Pas de résumé / No summary

O tema geral da tese é o processo de internacionalização universitária em países emergentes, mais especificamente no Brasil. A internacionalização universitária é entendida como políticas voltadas para as áreas de conhecimentos científicas e tecnológicas estabelecidas entre os países e as instituições de ensino superior. A internacionalização universitária pode ser, ainda, entendida como uma estratégia de inserção no cenário internacional e configuração de uma ordem multipolar. O objetivo geral da presente tese consistiu em analisar o processo de internacionalização universitária do Brasil com os demais países membros dos BRICS – Rússia, Índia, China e África do Sul – comparando as políticas adotadas durante o período de governo de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010) e Dilma Rousseff (2011-2016). Houve diferença de orientação da política de ambos os governos em relação ao tema? Quais foram as características específicas de cada um e quais as razões da internacionalização universitária para com esses países? Para responder a tais questões, foi utilizada uma abordagem comparativa e qualitativa tendo como base a análise de conteúdo e discursos de pronunciamentos oficiais dos presidentes, documentos, discursos de ações e programas de governo e entrevistas com expoentes da área tanto do Brasil quanto dos países membros dos BRICS. Foram analisadas a) a política e as ações de internacionalização universitária do Brasil, com retrospectiva histórica e nos períodos dos governos de Lula e Dilma; b) as ações desenvolvidas com os países membros dos BRICS tanto no governo de Lula quanto no governo de Dilma; c) os governos Lula e Dilma e suas políticas e ações de internacionalização universitária para com os países membros dos BRICS. Como resultados identificaram-se os seguintes: a) discrepâncias entre visões e ações de internacionalização universitária, apesar da sequência partidária no governo, confirmando a hipótese de pesquisa “a política de internacionalização do ensino superior foi diferente no governo Lula e no governo Dilma” na relação com os países membros dos BRICS; b) diferenciação entre os dois governos quanto ao tipo de relação, se de reciprocidade ou não, com tais países; c) distinção entre os dois governos quanto à iniciativa de criar uma política unificada de internacionalização do ensino superior com os países membros dos BRICS. A conclusão da tese aponta para as diferenças entre os dois governos de um mesmo partido em relação ao tema da internacionalização universitária, indicando que não é suficiente a presença de um mesmo partido no governo para a criação de uma política de Estado. Para solucionar o dilema entre uma política de Estado e de governo e inserir-se estrategicamente no cenário internacional, o Brasil precisaria que a sua elite política transcendesse as rivalidades conjunturais e elegesse a educação e o nível de criação de conhecimentos como moedas não intercambiáveis. / The general theme of this thesis is the process of university internationalization in emerging countries, more specifically in Brazil. University internationalization is known as policies geared towards the areas of scientific and technological knowledge established between countries and institutions of higher education. The university internationalization can also be recognized as a strategy of insertion in the international scenario and configuration of a multipolar order. The general objective of this thesis was to analyze and compare the university internationalization of Brazil with the other BRICS countries - Russia, India, China and South Africa - during the period of government of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010) and Dilma Rousseff (2011-2016). Was there a difference in policy orientation between the two governments in relation to the issue? What were the specific characteristics of each, and what are the reasons for university internationalization in these countries? To answer such questions, a comparative and qualitative approach was used, based on the analysis of content and speeches of official statements by presidents, documents, speeches and government programs and interviews with exponents of the area both in Brazil and in BRICS´ member countries. We analyzed i) the politics and actions of university internationalization of Brazil with historical retrospective and in the periods of the governments of Lula and Dilma; ii) the actions developed with BRICS member countries both in Lula's government and in Dilma's government; iii) the Lula and Dilma governments and their university internationalization policy and actions towards BRICS member countries. As results we identified 1) discrepancies between visions and actions of university internationalization despite the party sequence in government, confirming the research hypothesis "the policy of internationalization of higher education was different in the Lula government and the Dilma government" in relation to the countries members of BRICS; 2) differentiation between the two governments as to the type of relationship whether or not reciprocity with such countries; 3) distinction between the two governments on the initiative to create a unified policy of internationalization of higher education with BRICS member countries. The conclusion of the thesis points to the differences between the two governments of the same party in relation to the topic of university internationalization, indicating that the presence of the same party in the government for the creation of state policy is not enough. In order to solve the dilemma between a state and government policy and to insert itself strategically on the international scene, Brazil would need its political elite to transcend conjunctural rivalries and choose education and the level of knowledge creation as non-interchangeable currencies.

O presente trabalho apresenta uma discussão sobre a tese da prioridade analítica da linguagem sobre o pensamento. Essa tese, que estabelece que uma explicação filosófica do pensamento – entendido como aquilo que pode ser verdadeiro ou falso – apenas pode ser obtida por meio da análise da linguagem, é formulada e defendida à luz do que Michael Dummett chamou de teoria do significado. Em seguida, duas reações contrárias à tese da prioridade analítica são consideradas. O núcleo da primeira crítica, capitaneada por John McDowell, é a alegada impossibilidade de uma explicação da linguagem que não se ancore em uma explicação dos pensamentos. Diante disso, McDowell defende uma revisão de nossas pretensões explicativas no que diz respeito à linguagem e ao pensamento. A segunda crítica à tese da prioridade analítica da linguagem sobre o pensamento é formulada a partir da filosofia madura de Gareth Evans. Nesse caso, a crítica não é dirigida à ambição explicativa, e sim a ordem pretendida da explicação. Em vez de explicarmos os pensamentos por meio de uma elucidação do significado das expressões, ele propõe que uma explicação do significado das expressões se dê em termos de uma teoria dos pensamentos concebida de forma independente de uma análise dos significados das expressões. Por fim, o presente trabalho conclui que as críticas consideradas não são bem-sucedidas, e que a posição de Dummett merece ser considerada mais seriamente dentro do debate atual sobre metodologia filosófica. / The present work presents a discussion about the thesis of the priority of language over thought in the order of explanation. This thesis, which establishes that a philosophical explanation of thought, understood as that which can be true or false, can only be obtained through the analysis of language, is formulated and defended in the light of what Michael Dummett called the theory of meaning. Then, two reactions contrary to the thesis of the priority are considered. The core of the first criticism, commanded by John McDowell, is the alleged impossibility of an explanation of language that is not based on an explanation of the thoughts. In view of this, he advocates a revision of our explanatory pretensions in regard to language and thought. The second criticism of the thesis of the priority of language over thought is formulated from the mature philosophy of Gareth Evans. In this case, criticism is not directed at explanatory ambition, but at the intended order of explanation. Instead of explaining thoughts by means of an elucidation of the meaning of expressions, he proposes that an explanation of the meaning of expressions be given in terms of a theory of thoughts conceived independently of an analysis of the meanings of expressions. Finally, the present work concludes that the criticisms analyzed are not successful, and that Dummett's position deserves to be considered more seriously in the current debate on philosophical methodology.

El objetivo de la tesis es explicar los comportamientos electorales de los ciudadanos de América Latina, examinando cuatro casos relevantes desde una perspectiva de política comparada: Brasil, Chile, México y Perú. Para ello se ponen a prueba un conjunto de hipótesis derivadas de los modelos teóricos clásicos del comportamiento electoral (modelos sociológicos, sociopsicológicos, de la elección racional) en diálogo con los enfoques que enfatizan la importancia de la dimensión institucional en el comportamiento de los actores políticos y del elector. Para evaluar la pertinencia de las hipótesis formuladas se analiza la información proveniente de encuestas post electorales realizadas en los cuatro países seleccionados en el marco del proyecto internacional \Comparative Study of Electoral Systems". Se trabaja con 15 encuestas hechas a más de 24 mil electores, realizadas luego de las correspondientes elecciones presidenciales o parlamentarias que tuvieron lugar en los cuatro países entre 1997 y 2011. Entre los hallazgos principales, la investigación muestra que si bien la identificación partidaria tiene un efecto importante en el voto, ésta es relativamente débil en la mayoría de países y poco asociada a clivajes o divisiones sociales basadas en desigualdades socioeconómicas. En segundo lugar se encuentra que la evaluación de la distancia ideológica entre las preferencias del elector y la oferta electoral tiene efectos estadísticamente significativos en el comportamiento del elector, pero que su magnitud depende en gran medida del grado de polarización política que muestren los partidos en competencia. En tercer lugar, se confirma la hipótesis de que el desempeño del gobierno tiene un peso significativo en el voto a favor o en contra del partido de gobierno, pero que ello está mediado por las regla electorales (básicamente la posibilidad de reelección) y por el grado de consolidación del sistema de partidos. / Tesis

Esta tese tem como objetivo analisar as capacidades do Estado brasileiro na gestão de políticas de juventude de 2003 a 2014. Com base na revisão bibliográfica e na pesquisa documental, concluímos que a combinação de fatores como coordenação interinstitucional, capacidades técnico-burocrática e inclusiva explicam o desempenho das políticas públicas de juventude. Porém, níveis intermediários de capacidade inclusiva, ora aferida pela atuação de conselhos e conferências, não são capazes de diagnosticar um desempenho satisfatório da política, já que baixos níveis de coordenação interinstitucional e de capacidade técnico burocrática comprometeram a efetividade dos processos participativos. Além dessas dimensões, o estudo demonstra que a ausência de um histórico de priorização da temática de juventude por parte de governos anteriores contribuiu para a ocorrência de baixos níveis de capacidade estatal. Mesmo com a criação de novas institucionalidades e a adoção de novos marcos legais para a juventude, a partir de 2004, ainda se reproduziu ações e programas emergenciais, sem constituir uma política de Estado com caráter transversal. / This research aims to analyze the Brazilian State capacity in the management of youth policies from 2003 to 2014. Based on bibliographic review and 6ocumentar research, we conclude that a combination of factors such as interinstitutional coordination, technical-bureaucratic and inclusive capacities explains the success of the public policies for the youth. However, intermediate levels of inclusive capacity, measured by council and conference, are not able to diagnose satisfactory policy performance. Low levels of interinstitutional coordination and technical-bureaucratic capacity have compromised the effectiveness of participatory processes. In addition, the study shows that the lack prioritization of the youth theme by previous governments contributes to low levels of state capacity. Even with new institutions and new legislation for the youth, since 2004, emergency actions have been reproduced, not characterizing a transversal policy.

I denna uppsats har jag undersökt hur  Harold Campings domedagsrörelses, ”Campingitismens” och därmed radiostantionsnätverk Family Stations Inc.s, religiösa föreställningsvärld ser ut som de sprider världen över. Undersökningen går igenom frågorna: (1) vem är mannen bakom profetian om den 21 maj 2011?, (2) vilka är Harold Campings centrala läror och vad grundar de sig på?, (3) på vad grundar sig hans profetia om Jesu återkomst den 21 maj 2011?, (4) vad är hans föreställning om frälsning och hur kan man realisera detta mål?, (5) hur skiljer sig ”Campingitismens” frälsningsläror från Heaven’s Gates eller finns det några likheter mellan dem? (6) vad är det som lockar folk till ”Campingi-tismen”? 89-årige amerikanen, Harold Camping verkställande chef och grundare av USAs nittonde största radiostationsnätverk  Family Stations Inc., kallad Family Radio tolkar Bibeln samt profeterar om domedagen på sitt allegorisk sätt genom sina radiosändningar, internet, satellit TV och sina 30-tal böcker och häften runt om i världen. Hans mening tycks vara att evangelisera var och en här på jorden. Utan att ha någon teologisk utbildning verkar han ändå kunna sin Bibel från pärm till pärm. Campings centrala läror hänger strikt ihop med Bibeln, den är den enda ultimata sanningen som ska lydas ordagrant. Hans förhållande till religion, till ett kristet liv och Bibeln har kalvinistiska influenser och fundamentalistiska drag enligt min uppfattning. Läran om den dubbla predestinationen anser jag också som uppenbart inom hans läror. Just nu fokuserar han på sin profetia, dess hållbarhet och vad Jesu återkomst har för konsekvenser för troende och icke-troende. Enligt Camping grundar hans profetia sig på noggranna bibelstudier och hans ”bevismaterial” innebär en mäktig mängd av numerologi, matematik och allegoriseringar. Campings förhållningssätt till frälsning kan beskrivs bäst som redan nämnt läran om den dubbla predestinationen – frälsning är alltid oförtjänt, man kan inte påverka den på något vis och den är bestämd redan i förväg av Gud likaväl dem vars öde det är att bli annihilerade för gott medan t.ex. Heavens Gates medlemmar ansträngde sig hårt att uppnå den nästa evolutionära nivån och slutligen deras himmelrike T.E.L.A.H, för att bli en asexual silverfärgad varelse i kosmos. ”Campingitismens” ökade popularitet kan bero på samtida omständigheter som präglas av politiska och ekonomiska problem, naturkatastrofer, kris, storolyckor osv. som i sin tur lyfter upp det andliga hos människor. Dessutom är folk runt i världen i olika grad besvikna på samhällets institutioner och ”Campingitismen” kan utgöra ett slags protest mot det moderna och därmed mot olika institutioner och myndigheter.

This study analyzes the parameter &ldquo / hydrodynamic demand&rdquo / that is also defined by the square of Froude Number representing the damage of tsunami waves on structures and coastlines, and other hydrodynamic parameters, i.e., the distribution of instantaneous flow depths, runup values and the direction of maximum currents, occurred during tsunami inundation by using advanced numerical modeling. The analyses are performed on regular-shaped basins with different bottom slopes and real-shaped topographies using different wave shapes, wave periods and types. Various orientation and amount of coastal and land structures are used in simulations to have results for many different cases. This study provides the opportunity to define the damage of level in residential areas and to test the performance of coastal protection structures. The behavior of tsunami hydrodynamic parameters in shallow and inundation zone is investigated and a correlation is obtained between the average maximum values of square of Froude Number with the wave characteristics and sea bottom slope. After determining hydrodynamic parameters in regular shaped basins, a case study is applied by modeling the March 11, 2011 Great East Japan Tsunami with finer resolution in nested domains. The determination of hydrodynamic parameters in inundation zone during 2011 Japan event is performed in one of the most damaged coastal city Kamaishi.

The terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 transformed the way in which Americans and their leaders viewed the world. The tragic events of that day helped give rise to a foreign policy strategy commonly referred to as the “Bush Doctrine.” At the heart of this doctrine lay a series of propositions about the need to foster liberal democracy as the antidote to terrorism. President George W. Bush proclaimed in a variety of addresses that democracy now represented the “single surviving model” of political life to which all people aspired. In the course of making this argument, President Bush seemed to relate his policies to an overarching “teleology” of progress. This discourse implied that the United States might use force to hasten the emergence of liberal norms and institutions in selected states. With a sense of irony, some commentators soon referred to the Bush administration’s position as “Leninist” because of its determination to bring about the so-called “end of history” today. Yet, surprisingly, these critics had little more to add. This thesis is an attempt to assess in greater depth the Bush administration’s claim to comprehend historical eschatology. Developing a concept termed “democratic vanguardism,” this study investigates the idea of liberal modernity, the role of the United States as a force for democracy, and the implications of using military intervention in the service of idealistic ends. It examines disputes among political theorists, public intellectuals and elected statesmen which help to enrich our understanding of the United States’ efforts under President Bush at bending history to its will.

Following the 22 February 2011, MW 6.2 earthquake located on a fault beneath the Port Hills of Christchurch, fissuring of up to several hundred metres in length was observed in the loess and loess-colluvium of foot-slope positions in north-facing valleys of the Port Hills. The fissuring was observed in all major valleys, occurred at similar low altitudes, showing a contour-parallel orientation and often accompanied by both lateral compression/extension features and spring formation in the valley floor below. Fissuring locations studied in depth included Bowenvale Valley, Hillsborough Valley, Huntlywood Terrace–Lucas Lane, Bridle Path Road, and Maffeys Road–La Costa Lane. Investigations into loess soil, its properties and mannerisms, as well as international examples of its failure were undertaken, including study of the Loess Plateau of China, the Teton Dam, and palaeo-fissuring on Banks Peninsula. These investigations lead to the conclusion that loess has the propensity to fail, often due to the infiltration of water, the presence of which can lead to its instantaneous disaggregation. Literature study and laboratory analysis of Port Hills loess concluded that is has the ability to be stable in steep, sub-vertical escarpments, and often has a sub-vertically jointed internal structure and has a peak shear strength when dry. Values for cohesion, c (kPa) and the internal friction angle, ϕ (degrees) of Port Hills loess were established. The c values for the 40 Rapaki Road, 3 Glenview Terrace loess samples were 13.4 kPa and 19.7 kPa, respectively. The corresponding ϕ values were thought unusually high, at 42.0° and 43.4°.The analysed loess behaved very plastically, with little or no peak strength visible in the plots as the test went almost directly to residual strength. A geophysics resistivity survey showed an area of low resistivity which likely corresponds to a zone of saturated clayey loess/loess colluvium, indicating a high water table in the area. This is consistent with the appearances of local springs which are located towards the northern end of each distinct section of fissure trace and chemical analysis shows that they are sourced from the Port Hills volcanics. Port Hills fissuring may be sub-divided into three categories, Category A, Category B, and Category C, each characterised by distinctive features of the fissures. Category A includes fissures which display evidence of, spring formation, tunnel-gullying, and lateral spreading-like behaviour or quasi-toppling. These fissures are several metres down-slope of the loess-bedrock interface, and are in valleys containing a loess-colluvium fill. Category B fissures are in wider valleys than those in Category A, and the valleys contain estuarine silty sediments which liquefied during the earthquake. Category C fissures occurred at higher elevations than the fissures in the preceding categories, being almost coincident with bedrock outcropping. It is believed that the mechanism responsible for causing the fissuring is a complex combination of three mechanisms: the trampoline effect, bedrock fracturing, and lateral spreading. These three mechanisms can be applied in varying degrees to each of the fissuring sites in categories A, B, and C, in order to provide explanation for the observations made at each. Toppling failure can describe the soil movement as a consequence of the a three causative mechanisms, and provides insight into the movement of the loess. Intra-loess water coursing and tunnel gullying is thought to have encouraged and exacerbated the fissuring, while not being the driving force per se. Incipient landsliding is considered to be the least likely of the possible fissuring interpretations.

No description available.