A Tese problematiza o aspecto estético, ético e pedagógico do Ilê axé Oya Gbembale em Goiânia. Propõe-se compreender o Terreiro de Candomblé como espaço de aprendizagem, onde o trágico ganha um contorno pela sua plasticidade, movimento e complexidade que povoa o Cotidiano e a vida do Povo do Santo. Assim, a Educação no Axé ganha uma dimensão política e epistemológica na medida em que as vozes do Terreiro se revelam formando uma ética e uma estética do estar – junto, edificando uma Pedagogia que se constrói na experiência vivida e partilhada com a tribo do Candomblé. Intensifica-se assim, os laços existentes entre os vários aspectos da iniciação pedagógica e do mimetismo, dando um contorno a essa tragédia que faz do Candomblé um espaço vital, alegre e festivo, instaurando aí uma viscosidade nas relações humanas fruto das relações pedagógicas, ontológicas e existenciais entre os Pais e Filhos de Santo. No entanto, a Tese versa-se em torno de um relato que testemunha a gestão de uma vida e das relações dionisíacas que estabeleci com o Povo do Santo, a partir das jornadas que percorri desde o meu processo- de- iniciaçãopedag ógica, entregando-me a essa sensibilidade diante dos signos do Candomblé. Assim, tento decifrar o espaço sagrado e mitológico dos Orixás. Proponho, em outras palavras, mostrar a voz do Terreiro, dentro de uma magia fruto da conjunção humana que é tecida no interior do Terreiro e que faz dessa religião uma verdadeira obra de arte. Estabeleço um entrelaçamento entre a Antropologia Filosófica e a Educação, penetrando nas encruzilhadas teóricas de Michel Maffesoli, Martin Heidegger, Edgar Morin, Georges Balandier, Nietzsche, Deleuze, Gilbert Durand e René Girard. / The Thesis discusses about the esthetical, ethical and pedagogical aspect of Ilê axé Oyá Gbembale in Goiânia. It purposes to comprehend the "Yard of Ritual" of Candomblé as a space for learning, where the tragic gets an outline by its plasticity, movement and complexity which fills up the Holy People everyday and life. Thus, education according to Axé gets a political and epistemological dimension while the voices of the "Yard of ritual" reveal themselves forming ethics and esthetics of being - together, building the pedagogy that is constituted through the living and sharing experience with the tribe of Candomblé. It intensifies like this, the links among the several aspects of the pedagogical initiation, of mimetiza, giving appearance to this tragedy that turns Candomblé a vital space, happy and festive, establishing then a viscosity in the human relationship as a product of the pedagogical, ontological and existential relationship between "Parents and Children from Saints". However, the Thesis studies about a description which testifies a gestion of a life and of the dionysical relationship that I established with the Holy People, it starts from the journey that I went through since my pedagogical-process-of-initiation, handing me over this sensibility before the signs of Candomblé. Thus, I try to decipher the mythological and sacred space of the Orixás. I purpose, in other words, to show the voice of the "Yard of ritual", into a magic as a result of the human conjunction that is formed inside the "Yard of ritual" and that turns this religion a true art work. I establish a mixing up among the Philosophical Anthropology and the Education, going into the theorical cross-roads of Michel Maffesoli, Martin Heidegger, Edgar Morin, Georges Balandier, Nietzsche, Deleuze, Gilbert Durand e René Girard.

Made available in DSpace on 2013-04-12T15:18:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 1198700872.pdf: 9871613 bytes, checksum: 0878af0a458c3515f2a82b7e75d703ca (MD5) Previous issue date: 1986-08-18 / O objetivo central do trabalho foi tentar identificar o pensamento econômico da CNBB, tal como impresso em seus documentos e estudos no período que vai de 1952 até 1982. Tratava-se, na verdade, de procurar extrair, aos moldes do que fez Régis de Morais (1982), com a filosofia social, a análise econômica presente, mas nem sempre explícita, nas publicações da CNBB. Aborda o pensamento econômico contido no discurso pastoral da Conferência Nacional dos Bispos do Brasil - CNBB. Enfoca a evolução desse pensamento ao longo das três décadas que se seguiram à fundação da instituição, procurando ressaltar a influência de dois elementos básicos na sua constituição: a tradição e a leitura que os católicos faziam do contexto social em que atuavam.

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La carrière politique de Louis-Philippe Pelletier se déroule d'abord sur la scène provinciale où il se fait le défenseur des valeurs de la société canadienne-française. Au cours de cette expérience, le nationalisme de Pelletier évolue pour mieux tenir compte de la complexité du monde politique et de ses contraintes. C'est donc animé d'un nationalisme plus pragmatique que Pelletier devient, en 1911, ministre conservateur-nationaliste dans le gouvernement fédéral conservateur de R.-L. Borden, où il veut promouvoir les intérêts des Canadiens français. Toutefois, les forces en présence au sein du gouvernement, nettement défavorables à la thèse nationaliste, empêchent Pelletier de faire valoir celle-ci. De fait, il ne réussit à mener à bien que ceux des projets qui intéressent directement la région de Québec qu'il représente ou le ministère des Postes qui lui est confié. Pour ce qui est des projets à caractère plus nationaliste, Pelletier se heurte systématiquement aux visées nettement impérialistes du Cabinet et se range finalement derrière celui-ci . Les nombreuses compromissions auxquelles a dû consentir Pelletier, de 1911 à 1914, pour conserver une place au Cabinet constituent un intéressant exemple du douloureux mariage du mouvement nationaliste et du parti conservateur au Canada. / Québec Université Laval, Bibliothèque 2013

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Jürgen Habermas has argued that democracy depends on all citizens recognizing the legitimacy of the law. Therefore, political argument must appeal only to public reason which is secular. Religious citizens must translate their reasons into a secular language accessible to the public. This dissertation argues that religious arguments are justified in public discourse if they refrain from dogmatism. Moreover, there is nothing inherent in secular reasons that make them publicly accessible or likely to generate consensus among members of a pluralistic society. If we treat religious arguments as simply arguments with controversial premises, it becomes less clear why religious arguments are singled out as particularly problematic for liberal democracies, since many secular political arguments share this feature. Granted, religious reasons are unlikely to secure consensus, but this does not count against them if consensus is not the goal of democratic discourse. This dissertation makes the case that Habermas, and other liberal theorists such as Rawls, have placed too much emphasis on consensus as the goal of democracy. Moreover, what they refer to is not practical consensus achieved pragmatically through compromise, but an idealized consensus that is the achievement of secular reason. This is problematic for two main reasons: there is no normative reason to think we ought to attain such consensus and such consensus is unlikely to be achieved in practice. Thus, there seems to be no normative force to the claim that religious citizens out to translate their arguments in secular language.

Anglo-Free State relations between the wars still awaits a comprehensive study ... This is in par a reflection of the larger failure of British historians to work on Anglo-Irish history '" the Right has been ill at ease dealing with Britan's greatest failure, whilst the Left has found tropical climes more suited for the cultivation of its moral superiority. When R.F.Holland made this apposite comment, just over a decade ago, he may have been adding to the very problems he identified. Writing within the context of the 'Commonweath Alliance', he was joining a distinguished list of British and Irish historians who have sought to fiter inter-war Anglo-Free State relations through the mesh of Empire-Commonweath development. Beginning with A. Berredale Keith in the 1920s, this usage continued in either direct or indirect form (by way of particular institutions of Commonweath) from the 1930s to the 1970s through the works of W.K. Hancock, Nicholas Mansergh and D.W. Harkness, and was still finding favour with Brendan Sexton's study of the Irish Governor-Generalship system in the late 1980s.2 But herein a contradiction has developed: cumulative study of the unnatural origins and performance of the Free State as a Dominion has moved beyond questions of function to ask whether the Free State was in fact ever a Dominion at alL. 3 As such, there seems ever more need to step back from inter-Commonwealth study and refocus on the precise nature of the Free State's central relationship with Britan in this period. It is of course acknowledged that outwith the established zones of internal Irish and Empire-Imperial study there is no home or forum for one of the most enduring quandares of modern Europea history. Even if it is accepted that 'pure' Anglo-Irish history did not end in 1922, the weight of research based on the ten yeas prior, as against the ten yeas subsequent, suggests an easy acceptance, on both sides of the Irish Sea, and Atlantic, of the absolute value changes in that relationship. Studies covering the transition to independence, such as those of Joseph M. CUITan and Sheila Lawlot, have taen only tentative steps beyond 1922, and may indeed have epitomised an approach that subsequent Irish studies have done little to dispel; in the 1980s, major overviews by RF. Foster and J.J. Le have been notably reluctant to evaluate the quality of that new found freedom with continuing reference to Ireland's giant neighbour. Though Foster, and others, have noted that the main aim of the Free State in the 1920s was 'self-definition against Britan', the point is the extent to which Britan was wiling to allow the same. There has then been little impetus for direct Anglo-Free State inter-war study, and although the tide has begun to turn since the mid-1980's, notably through the achievements of Paul Canning, Deidre McMahon and, shortly before his death, Nicholas Mansergh6, it is probable that we are stil a long way short of being able to produce a comprehensive and coherent review of the period. Apar from the crucial Anglo/Irish-Anglo/Commonwealth dichotomy,there remains the political chasm dividing the Cosgrave years of the 1920s from those of de Valera's 1930s; indeed the overwhelming preoccupation with post-1931 confrontations has often, as in the case of McMahon's fine study, taen as its contrasting staing point the supposedly compliant 'pro-Treaty' years of 1922-31. It is hard to bridge this gulf when the little direct work on these earlier years, mostly concentrating on the two fundamenta issues of Boundar and financial settlement, has tended not to question this divide. Although Irish historians have turned an increasingly sympathetic eye on the internal politics and problems of these early yeas, the apathetic external image, in contrast to the later period, has been persistent. Nowhere has this negativity been more apparent than on the, also vita, topic of defence relations. For a subject that has been given more than adequate attention in terms of the 1921 Treaty negotiations and the Treaty Ports issue of the 1930s, the period in between has had little intensive coverage. In this regard the negative response of W.K.Hancock in 1937, stating that Cosgrave did not bother to question British defence imperatives, was stil being held some fifty yeas later by Paul Canning.7 Thus an enduring and importt image has emerged of defence relations re-enforcing the above divide, an image that has had to stand for the lack of new reseach. This does not mea that the image is necessarly an entirely false one, but it does mean that many of the supposed novelties of the de Valera yeas have been built on largely unknown foundations. The Treaty Ports issue is also vita to this thesis, but then so are other defence related matters which had an impact specific to the 1920s. In other words, the human and political context of how both countries, but the Irish government in paricular, coped with the immediate legacy of centuries of armed occupation, with the recent 1916-21 conflct, and with the smaller scale continuity of British occupation, was bound to cast old shadows over a new relationship. But how big were these shadows? It was on the basis of placing some detaled flesh on the skeleton of known (and unknown) policies and events that this thesis took shape. Frustrations and resentments could tae necessarily quieter forms than those which characterised the 1930s, and in the end be no less significant. If the first objective is then to make solid the continuity of defence affairs, it is appropriate to begin with a brief evaluation of the Treaty defence negotiations before tang a close look at British operations in the South in 1922 - the year when a reluctant Cosgrave was to inherit a situation where British forces were close to the development of civil war. Despite our growing knowledge of Britan's part in the progress of that war, there is stil a general perception that its forces became peripheral to events after the Truce of July 1921, and that its Army was, and had been, the only British Service involved in the struggle against armed republicanism.This is simply not the case, and it is to be wondered whether the proper absorption of Irish historians with the internal dynamics of the period, together with the authoritative quality of Charles Townshend's history of the 1919-21 British campaign, have not produced inhibitions to wider inquiry. 8 In any event, as the Admiralty was to play a central par in later defence relations it seems right to introduce, for the first time, the Royal Navy's importt role in the events of 1922. The point here is to establish that the actions and perceptions of both Services were to have repercussions for later attitudes. After these chapters, the following two aim to look at the cumulative legacy of British involvement and how both countries adjusted to the many unresolved questions thrown up by the Treaty and the unplanned contingencies of 1922. Retaining the theme that neither country could escape the past, nor trust to the future, chapter six returns to the physical and political impact made by the continuing presence of British forces in and around the three Treaty Ports, and along and across the Border. The final two chapters explore how all these factors helped determine the conditions for, and consequences of, one of the most damaging episodes of the later 1920s - the complete failure of the joint coasta defence review scheduled for December 1926.In all, the cumulative emphasis on the politics of defence may ilustrate what it was to be a small aspiring country that had little choice but to accept Britan's version of what was an inevitably close relationship, and to endure what Britan claimed as the benign strategic necessity of continued occupation.

This work provides an account of the Crimean residency of Nicholas II's mother, Dowager Empress Maria Fedorovna, Grand Duke Nicholas Nikolaevich, former Commander--in-Chief of the Russian Armies, and other members of the Romanov dynasty, from the abdication of the tsar (March 1917) until their departure aboard the H.M.S. Marlborough (April 1919). The first two chapters provide a background of conditions within the Imperial Family during the reign of Nicholas II. The remainder of the work traces their lives from arrival in the Crimea until the Dowager Empress accedes to the request of her sister, Dowager Queen Alexandra, to emigrate to England. The study concludes that the Romanovs played no active role in the Russian Civil War, although they were considered dangerous counterrevolutionaries by the Bolsheviks.

Orientador: Adolfo Ramos Lamar. / Dissertação (Mestrado em Educação) - Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação, Centro de Ciências da Educação, Universidade Regional de Blumenau, Blumenau.

Una de las tareas políticas más importantes de inicios del siglo XXI es la implantación de un orden de justicia mundial que dé respuesta a “los grandes males de la historia humana –guerra injusta y opresión, persecución religiosa y denegación de la libertad de conciencia, hambre y pobreza, genocidio y asesinato en masa–”.1 La filosofía, frecuentemente tildada de estéril, puede ayudar en su solución. Por ello, quiero centrarme filosóficamente en uno de esos males: la pobreza. La globalización de la economía no ha generado mejores condiciones de vida para los países que intercambian sus productos “imparcialmente” según el mercado, sino que ha incrementado las desigualdades entre ellos y su relación de dependencia. / Tesis