Louis-Joseph Papineau pour le Bas-Canada. Il s'agit de mener cette analyse pour les années de la montée des revendications constitutionnelles et de l'évocation de l'indépendance dans deux territoires politiquement dépendants de la Grande-Bretagne, fin du 18e siècle (1790-1798) et début du 19e siècle (1827-1837). Ces années ont précédé, respectivement, la Rébellion de 1798 (Irlande et l'Union à la Grande-Bretagne, en 1801), et celle de 1837 au Bas-Canada, suivie de l'Union au Haut-Canada, en 1840. De ce point de vue, les grands thèmes retenus pour l'analyse comparative sont naturellement ceux de la dépendance et de la constitution. À partir des écrits publics de Tone, des retranscriptions des discours de Papineau à la Chambre d'assemblée du Bas-Canada et de ses brochures, ce mémoire propose une analyse du discours public de ces personnages qui ont désiré changer le destin politique de leur «pays» respectif. En Irlande, Theobald Wolfe Tone apparaît d'abord comme un whig progressiste aspirant faire une carrière de parlementaire. Il sera actif politiquement hors du Parlement et publiciste. Au Bas-Canada, Louis-Joseph Papineau sera président de la Chambre d'assemblée coloniale du Bas-Canada de 1815 à 1837. D'abord partisans d'une application autonomiste d'une constitution britannique récente (1782 pour l'Irlande) et relativement récente (1791 pour le Bas-Canada), ils éprouvent ensuite les limites du possible dans l'ordre établi par ces constitutions, puis croient nécessaire de sortir de cet ordre constitutionnel par l'indépendance. Comme réformistes, ils arrivent tous deux à l'idée que le changement n'est possible qu'avec des modifications à la constitution elle-même: Tone prône l'unité de tous les Irlandais, l'«émancipation des catholiques», qui sont en Irlande l'objet d'une discrimination politique légalement instituée et l'application de l'autonomie législative. Papineau pour sa part se fait au Bas-Canada le défenseur de l'idée de l'électivité d'un Conseil législatif, alors dépendant du Conseil exécutif, du gouverneur et du gouvernement métropolitain, et concurrent de l'Assemblée. Ces réformes ne pouvant se réaliser, Tone et Papineau en arrivent à la nécessité, comme moyen, de l'indépendance. Tone la conçoit comme devant se faire immédiatement, par la voie révolutionnaire du recours aux armes et la collaboration de la France. Papineau fait plutôt l'apologie, pour l'immédiat, de mesures «paisibles, légales et constitutionnelles», mais il vante dès les années 1830 la supériorité des institutions américaines et ne se désolidarise pas publiquement de ceux qui en 1837 désirent une résistance armée. Cette recherche a montré que le discours public de Tone constitue d'abord un plaidoyer pour l'autonomie législative de l'Irlande, et que celui de Papineau affirme les prérogatives de l'Assemblée élue dans l'équilibre des pouvoirs au Bas-Canada. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Autodétermination, Constitution, Émancipation, Institutions coloniales, Nation, Rébellion, Réforme, 18e siècle, 19e siècle.

As a classical scholar and prominent founding father, James Wilson was at once statesman, judge, and political thinker, who read Cicero as an example worthy of emulation and as a philosopher whose theory could be applied to his own age. Classical reception studies have focused on questions of liberty, civic virtue, and constitutionalism in the American founding, and historians have also noted Wilson’s importance in American history and thought. Wilson’s direct engagement with Cicero’s works, however, and their significance in the formulation of his own philosophy has been long overlooked. My thesis argues that Wilson’s viewpoint was largely based on his readings of Cicero and can only be properly understood within this context. In the first two chapters of my thesis I demonstrate that Wilson not only possessed a wide-ranging knowledge of the classics in general, but also that he borrowed from Cicero’s writings and directly engaged with the texts themselves. Building upon this foundation, chapters three and four examine Cicero’s perspective on popular sovereignty and civic virtue, situate Wilson’s interpretations within contemporary discussions of Roman politics, and analyse the main ways in which he adapts Cicero’s arguments to his own era. Wilson retains a broader faith in the common people than seen in Cicero’s opinions, and he abstracts from Cicero a doctrine of sovereignty as an indivisible principle that is absent in the text; nevertheless, Cicero’s conception of a legitimate state and his insistence on the role of the people provided the foundation for Wilson’s thought and ultimately for his legitimization of the American Revolution. At the same time, like Cicero, Wilson views the stability of the state as resting in the personal virtue of the individual. While his enlightenment philosophy imparts optimism to his conception of the good citizen, his definition of virtue closely follows that of Cicero. As the final chapter of my thesis concludes, their individual interpretations of these theories of popular consent and virtue were instrumental in forming Cicero’s and Wilson’s justifications of civil disobedience.

Orientador: Antonio Celso Ferreira / Banca: André Luiz Joanilho / Banca: Edgar Ávila Gandra / Banca: Eliane Cristina Deckmann Fleck / Banca: André da Silva Bueno / Resumo: O trabalho pretende apresentar uma abordagem no campo da história cultural ao privilegiar uma análise sobre o problema da construção do ufanismo e do ressentimento na formação da identidade luso-brasileira. Entendendo que o ufanismo e o ressentimento são comportamentos humanos subjetivos, complexos e contraditórios, identifiquei inicialmente a sua manifestação no Brasil colonial nos embates entre "paulistas" e "forasteiros" na região das Minas Gerais (Guerra dos emboabas, 1708-1709). Posteriormente, entre 1768 e 1774, durante o governo de Dom Luis Antônio de Souza Botelho Mourão (Morgado de Mateus), na capitania de São Paulo analisei como a construção da história paulista não só retomava as pendências (culturais, sociais, políticas e jurídicas) da Guerra dos Emboabas, mas também se estruturava em ressentimentos pessoal, coletivo e político. Sob um novo enfoque, foi analisada a documentação de André João Antonil, o códice Matoso, os pressupostos dos historiadores Frei Gaspar da Madre de Deus, Pedro Taques de Almeida Paes Leme, Francisco Tossi Columbina, Cláudio Manuel da Costa, Theotônio José Juzarte e, finalmente, a documentação de Afonso Botelho de Sampaio e Souza que consta de relatórios militares, correspondências e poesias. Identificou-se nestas fontes que o ufanismo e o ressentimento eram sensibilidades em oposição e correspondência, e estavam ligadas a uma identidade paulista fundamentada na contradição e na negação da realidade colonial. Seguindo este percurso, foram analisadas as ações e reações às manipulações sociais, ...(Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: This work intends an approach in the history cultural field in order to give advantages to an analysis about the problem of ufanism construction and the resentment in the formation of Portuguese-Brazilian identity. In order to understand that ufanism and the resentments are subjective, complex and contradictories human behaviors, It was first identified their manifestation in the Brazil colony in the from contends between "natives of São Paulo" and "outsiders" (called emboabas) in the region of Minas Gerais (Emboadas War 1707-1709). After that, among 1768 and 1774, in the government of Dom Luis Antônio de Souza Botelho Mourão (Morgado de Mateus), in the capitany of São Paulo, It was analyzed how the construction of Paulistan history , not only retook the (culture, social, politics and juridical) pendencies of Emboadas War, but also it structured themselves as personal, collective an politic resentment. These sensibilities appeared in Brazil from contends between "paulistans" or "natives of São Paulo" and "outsiders" (called emboabas) in the region of Minas Gerais (1707-1709). Later in the XVIII century, the ufanismo retook those pending contends being definitively structured by Paulistans in Historians into the conflicting process and social negotiation. By a new point of view it was focused on the documentation of André João Antonil, the Códice Matoso, the historian's presuppositions Frei Gaspar da Madre de Deus, Pedro Taques de Almeida Paes Leme, Francisco Tossi Columbina, Cláudio Manuel da Costa, Theotônio José Juzarte, and finally the documentation of Afonso Botelho de Sampaio e Souza ...(Complete abstract, click electronic access below) / Doutor

Orientador: Maria Stella Martins Bresciani / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-04T19:23:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Schreiner_Michelle_D.pdf: 1713841 bytes, checksum: d554cdb1778ebeedc85a64bd55e30c36 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / Resumo: Para Jules Michelet, alguns literatos, como Honoré de Balzac, Eugène Sue e George Sand, caracterizam o ¿povo¿ de forma degradante, diferindo de uma literatura anterior, de fins do século XVIII e início do XIX, que devia se afirmar como veículo de instrução moral ou de ¿pedagogia¿ do cidadão. Nesse sentido, busco recuperar o propósito do historiador ao publicar Le Peuple, em 1846, e Histoire de la Révolution française, de 1847 a 1853, como contraponto à literatura do período que, segundo ele, oferecia uma falsa imagem da nação francesa ao enfatizar sobretudo os defeitos e torpezas de seu povo. A propósito da questão da emergência do ¿povo¿ no cenário historiográfico francês da primeira metade do século XIX, levanto a hipótese de que a criação das obras de Michelet em contraposição à literatura em voga no seu tempo, insere-se num contexto maior de extensão da função ¿pedagógica¿ de formação do povo, atribuída até então à Literatura, para o âmbito da História / Abstract: For Jules Michelet, some literary writers, just as Honoré de Balzac, Eugène Sue and George Sand, characterize ¿the people¿ in a degraded way, unlike a previous literature (at the turn of the 18th and in early 19th century) that was understood as an instrument of education of the people. In such case, I search to recover the purpose of the historian when he publishes Le Peuple, in 1846, and Histoire de la Révolution française, from 1847 to 1853, to oppose the literature of the period that, according to him, used to offer a false image of the French nation when it emphasizes all of faults and bad habits of its people. About the emergency of ¿people¿ in the French historical scenery in the first half of the nineteenth century, I defend that the Michelet¿s works creation, in opposition to the literary writers of the period, is inserted in a larger context of extension of the ¿pedagogic¿ function of people's formation, attributed until then to the Literature for the ambit of the History / Doutorado / Politica, Memoria e Cidade / Doutor em História

Esta tese abrange manuscritos inéditos dos cadernos da viagem ao Oriente, de Flaubert, e textos publicados postumamente, a partir do que ele copiou dos seus cadernos logo depois da viagem, fazendo mudanças e acréscimos. Esta tese também abrange cartas que ele escreveu no Oriente. Analiso movimentos da sua escritura e a mobilidade de formas textuais, que migram de cartas para textos da viagem e vice-versa. Ele não quis publicar essas anotações, que constituem um lugar de experiência com a linguagem, uma espécie de laboratório de formas, que depois, com mudanças, ele integra em seus romances. Relaciono esses textos a concepções estéticas da época. Comparo o modo descritivo que Flaubert desenvolve durante a viagem com páginas dos cadernos ilustrados de Delacroix, do Marrocos. Identifico nos textos do Oriente de Flaubert correspondências entre composição literária e composição pictural. Seu olhar e imaginação são informados pela arte orientalista, em voga na Europa, na época. O orientalismo é um elo para a análise de mudanças estéticas que acontecem nas duas artes, literatura e pintura, no século XIX. Escrever durante a viagem se associa à ideia de movimentar um repertório de imagens e, ao mesmo tempo, tornar visível o que o texto evoca / This thesis encompasses Flauberts unpublished manuscripts from his travel notes and copies he made from these travel notes, with a few changes and additions, soon after returning from his journey to the Orient and, moreover, letters written while on this journey. I have analyzed Flauberts writing and the mobility of textual variations that migrate from his letters to travel texts and vice versa. He never wished to publish these notes that are an experience in language, a laboratory for variations, which with some changes, he later integrates into his fiction. I have compared these texts with the aesthetic conceptions at that time. I have also analyzed the descriptive mode that Flaubert developed in the Orient, comparing excerpts from his notes to pages from Delacroixs illustrated travel notes made during his trip to Morocco. I identify in Flauberts texts from the Orient the correspondence with pictorial composition. His viewpoint and imagination are informed by Orientalist art, which was popular in Europe at the time. The Orientalism provides a link for analyzing the aesthetic changes that took place in literature and painting in the XIX century. Writing during travel is associated with the idea of creating a repertory of images while at the same time making visible what is evoked in the text

Orientador: Cláudia Valladão de Mattos / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-26T09:08:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Paes_LucianaLourenco_M.pdf: 6480106 bytes, checksum: 311dc7804c3dc4fd9387ec6cc4c1d3bd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: A presente pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar as representações da morte de Ofélia na obra do pintor francês Eugène Delacroix (1798-1863), pensando sua relação com a tradição visual ligada à representação de Vênus e do suicídio feminino, com outras obras do artista e de seus contemporâneos, com a noção de "teatral" em pintura e com o contexto da pesquisa psiquiátrica na França na primeira metade do séc. XIX / Abstract: The present paper intends to analyze the representations of Ophelia¿s death in the production of the French painter Eugène Delacroix (1798-1863), reflecting on its relationship with the visual tradition of Venus and the feminine suicide, with other works by the artist and his contemporaries, with the notion of "theatrical" in painting and with the context of psychiatric research in the first half of nineteenth-century France / Mestrado / Historia da Arte / Mestra em História

Preface: William Shaw was undoubtedly one of the greatest of the missionary pioneers to work in southern Africa and it is strange that up until now there has been no major research into his time spent in the Cape Colony and beyond. Apart from his own work, The Story of My Mission, and the Memoir of the Rev. William Shaw by William Boyce, published in 1874, there was nothing devoted exclusively to Shaw until Mrs Celia Sadler published extracts from his letters and journals in Never a Young Man, in 1967. Scholars have examined aspects of Shaw's career in a number of theses, articles and books, but, unlike the attention paid to Dr John Philip, William Shaw has never been the subject of close historical scrutiny. This has, most probably, been attributable to the unfortunate gap in the Shaw correspondence from the late 1830's to the 1850's, but, despite this, I have felt that so important a figure in southern African historiography - both ecclesiastical and secular - should be examined regardless of the lacunae which there might be. When - and if - the missing pieces ever come to light, then the time for the definitive study will have arrived, but until such time there is, most decidedly, a need for what we do have access to, to be sifted and placed in historical context. This is what this thesis has attempted to do with specific reference to his work in the Eastern Cape. As General Superintendent of Wesleyan mission work in "South Eastern Africa", Shaw also had oversight of work in the Bechuana country, but that lies outside the scope of this thesis and requires independent examination. Shaw wrote of the work of the missionary - with his own work firmly in mind, " ... I am fully satisfied ... that wherever there is a British colony in juxtaposition with heathen tribes, or natives, it will be our wisdom to provide for the spiritual wants of the Colonists, while at the same time we ought not to neglect taking earnest measures for the conversion of the heathen."¹ Such an approach made Wesleyan endeavours almost unique in mission history. The proponent of such uniqueness requires a sympathetic yet not hagiographical appraisal. This thesis seeks to accomplish just that. ¹ The Story of My Mission p. 213.