Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T14:16:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Deisy Sunae Kawakami.pdf: 1635094 bytes, checksum: 5d5d31d4bb4c5d53e805055a8ef4dbc0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-10-13 / Secretaria da Educação do Estado de São Paulo / On the turn of the twentieth century, several scientists were investigating infectious diseases. The aim of this research is to rebuild the path followed by Alexander Fleming (1881-1955) in his studies on microbiology, from 1908 to 1921, when he identified an enzyme related to the natural immunology of living beings. This dissertation contains an introduction and five chapters. Chapter 1 deals with Fleming s first bacteriological investigations, in cooperation with Almroth Wright (1861-1947). Besides that, it deals with Fleming s prescriptions for skin infections. Chapter 2 analyses Fleming´s contributions concerning the SALVARSAN therapy. Chapter 3 presents Fleming´s research on the treatment of infected injures got during the First World War, as well as, the experiments on microorganisms performed by him. Chapter 4 describes Fleming s research on secretions and tissues, concerning the identification of an important enzyme related to the natural immunology. Chapter 5 provides some final remarks on the subject. This study showed that Fleming was very cautious in methodological terms. It led to the conclusion that although Fleming had been trained under Wright and several of his contributions were part of a collective work, this was not the case concerning the identification of lysozyme. This Fleming´s original contribution changes the view that was accepted at that time / Na virada do século XX, diversos cientistas estavam investigando as doenças infecciosas. O objetivo desta pesquisa é reconstruir o percurso seguido por Alexander Fleming (1881-1955) em seus estudos de microbiologia, desde 1908 até 1921, quando ele identificou a lisosima, uma enzima relacionada à imunologia natural dos seres vivos. Essa dissertação contém uma introdução e cinco capítulos. O capítulo 1 trata do período em que Fleming iniciou suas investigações bacteriológicas ao lado de Wright, e o que prescreveu para o tratamento de infecções da pele. O capítulo 2 analisa as contribuições de Fleming relacionadas ao tratamento da sífilis, no que se refere à metodologia empregada na administração do Salvarsan. O capítulo 3 discute as pesquisas para o tratamento de feridas infectadas durante a Primeira Guerra Mundial, bem como, os experimentos realizados por Fleming para detectar os microrganismos presentes. O capítulo 4 descreve as pesquisas de Fleming em secreções e tecidos e a identificação de uma importante enzima relacionada à imunologia natural. O capítulo 5 apresenta algumas considerações finais sobre o assunto. Esse estudo levou à conclusão de que Fleming era meticuloso sob o ponto de vista metodológico. Além disso, embora ele tivesse sido treinado por Almroth Wright, ao contrário de suas outras contribuições no período que resultaram de um trabalho coletivo, a lisosima foi uma contribuição original de Fleming. Esta contribuição foi significativa e modificou a visão que se tinha na época sobre o assunto

Submitted by Cássio da Cruz Nogueira (cassionogueirakk@gmail.com) on 2017-01-03T11:40:40Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Dissertacao_IntrepidoParaenseVeiga.pdf: 2607262 bytes, checksum: abc442a6dc9d03dd04146063b598dbc5 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Edisangela Bastos (edisangela@ufpa.br) on 2017-01-04T14:27:55Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Dissertacao_IntrepidoParaenseVeiga.pdf: 2607262 bytes, checksum: abc442a6dc9d03dd04146063b598dbc5 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-01-04T14:27:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Dissertacao_IntrepidoParaenseVeiga.pdf: 2607262 bytes, checksum: abc442a6dc9d03dd04146063b598dbc5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-03-18 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Este trabalho analisa as disputas políticas no Pará na transição da Monarquia para a República, buscando entender as redes de “Clientelismo” que permitiram a utilização de mecanismos como a força policial, o uso de Capoeiras, de Jornais e dos partidos políticos nesses conflitos. Para alcançar este objetivo busquei refazer a trajetória política de Francisco Xavier da Veiga Cabral, por entender que sua importância neste momento de transição da Monarquia para a República foi relevante para os embates políticos no Pará. Para compreender estes mecanismos de disputas eleitorais e a relação de Veiga Cabral, o trabalho contou com a análise de um corpo documental variado, entre processos crimes, jornais, relatórios dos governos do Pará e coleção de leis do estado Pará. Partindo desta documentação e do diálogo com bibliografia, buscamos contribuir para o debate e ampliar os conhecimentos sobre o tema, assim como permitir um maior entendimento da História do Brasil e da Amazônia. / This work analyzes the political disputes in Para in the transition from Monarchy to Republic, seeking to understand the networks of "Clientelismo" that allowed the use of mechanisms such as the police force, the use of Capoeira, Newspapers and political parties in these conflicts. To achieve this objective I tried redoing the political career of Francisco Xavier da Veiga Cabral, i understand your importance in this time of transition from Monarchy to a Republic was relevant for the political battles in Para. To understand these mechanisms of electoral disputes and the relation of Veiga Cabral, the work was done with the analysis of a documentary body varied, between criminal prosecutions, newspapers, government reports of Para and collection of laws of the state Para. Starting from this documentation, and the dialog with bibliography we contribute to the debate on the theme and expand the knowledge of the same, as well as to allow a greater understanding of the History of Brazil and the Amazon.

Edition commerciale de : Habilitationsschrift : Literaturwissenchaft : Klagenfurt : 1984. / Bibliogr. p. 267-283. Index.

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La période de l'Union des Canadas est surtout connue – aux points de vue politique et idéologique – sous l'angle des deux principaux groupes politiques de cette période chez les Canadiens français : les réformistes et les rouges. En effet, c'est sur ces deux groupes que s'est majoritairement penchée l'historiographie. Ainsi, l'on retient des premiers leur acceptation de l'Union, l'alliance avec les réformistes du Haut-Canada dans le but d'obtenir le gouvernement responsable, leur adhésion au libéralisme économique et leur alliance avec l'Église catholique ultramontaine. De leur côté, les seconds sont connus pour leur rejet de l'Union, leur anticléricalisme, le libéralisme démocratique et leur anticolonialisme, qui a conduit certains d'entre eux à préconiser l'annexion aux États-Unis à la fin des années 1840. Entre ces deux groupes durant l'Union, il ne semble pas y avoir eu d'alternatives valables pour les Canadiens français dans l'historiographie. Ceux qui n'ont pas adhéré aux visions de l'un de ces deux groupes sont perçus comme des marginaux ou des individus qui ont erré. C'est notamment le sort réservé à l'homme qui est l'objet d'étude de ce mémoire : Denis-Benjamin Viger. Le portrait d'ensemble qui ressort de ce dernier dans les ouvrages consacrés à la période de l'Union est plutôt négatif, en grande partie à cause du rôle qu'il a joué au sein du Conseil exécutif de Charles Metcalfe, de 1843 à 1846. En retraçant le parcours politique et idéologique de Viger depuis le début du XIXe siècle, notre étude vise à faire toute la lumière sur cet épisode controversé. Il en ressort un portrait beaucoup plus nuancé du personnage, qui a occupé le poste politique le plus important chez les Canadiens français durant près de trois années. Inspiré par divers courants idéologiques tels que l'humanisme civique des Anciens, le conservatisme d'un Edmund Burke ou d'un Joseph de Maistre, le libéralisme catholique de Félicité de Lamennais, de même que par le courant nationalitaire européen, Denis-Benjamin Viger rejette l'Union dans les années 1840, mais prône tout de même la participation politique des Canadiens français pour que ceux-ci œuvrent de l'intérieur afin de défaire un état de fait qu'il considère « contre-nature ». C'est dans cette optique qu'il met progressivement sur pied une stratégie originale qui réussit durant quelque temps à ébranler l'unité des réformistes de Louis-Hippolyte LaFontaine et qui perdurera dans une version édulcorée durant toute la période de l'Union des Canadas : la double majorité. Ainsi, par ses idées et son action politique dans les années 1840, Denis-Benjamin Viger proposait une autre vision du présent et de l'avenir pour les Canadiens français. C'est cette vision que nous analysons dans ce mémoire. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : histoire politique, Union des Canadas, Denis-Benjamin Viger, double majorité, nationalisme.

Cette thèse s'intéresse aux Créoles de couleur de la Nouvelle-Orléans et montre que leur relation avec les affranchis entre 1860 et 1896 était ambiguë, marquée à la fois par la solidarité et par la division. Précisément parce que le rapport entre les deux groupes pouvait prendre plusieurs formes, nous avons mis le mot « relation » au pluriel dans le titre. Pendant longtemps, les historiens ont eu tendance à appréhender la relation entre les deux groupes d'un point de vue dichotomique. D'après leurs analyses, les Créoles de couleur étaient soit solidaires et unis aux Noirs, soit condescendants et distants, selon qu'ils s'identifiaient ou non à eux. Comme l'explique Shirley Thompson, pratiquement tous ont abordé cette relation en fonction d'un jugement sur l'identification raciale des Créoles de couleur et malgré les nuances apportées récemment par certains, le débat historiographique reste polarisé à bien des égards pour la simple raison que le sentiment d'appartenance identitaire des Créoles de couleur échappe à leur analyse. Afin de combler cette lacune historiographique, nous proposons une approche plus flexible des relations raciales, que nous abordons en nous détachant du paradigme binaire prédominant et en concevant davantage les Créoles de couleur comme un groupe ethnique à part entière. Notre thèse a donc été conçue dans le but de nuancer la vision dichotomique perpétuée par les historiens et de mettre en évidence la complexité de la relation entre les deux groupes, surtout au moment où les esclaves faisaient la transition vers la liberté. La base de notre argumentation repose sur la prémisse que les Créoles de couleur étaient conscients d'appartenir à un groupe distinct et supérieur aux Noirs, à qui ils ne se sont jamais identifiés, mais cela ne les a pas empêchés de nouer un lien de solidarité avec eux durant la guerre de Sécession afin de réaliser leurs aspirations politiques et humanitaires. Pour la première fois, à partir des années 1860, il y eut un rapprochement entre les deux collectivités puisque les Créoles de couleur ont saisi l'occasion provoquée par la guerre pour entamer un mouvement de revendications progressistes qui incluait la majorité noire, mais cette nouvelle solidarité ne doit pas être interprétée comme étant un signe qu'ils s'identifiaient désormais aux affranchis. Malgré un rapprochement devenu nécessaire durant et après la guerre de Sécession, les Créoles de couleur voulaient continuer à se dissocier des Noirs parce qu'ils avaient intériorisé les préjugés raciaux de leur époque, mais aussi parce que, conscients de leurs différences identitaires, ils voulaient survivre comme groupe ethnique à part entière dans une société qui s'américanisait rapidement à partir de la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle. Entre 1860 et 1896, ils ont lutté pour la justice sociale et pour la mise en application des idéaux révolutionnaires auxquels ils adhéraient totalement, mais ils ont lutté aussi pour ne pas devenir un « peuple oublié » dans une masse noire anglophone. Leur combat était double : répandre les principes universels et protéger un patrimoine identitaire de plus en plus fragile. Bien que cette thèse porte sur la relation entre les deux groupes, elle permet de tirer des conclusions intéressantes sur l'identité des Créoles de couleur. D'un point de vue méthodologique, nous avons opté pour une démarche à la fois qualitative et quantitative qui repose sur un corpus de sources variées, allant du journalisme, au recensement, aux poursuites judiciaires, en passant par les récits de contemporains. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Louisiane, Nouvelle-Orléans, Créoles de couleur, guerre de Sécession, Reconstruction.

This thesis examines the political and literary reception in Spain of the figure of Pedro Calderon de la Barca, Golden Age playwright, during the years comprising the start of the querella calderoniana until the end of the nineteenth century; a period dominated by the intellectual figure Marcelino Menendez Pelayo. The nineteenth century is characterized by widespread social, political, economic, religious and cultural change, as much as for the development of the intention, on the part of political ideologies in positions of power, to generate a concrete idea of the Nation; in short, a specific way of interpreting Spanish national identify. This changes and the process which followed the configuration of this idea of the nation are recorded in little studied and highly politicized print media of the time, as well as in various verbal polemics maintained over the course of the century. / The study of these has allowed me to demonstrate that the reception of Calderon has been strongly influenced by the presence and interaction of these aspects. As the century progresses, the figure of the playwright becomes increasingly identified with the ideals of the National identify established by political conservatives. / In the first chapter, I analyse what happened in this intellectual conflict contextualizing it ideologically in the calderonian polemics of the eighteenth century, and frame it within relevant events in the formation of national identity. / The next two chapters analyse the development of the querella calderoniana and the subsequent appropriation of Calderon, in one of the darkest moments for the written press in Spain, corresponding with Fernando VII's absolutist regime. This study has been achieved through close readings of various periodicals, literary and ideological discourses of this epoch. / The final chapter concentrates on the conservative appropriation of Calderon effectuated by Menendez Pelayo, one of the most important intellectual figures of nineteenth century in Spain, who attempted to integrate this appropriation with others preceding it. A brief section of conclusions summarizes the theses, followed by a selected bibliography.

The pedracista electoral coalition that was formed in Mexico during the 1828 presidential elections was deliberately ignored by the traditional historiography of the early national period. Instead it concentrated on the leaders of the liberal struggle, deeming this alliance unworthy of study. There were essentially two key reasons why this happened. On the one hand, General Manuel Gómez Pedraza (1789-1851) was not an archetypal liberal patriot in the mould of those heroes that were exalted and written about by Mexico’s Porfirian and PRIísta historians. His politics were associated with a certain ideological indeterminateness as a result of his moderate stance, proving problematic to historians who were intent on developing a liberal and subsequently post-revolutionary historia patria. On the other hand, the official historiography accepted, unquestioningly, the critical version of his actions that his opponents circulated at the time. As a result of this, the yorkino version of the events is the one that prevailed, casting Pedraza in the role of staunch anti-yorkino in a simplistic bipartisan vision of Mexican politics that depicted the political tensions of the time as a clear-cut confrontation between the pedracista aristocrats and the democratic yorkino followers of mulatto hero of the War of Independence, General Vicente Guerrero (1783-1831). This two-dimensional dichotomy has only recently started to be nuanced by the revisionist historiography of the last thirty years. This has been due, in great measure, to the fact that the traditional interpretation of the pedracista coalition posed a number of significant problems when attempting to understand the political behaviour of the people involved. Above all, it was an interpretation that proved incapable of explaining how such a variety of political tendencies, represented by those individuals who joined the alliance that backed Pedraza’s presidential candidacy, could have come together; i.e., anti-masonic groups, the imparciales, certain yorkinos and former escoceses. This thesis aims to explain what brought these individuals, whose political ideas were ostensibly incompatible, together, in what resulted in a particularly resourceful and successful electoral force. The pedracista coalition represented the first political formation in Mexico that came together specifically to win a presidential election. It was one which set out to bring an end to the political interference of Masonic societies in Mexico, and in particular, that of the Rite of York lodges. It also challenged the yorkinos’ electoral campaign by criticising their leader, Guerrero, and, by highlighting the negative aspects of their Masonic faction. It pointed out, moreover, the dangers inherent in a central administration led by guerrerista yorkinos and, in so doing, made clear the problems that were to be found in the political ideas these individuals stood for, depicting them as partisan, ignorant, and representative of the popular classes. The pedracista coalition argued that the presidency needed to go to someone who did not belong to any particular party, who was virtuous, who was renowned for being hard-working and energetic in government, and who belonged to the exclusive circles frequented by the “hombres de bien”. Given that Pedraza won the elections, it is evident that his coalition benefited from a constitutional structure that favoured his candidacy, gaining, at the same time, the public validation of the governmental authorities in place at the time. However, Pedraza’s candidacy was defeated by the armed mobilizations that ensued in the pronunciamientos pro-yorkino followers launched from October to November 1828, and was consequently eliminated from the political scene until late 1832 given that the leaders of the imparciales as well as Pedraza himself chose not to fight back or support a counter-revolution. During the electoral campaign, the pedracista coalition displayed, with astounding clarity, what it thought were the essential qualities a president needed to possess and, likewise presented a distinctive appreciation of how it thought the Mexican political class should behave. In this sense, the coalition’s views, captured in its votes, networks and press articles, offer a fascinating snapshot of what were the fundamental themes of the Mexican republic during its formative years as a nation-state, and how this ignored political grouping interpreted them. Of particular interest is the manner in which the pedracista coalition explored the ways in which political legitimacy, participation and representation were to be understood, defended, and systematised. By studying the pedracista coalition this thesis offers, for the first time, a detailed analysis of the nature and dynamics of Mexican politics in the mid-late 1820s, as experienced, discussed, and represented by the short-lasting yet effective alliance that was forged around the candidacy of Manuel Gómez Pedraza.