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Ο στόχος αυτής της εργασίας είναι να αποκτήσουμε μία βασική γνώση όλων των διαφορετικών σχεδιαστικών παραμέτρων που πρέπει να εξεταστούν για να είναι εφικτή η κατασκευή και ο έλεγχος ενός πολυαρθρωτού εργαλείου. Επιπλέον, όλες οι αναλυτικές μέθοδοι ελέγχου που βασίζονται στις ιδιαιτερότητες των SMA παρουσιάζονται λεπτομερώς, ώστε να παραχθεί μία ικανοποιητική λύση βασιζόμενη στις μεταβολές κατάστασης των κραμάτων και του συγκεκριμένου βραχίονα. Με άλλα λόγια, μία πλήρης γνώση του πώς σχεδιάζουμε, κατασκευάζουμε, προσομοιώνουμε, ελέγχουμε και απεικονίζουμε ένα λειτουργικό μικροσκοπικό πολυαρθρωτό βραχίονα, με τένοντες βασισμένους σε SMA για ελάχιστα επεμβατική χειρουργική είναι ο στόχος της παρούσας εργασίας. / The purpose of this work is to acquire a fundamental knowledge of all the different design parameters, which must be evaluated in order to be able to fabricate and control a multi-DOF manipulator. Moreover, all the analytical control techniques based on the particularities of the shape memory alloys will be shown in details, in order to provide an efficient solution based on the variations of the alloys and the specific manipulator. In other words, the knowhow of building, evaluating, controlling and displaying a functional tiny multi- DOF SMA-based manipulator for minimally invasive surgery is the purpose of this work.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka före detta elevers uppfattning om att få undervisning i DRACON. DRACON är ett konflikthanteringsprogram med drama som metod. För min undersökning har metoden varit enskilda intervjuer samt fokussamtal med elever som 2003-2004 deltog i undervisning i DRACON i skolan och i en filminspelning om DRACON-programmet. Mina resultat visar att drama i trygg miljö upplevs positivt av eleverna framför allt för att det kan hjälpa blyga elever att träda fram. Studien visar också att flera av eleverna som intervjuades fick med sig nya redskap i konflikthantering. Eleverna är positiva till kamratundervisning för att öka kunskapen om konflikthantering på skolor, vilket sammanfaller med forskning av Burton i Australien och är i linje med Skolverkets förespråkande av förebyggande insatser på skolor för att förebygga mobbning. Eleverna ser fördelar med att undervisas av en särskild pedagog i dramaundervisningen. Utvecklingen i klassen efter arbetet med DRACON i skolan och filmen om DRACON-programmet visar en effekt som också beskrivs av DRACON International (2005). Eleverna lär känna varandra på nya sätt, utvecklar känslor av kamratskap, empati och respekt, ökar sin lyssnade förmåga, förstår vikten av samarbete och förmågor, som att lyssna till andra. / The purpose of this thesis is to investigate previous students opinions about education in DRACON. DRACON is a program in conflict mangement with drama as a method. In spring 2013 interviews and focus discussions were made with students who 2003-2004 participated in education in DRACON and in filming the methods in the DRACON. My results shows that drama as a method get positive response, the most important reason is that it can be a help for shy pupils to step forward. Several of the pupils interviewed did get new tools for handling conflicts. The pupils are positive to peer-teaching for increasing the knowledge about conflict management in schools. The same thing is found in research by Burton (Australia) and is in the line with School department of Sweden that recommend preventive work in schools to prevent bullying. The students sees advantages in being educated by a pedagogue specialized in drama methods. The development in the school class after participating in DRACON and filming the methods in DRACON shows an effect among the students that also are described in DRACON International (2005). They get to know each other in new ways, develop feelings of friendship, empathy and respect, increase the listening capacity, understand the importance of collaboration and capacities, as listening to others.

O tema geral da tese é o processo de internacionalização universitária em países emergentes, mais especificamente no Brasil. A internacionalização universitária é entendida como políticas voltadas para as áreas de conhecimentos científicas e tecnológicas estabelecidas entre os países e as instituições de ensino superior. A internacionalização universitária pode ser, ainda, entendida como uma estratégia de inserção no cenário internacional e configuração de uma ordem multipolar. O objetivo geral da presente tese consistiu em analisar o processo de internacionalização universitária do Brasil com os demais países membros dos BRICS – Rússia, Índia, China e África do Sul – comparando as políticas adotadas durante o período de governo de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010) e Dilma Rousseff (2011-2016). Houve diferença de orientação da política de ambos os governos em relação ao tema? Quais foram as características específicas de cada um e quais as razões da internacionalização universitária para com esses países? Para responder a tais questões, foi utilizada uma abordagem comparativa e qualitativa tendo como base a análise de conteúdo e discursos de pronunciamentos oficiais dos presidentes, documentos, discursos de ações e programas de governo e entrevistas com expoentes da área tanto do Brasil quanto dos países membros dos BRICS. Foram analisadas a) a política e as ações de internacionalização universitária do Brasil, com retrospectiva histórica e nos períodos dos governos de Lula e Dilma; b) as ações desenvolvidas com os países membros dos BRICS tanto no governo de Lula quanto no governo de Dilma; c) os governos Lula e Dilma e suas políticas e ações de internacionalização universitária para com os países membros dos BRICS. Como resultados identificaram-se os seguintes: a) discrepâncias entre visões e ações de internacionalização universitária, apesar da sequência partidária no governo, confirmando a hipótese de pesquisa “a política de internacionalização do ensino superior foi diferente no governo Lula e no governo Dilma” na relação com os países membros dos BRICS; b) diferenciação entre os dois governos quanto ao tipo de relação, se de reciprocidade ou não, com tais países; c) distinção entre os dois governos quanto à iniciativa de criar uma política unificada de internacionalização do ensino superior com os países membros dos BRICS. A conclusão da tese aponta para as diferenças entre os dois governos de um mesmo partido em relação ao tema da internacionalização universitária, indicando que não é suficiente a presença de um mesmo partido no governo para a criação de uma política de Estado. Para solucionar o dilema entre uma política de Estado e de governo e inserir-se estrategicamente no cenário internacional, o Brasil precisaria que a sua elite política transcendesse as rivalidades conjunturais e elegesse a educação e o nível de criação de conhecimentos como moedas não intercambiáveis. / The general theme of this thesis is the process of university internationalization in emerging countries, more specifically in Brazil. University internationalization is known as policies geared towards the areas of scientific and technological knowledge established between countries and institutions of higher education. The university internationalization can also be recognized as a strategy of insertion in the international scenario and configuration of a multipolar order. The general objective of this thesis was to analyze and compare the university internationalization of Brazil with the other BRICS countries - Russia, India, China and South Africa - during the period of government of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010) and Dilma Rousseff (2011-2016). Was there a difference in policy orientation between the two governments in relation to the issue? What were the specific characteristics of each, and what are the reasons for university internationalization in these countries? To answer such questions, a comparative and qualitative approach was used, based on the analysis of content and speeches of official statements by presidents, documents, speeches and government programs and interviews with exponents of the area both in Brazil and in BRICS´ member countries. We analyzed i) the politics and actions of university internationalization of Brazil with historical retrospective and in the periods of the governments of Lula and Dilma; ii) the actions developed with BRICS member countries both in Lula's government and in Dilma's government; iii) the Lula and Dilma governments and their university internationalization policy and actions towards BRICS member countries. As results we identified 1) discrepancies between visions and actions of university internationalization despite the party sequence in government, confirming the research hypothesis "the policy of internationalization of higher education was different in the Lula government and the Dilma government" in relation to the countries members of BRICS; 2) differentiation between the two governments as to the type of relationship whether or not reciprocity with such countries; 3) distinction between the two governments on the initiative to create a unified policy of internationalization of higher education with BRICS member countries. The conclusion of the thesis points to the differences between the two governments of the same party in relation to the topic of university internationalization, indicating that the presence of the same party in the government for the creation of state policy is not enough. In order to solve the dilemma between a state and government policy and to insert itself strategically on the international scene, Brazil would need its political elite to transcend conjunctural rivalries and choose education and the level of knowledge creation as non-interchangeable currencies.

O presente trabalho apresenta uma discussão sobre a tese da prioridade analítica da linguagem sobre o pensamento. Essa tese, que estabelece que uma explicação filosófica do pensamento – entendido como aquilo que pode ser verdadeiro ou falso – apenas pode ser obtida por meio da análise da linguagem, é formulada e defendida à luz do que Michael Dummett chamou de teoria do significado. Em seguida, duas reações contrárias à tese da prioridade analítica são consideradas. O núcleo da primeira crítica, capitaneada por John McDowell, é a alegada impossibilidade de uma explicação da linguagem que não se ancore em uma explicação dos pensamentos. Diante disso, McDowell defende uma revisão de nossas pretensões explicativas no que diz respeito à linguagem e ao pensamento. A segunda crítica à tese da prioridade analítica da linguagem sobre o pensamento é formulada a partir da filosofia madura de Gareth Evans. Nesse caso, a crítica não é dirigida à ambição explicativa, e sim a ordem pretendida da explicação. Em vez de explicarmos os pensamentos por meio de uma elucidação do significado das expressões, ele propõe que uma explicação do significado das expressões se dê em termos de uma teoria dos pensamentos concebida de forma independente de uma análise dos significados das expressões. Por fim, o presente trabalho conclui que as críticas consideradas não são bem-sucedidas, e que a posição de Dummett merece ser considerada mais seriamente dentro do debate atual sobre metodologia filosófica. / The present work presents a discussion about the thesis of the priority of language over thought in the order of explanation. This thesis, which establishes that a philosophical explanation of thought, understood as that which can be true or false, can only be obtained through the analysis of language, is formulated and defended in the light of what Michael Dummett called the theory of meaning. Then, two reactions contrary to the thesis of the priority are considered. The core of the first criticism, commanded by John McDowell, is the alleged impossibility of an explanation of language that is not based on an explanation of the thoughts. In view of this, he advocates a revision of our explanatory pretensions in regard to language and thought. The second criticism of the thesis of the priority of language over thought is formulated from the mature philosophy of Gareth Evans. In this case, criticism is not directed at explanatory ambition, but at the intended order of explanation. Instead of explaining thoughts by means of an elucidation of the meaning of expressions, he proposes that an explanation of the meaning of expressions be given in terms of a theory of thoughts conceived independently of an analysis of the meanings of expressions. Finally, the present work concludes that the criticisms analyzed are not successful, and that Dummett's position deserves to be considered more seriously in the current debate on philosophical methodology.

Does banning opposition candidates from ballots increase the risk that they will turn to bullets instead? Globally, since the end of the Cold War, blatant election rigging tactics (such as ballot box stuffing) are being replaced by 'strategic rigging': subtler procedural manipulations aimed at winning while maintaining the guise of legitimacy in the eyes of international observers. In particular, incumbents (in regimes stuck between democracy and authoritarianism) are turning to 'electoral exclusion', neutralizing key rivals by illegitimately banning certain candidates, in turn reducing the need for cruder forms of election day rigging. I used mixed methods - combining insights from an original global dataset with extensive elite interviews conducted in five countries (Madagascar, Thailand, Tunisia, Zambia, and Côte d'Ivoire) - to establish that electoral exclusion is an attractive short-term election strategy for vulnerable incumbents that produces a much higher chance of victory but comes with high costs in the longer-term. Global probit modeling (using electoral exclusion as an independent variable and coups d'état and civil wars as separate dependent variables) suggests that, since the end of the Cold War, excluding opposition candidates from the ballot roughly doubles the risk of a coup d'état or quadruples the risk of civil war onset. In spite of these risks, incumbents fall into this 'exclusion trap' because of the shortened time horizon that frequently accompanies competitive multi-party elections. Vulnerable incumbents worry more about the short-term risk of losing an election than the long-term but ultimately unknown risk that political violence will ensue after the election. Finally, the inverse corollary of these findings is that inclusion of opposition candidates during multi-party elections can be a stabilizing factor. Though it may seem counterintuitive, fragile 'counterfeit democracies' - and so-called 'transitional' regimes - may be able to stave off existential threats to regime survival by extending an olive branch to their fiercest opponents. These findings combine to form the overarching argument of this dissertation: when opposition candidates are excluded from the ballot, they become more likely to turn to bullets by launching coups d'état and civil wars.

About work, life, death and immortality of Vladimír Rula, the naive filmmaker, and about the others, they were a part of amateur film movement in Czech Republic and Czechoslovakia.

Submitted by Rodrigo Mendes (rbmendes@gmail.com) on 2014-05-14T13:38:04Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodrigo Mendes-Dissertação-versão final.pdf: 1102357 bytes, checksum: b709e9aac5cbb93070fad894889bb105 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by ÁUREA CORRÊA DA FONSECA CORRÊA DA FONSECA (aurea.fonseca@fgv.br) on 2014-05-15T17:09:12Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodrigo Mendes-Dissertação-versão final.pdf: 1102357 bytes, checksum: b709e9aac5cbb93070fad894889bb105 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2014-05-26T19:29:11Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodrigo Mendes-Dissertação-versão final.pdf: 1102357 bytes, checksum: b709e9aac5cbb93070fad894889bb105 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-05-26T19:29:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodrigo Mendes-Dissertação-versão final.pdf: 1102357 bytes, checksum: b709e9aac5cbb93070fad894889bb105 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-04-28 / The approval of Brazil’s freedom of information law (12.527) in 2011 affirms transparency as a rule and secrecy as the exception for all levels of the Brazilian public administration. Subsequent to the law taking effect, the public administration had 180 days to implement the law, until May 2012. Since that time, the challenge has been to transform this instrument into a means of sustaining a more open and responsive government. In this sense, the law has had important repercussions on the public administration, giving rise to new procedures and institutional designs to address the law’s scope and ambition. This work is an explorative analysis of the law’s implications during its first year and a half of operation for Brazil’s regulatory agencies in general and the National Agency of Petroleum, Natural Gas and Biofuels (ANP) in particular. / A publicação da Lei 12.527 em 2011, a Lei de Acesso à Informação, cuja vigência se deu a partir de maio de 2012, uma vez que o texto previa 180 dias para implementação, veio ratificar a instituição da transparência como regra e do sigilo como exceção para todos os níveis e esferas da administração pública brasileira. A entrada em vigor da lei colocou o desafio de transformá-la em instrumento efetivo de apoio a um governo mais aberto e responsivo. Assim, a Lei teve repercussões importantes nas repartições públicas, quanto a novos procedimentos e desenhos institucionais para dar conta de sua amplitude e ambição. Este trabalho realiza uma análise explorativa desses desdobramentos para o primeiro ano e meio de aplicação, tanto do ponto de vista quantitativo quanto qualitativo, para a práxis cotidiana nas Agências Reguladoras Federais e na Agência Nacional do Petróleo, Gás Natural e Biocombustíveis, em particular.

Submitted by Ferdinando Aragão (aragao.int@hotmail.com) on 2015-06-18T18:54:52Z No. of bitstreams: 1 FGV - O Regime Diferenciado de Contratações na Infraero.pdf: 710910 bytes, checksum: bc1df51cc93e9b5c15c1142a0028aa51 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Fabiana da Silva Segura (fabiana.segura@fgv.br) on 2015-06-18T18:55:30Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 FGV - O Regime Diferenciado de Contratações na Infraero.pdf: 710910 bytes, checksum: bc1df51cc93e9b5c15c1142a0028aa51 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-06-19T13:12:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 FGV - O Regime Diferenciado de Contratações na Infraero.pdf: 710910 bytes, checksum: bc1df51cc93e9b5c15c1142a0028aa51 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-04-24 / The objective of this article is to analise the effectiveness of the Differentiated Regime Signings in light of Law 8666/93 (LGL) taking into consideration the rational use of budget resources, bidding time and employed staff. An extensive persue of colleting data from INFRAERO, enabled the elaboration of a theoretical reference as well as the pratical application of promoted innovations and of the objetive´s results. Thereafter, it is possible to consider other aspects with contribute to the efficiency of public procurement which escape from legal definitions as it includes economics aspects, that should be observed in order to obtain clear definitions, coherent with the realities and necessities not only of the public realm, but of the private´s as well. / O objetivo desse trabalho é analisar a eficiência do RDC em comparação com a lei 8666.93,(LGL) na ótica do uso racional dos recursos orçamentários, tempo licitatório e o pessoal empregado. O trabalho procurou definir as principais inovações previstas no Regime para efetiva comparação com a LGL. Com base na coleta de dados realizada na INFRAERO, buscaram-se subsídios para verificar resultados que apontem para eventuais ganhos de eficiência. Por fim, depois se colocam aspectos fora do campo jurídico que contribuem para a eficiência das contratações públicas, dentre eles, a observância dos aspectos econômicos na licitação. Através dessa percepção, procura-se lançar bases para um relacionamento mais coerente não só com as necessidades do mundo público, mas também os anseios do mundo privado, com fins ao real alcance da eficiência.