冷戰時期，蘇聯對印度支那半島政策的變化，是東南亞地區穩定的重要變數之一。蘇聯解體後，俄羅斯聯邦獨立，並且繼承原蘇聯所有的國際義務與權力。問題在於，在當代東南亞多元權力互動的格局中，俄羅斯在其間扮演何種角色？普丁政府在面臨國內外局勢變化之下，能否恢復俄羅斯（前蘇聯）在東南亞的國際政治利益？ 本文試圖透過地緣經濟分析途徑，來觀察冷戰後俄羅斯在普丁時期對東南亞政策之形成背景、主要內涵，以及互動關係。本文認為，隨著冷戰終結和亞太國際局勢之變化，亞太地區主要政治力量都在調整自身的政治、經濟、外交和安全戰略。為了保障區域安全、和平與穩定，東南亞國家加速東協整合及擴大的腳步，期望在政經及安全問題方面達成共識，並力求獲得區域事務的主導權和影響力。俄羅斯與東南亞諸國發展關係在於保障國家經濟利益的實現，進而追求在亞太地區中取得優勢地位，最終完成大國地位的目標。 首先，本文探討自蘇聯解體後俄羅斯獨立以來，俄羅斯外交思想、地緣戰略思想之演變與俄羅斯亞太政策的關係。同時，回顧蘇聯最後一任領導人戈巴契夫、俄羅斯前任總統葉爾欽及現任總統普丁亞太政策的變遷重點，旨在檢視俄羅斯對東南亞政策的歷史脈絡時，有比較清晰的政策變動觀點以供分析。 其次，本文討論俄羅斯（包括前蘇聯）與東南亞主要國家的雙邊關係，而以政治、經濟、軍事及文化等面向為分析層次，依次觀察和分析雙邊關係所呈現的特色和問題。研究分成俄羅斯與傳統邦交國和俄羅斯與美國盟國兩部份，分析雙邊關係合作的原因、過程、變動和影響。 最後，藉由回顧前蘇聯與東協關係的發展歷程，探討俄羅斯與東協國家之多邊政治對話、經貿及軍事關係，主要目的在瞭解普丁政府對東南亞地區各國間多邊關係之態度、立場及政策。 / During the cold war, Soviet involvement in Indochina Peninsula was one of the crucial factors which affected the political stability in Southeast Asia. After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the Russian Federation gained independence and inherited all the privileges and obligations of the former Soviet Union in the international arena, but the situation in Indochina and Southeast Asia has changed a great deal. What role does Russia play in this important geopolitical region? Given the new domestic and international realities, will the Putin government regain the political interests and influence which the former Soviet Union once possessed in this region? Through geo-economic analysis, this thesis tries to explore the main contents of the Putin government's policy toward Southeast Asia, its formation background and the establishment of multi-lateral relationship with the major countries in this area. We observe that, with the end of the Cold War, and facing a different international situation, all the major political entities in SE Asia are making adjustments on the political and economic fronts, as well as in foreign and security policies. For the sake of regional security and stability, SE Asia countries have accelerated the expansion and integration of the ASEAN organization to secure its leadership in the regional affairs. From the Russian point of view, economy is no doubt a major factor which influences it policy formation in recent years. Starting from the pursuit of national economic interests, Russia also hopes to regain the status of a major player in this region, as the former Soviet Union once had. To start with, we study the evolution of Russian foreign policy and geopolitical thoughts and its relation to Russia's Asian Pacific policy. Also, we review the changes in the Asian pacific policies during the years of Gorbachov, Yeltsin, and Putin. The aim is to gain a clearer view of the factors which affected the making of the policies. Secondly, we discuss the bilateral relationships between the major countries of SE Asia and Russia (and also the former Soviet Union), which include political, economic, military, and cultural aspects. We try to extract the special features and problems in these bilateral relationships. This studies is divided into two parts, one includes countries which were traditional allies of the former Soviet Union, while the other includes countries which belonged to the opposite camp - aligned with the USA. We study the major driving factors and the historical steps which resulted in the establishment of full bilateral cooperation between Russia and various SE Asian countries. Finally, after a review of the relationship between the former Soviet Union and ASEAN, we investigate Russia's establishment of multi-lateral dialogue with ASEAN countries on political, economic, and military fronts. The aim is to understand the motive and policy of the Putin government in the area of multi-national cooperation in SE Asia.

Zugl.: Kaiserslautern, Techn. Universiẗat, Diss., 2009.

The Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) and China have a long history of trading with each other. They are economic partners as well as competitors for many years. In order to push their economic relationship to a higher level, in November 2002, ASEAN and China signed the initial framework agreement, determined on establishing the ASEAN - China Free Trade Area (ACFTA) among the eleven countries by 2010 for the ASEAN-6 (Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand) and by 2015 for the transitional economies of Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Vietnam (the CLMV). There are fears that China’s rapid development recently will encourage ASEAN’s exports to flow into its giant domestic market instead of among the members countries. Also the benefits of the Free Trade Agreement are still unclear. The Thesis uses three gravity models and the panel data of 11 countries from 1992 to 2009 to test two hypotheses: trade diversion (that expanded trade with China will reduce intra-trade within ASEAN) and trade creation (that ACFTA will boost up bilateral trade between ASEAN and China).

Peace has finally come to Aceh. The Indonesian province has suffered for over 30 years through conflict with the Indonesian army. Instrumental in having achieved this peaceful outcome has been the role of the European Union (EU). Its crucial monitoring role and long term commitment had a profound impact on the province, helping to end the hostilities and to rebuild Aceh. The EU-led Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) is the central feature of this thesis. Like Aceh, Europe has experienced wars. However, since the beginnings of Western European institution building, peace and cooperation in the region transpired. This phenomenon has spread across the continent. The progressive structure enabled the EU to flourish as a cooperative institution, especially in the aftermath of the Cold War east-west division. This period also gave the EU an opportunity to expand its peaceful legacy by exporting its values abroad. The development of the EU's external capability to deliver such aspirations is a central part of this thesis. The thesis seeks to draw a connection with the EU's quest to bring peace to Aceh with international relations (IR) theory. As such, it assesses the EU's motives and interests in the Aceh peace process to discover what they were based on. After assessing both realist and liberalist IR viewpoints, the thesis’ central findings confirm the liberal motives of the EU. The EU has predominantly acted in the interests of Aceh. It helped bring many liberal based values to the province and experienced constructive relations with Indonesia and other powers in the region. Whilst realist orientated EU power motives are outlined, the EU's liberal agenda based on mediation, peace and security, multilateralism, democracy and human rights - as core liberal elements - are more convincing explanations as this thesis argues.

自很久的歷史以來﹐越南與其他東南亞國家基於地緣因素已經有了類似的文化基礎﹐同時也是永遠不變的自然鄰國。不僅如此﹐越南與這些國家都是中小國﹐從古代到近代幾乎都受到了區域外大國的壓迫﹐成為大國之間你爭我奪和擴大影響範圍的目標。 基于此理﹐越南與名為東南亞國家協會的區域組織之關係可以說是「同病相憐」而應該友好﹔但由於歷史的種種原因﹐雙方的關係卻變得比較複雜。自東協於1967年成立以來﹐越南東協關係有升有降﹐時沉時浮﹐從對頭轉為對話﹐從敵人成為朋友。透過分析在各個時期的越南東協關係﹐包括雙方的看法以及影響越南東協看法的各種因素﹐本論文將解釋此一關係的變化﹐從而得出了最後的肯定﹕越南需要東協﹐而東協也需要越南。越南1995年加入東協是得到各方歡迎的必然結果﹐對本國以及整個東南亞區域來說已經帶來了積極影響。 雖然在加入後的越南東協關係發展過程中﹐在各方面上所得到的可喜成就之外還存在一些障礙﹐但越南東協關係會一直向前﹐東協在越南對外政策中會起著日益重要的地位。而越南的更加融入也會讓東協不斷茁壯﹐為實現一個和平､穩定､合作的東南亞地區創造順利的條件。

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Maryland, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 287-317).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, 2005. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 417-443).

Thesis (D.Phil.)--University of Oxford, 2009. / Supervisor: Professor Andrew Hurrell. Bibliography: p. 339-396.

Este trabalho possui como tema a política externa da Indonésia, constituindo-se como um estudo de caso. A dissertação está estruturada em três capítulos. O primeiro procura identificar os elementos estruturais que condicionam a inserção internacional do país. O segundo capítulo aborda a situação regional do sudeste asiático, avaliando a influência da ascensão chinesa e a atuação de demais potências extrarregionais: Estados Unidos, Japão, Coreia do Sul, Austrália, Índia e Rússia. O terceiro capítulo tem por objetivo analisar a formulação da política externa indonésia, levando em consideração os pontos descritos nos capítulos anteriores. Metodologicamente, partiu-se de uma livre operacionalização do método das três imagens de Kenneth Waltz (o Homem, o Estado e a Guerra). Por fim, conclui-se que o aumento do número de potências e da anarquia oferece paradoxalmente uma janela de oportunidade para uma atuação mais autônoma da Indonésia no Sistema Internacional. / This work has as its theme the foreign policy of Indonesia, constituting itself as a case study. The dissertation is divided into three chapters. The first seeks to identify the structural elements that affect the international integration of the country. The second chapter discusses the regional situation in Southeast Asia, assessing the influence of China's rise and the action of other extra-regional powers: the United States, Japan, South Korea, Australia, India and Russia. The third chapter aims to analyze the formulation of Indonesian foreign policy, taking into account the points described in the previous chapters. Methodologically, it uses a free adaptation of the three images method of Kenneth Waltz (Man, State and War). Finally, it is concluded that the increasing number of powers and anarchy, paradoxically offers a window of opportunity for a more independent role of Indonesia in the International System.

Este trabalho possui como tema a política externa da Indonésia, constituindo-se como um estudo de caso. A dissertação está estruturada em três capítulos. O primeiro procura identificar os elementos estruturais que condicionam a inserção internacional do país. O segundo capítulo aborda a situação regional do sudeste asiático, avaliando a influência da ascensão chinesa e a atuação de demais potências extrarregionais: Estados Unidos, Japão, Coreia do Sul, Austrália, Índia e Rússia. O terceiro capítulo tem por objetivo analisar a formulação da política externa indonésia, levando em consideração os pontos descritos nos capítulos anteriores. Metodologicamente, partiu-se de uma livre operacionalização do método das três imagens de Kenneth Waltz (o Homem, o Estado e a Guerra). Por fim, conclui-se que o aumento do número de potências e da anarquia oferece paradoxalmente uma janela de oportunidade para uma atuação mais autônoma da Indonésia no Sistema Internacional. / This work has as its theme the foreign policy of Indonesia, constituting itself as a case study. The dissertation is divided into three chapters. The first seeks to identify the structural elements that affect the international integration of the country. The second chapter discusses the regional situation in Southeast Asia, assessing the influence of China's rise and the action of other extra-regional powers: the United States, Japan, South Korea, Australia, India and Russia. The third chapter aims to analyze the formulation of Indonesian foreign policy, taking into account the points described in the previous chapters. Methodologically, it uses a free adaptation of the three images method of Kenneth Waltz (Man, State and War). Finally, it is concluded that the increasing number of powers and anarchy, paradoxically offers a window of opportunity for a more independent role of Indonesia in the International System.