摘要 近十年來，北京已轉變它在東南亞區域的外交政策，希望與東盟成員國家能維持一定的良好關係，並發展出一個和平又互利的戰略夥伴關係。1997年到2012年之間，中國與東盟從建立對話機制開始，雙方實質上的經貿投資與聯合計畫都快速增長。從多方面顯示：不僅在政治、經濟與維持區域安全等方面，中國與東盟成員都已共享務實的合作成果，近來更大力拓展雙方的互連互通與交通基礎建設，期使共同邁向實質的中國－東盟戰略夥伴關係。 南中國海周邊各國的利害與衝突不一，是個複雜的區域；而中國與東盟成員之間的對話機制與合作關係的基礎上，有助於減緩此一緊張情勢。本報將採用文獻分析的定性研究方法告指出（實際上）（1）北京的東南亞外交政策正面臨的主要挑戰是有東盟以外國家新勢力的強力介入或是舊有勢力的急速恢復，進而互相抗衡。（2）中國被稱為有過分自信的政策規劃期間，北京在推動與東盟戰略夥伴關係，實際上中國與東盟成員關系都已共享務實的合作成果。 / Abstract China-ASEAN relations have been transformed over the last decade by Beijing’s aim to create a stable neighboring environment as outlined in its state policy of peaceful development. This relationship has been embodied in a series of joint plans and statements with ASEAN between 1997 and 2012. In the three areas of politics and security, economy, and connectivity and infrastructure, the paper will show the relationship has followed a similar pattern, that is cooperation has been deepened according to China’s aims for its relationship with Southeast Asia. While relations have continued to develop in these areas, constant focus on the issues of assertiveness and territorial disputes, particularly over the last 3 years, means that progress and development in the relationship often receives little attention. The South China Sea is a complex issue, however security-related dialogue between China and ASEAN member states will be shown to have mitigated this problem to a certain extent. The paper will show that the challenges to Beijing’s policy lies with countries from outside the sub-region and their return, or growing role in Southeast Asian affairs, and that in fact during the period when China has been labeled more ‘assertive’ its relationship with ASEAN has deepened and developed as planned. In its use of materials the paper will employ the qualitative research method of document analysis.

Nearly four decades of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)-European Union (EU) relationship have witnessed the importance of ideas and identity alongside the economic interests in shaping the behaviour of the two sides. The study takes interest in understanding the EU’s actorness and the EU as a normative actor with and within Southeast Asia through a reflectivist lens. The thesis is an attempt to provide a new perspective on a relationship commonly assessed from an economic angle. It outlines the opportunity of non-traditional security (NTS) challenges to enhance EU actorness and normative influence in Southeast Asia. Against this backdrop, the study explores the dialogue and cooperative initiatives of two regions, which attach relatively little salience to each other. The study employs a NTS lens and draws upon the case of the Asian Financial Crisis of 1997-98, the haze in relation to forest governance, the Bali bombings of 2002 and the political conflict in Aceh. The study assumes that these NTS issues can stimulate processes of threat convergence as well as threat ‘othering’. It argues that these processes enhance European engagement in Southeast Asia and contribute to shaping regional stability in Southeast Asia. Furthermore, NTS crises present situations, where norms can become unstable, contested and substituted. This allows us to better examine the EU as a normative actor. To establish an understanding of the EU’s actorness and the EU as a normative actor, the empirical evidence will focus on the threat perceptions, motivations of action and activities of the EU and its member states. For the purpose of differentiating the EU as a normative actor, the study will also include the discussion of the normative objectives and behaviours of the EU and its member states and apply a reflectivist theoretical framework. Hypothetically, NTS crises trigger external assistance and normative influence and thus, they offer an opportunity to establish a more nuanced picture of the EU in the region. At the same time, the study acknowledges that there are a variety of constraints and variables that complicate the EU’s actorness. The thesis seeks to identify and discuss these. So far, scholarly publications have failed to apply the NTS perspective systematically. This thesis provides the first monograph-length treatment of the EU in Southeast Asia through a NTS and reflectivist lens.

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: South African exports increased substantially during recent years and were assisted by the depreciation of the Rand. During this time exports to the European Union and the United States blossomed, but proportionally exports to the growing region of South East Asia still remained at a low level. The major global players consider the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) as an important trading partner in global trade, but the South African market share is minimal in the ASEAN market. The question that now has to be answered is: do opportunities exist for South African exporters in ASEAN or is it due to a lack of opportunities that exports are at the current level? In investigating the opportunities for South African exporters in ASEAN, it is important to know what approach should be followed to select an attractive country for a product or a product group. Therefore this study is aimed at proving an insight into the concept of international market selection and to highlight the approaches in international market selection that could benefit South African exporters. This study also investigates the influence of ASEAN as a regional organisation in global trade and its relationship with South Africa. An overview is given of the regionalism trend and the major regional organisations important in this regard. The political approaches that ASEAN's major trading partners followed to enhance trade are also investigated in order to re-evaluate the South Africa's current relationship with ASEAN. In order to enhance trade, the advantages ASEAN has to offer are also highlighted. Based on previous research literature on international market selection and against the background of the regionalism trend in global trade, a new international market selection model will be developed in this study for South African and international use. This will provide SA exporters with a systematic approach that will enable them to select the most attractive countries for their products or product groups in the global arena. In order to understand the practical application of the model, South Africa as the exporting country and ASEAN as the importing region will be used as a case study. The model will identify the most attractive countries for each of South Africa's product groups according to the 96 chapters of the Harmonised Commodity Description System (HS) linked to product groups and industries based on actual trade data. Based on South Africa's competitive export advantage in the 96 chapters of the HS linked to product groups and industries, opportunities will be identified in the most attractive countries in ASEAN selected by the international market selection model. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Suid-Afrikaanse uitvoere het aansienlik gestyg die afgelope paar jaar en was veral bygestaan deur die depresiasie van die Rand. Gedurende hierdie tydperk het uitvoere na die Europese Unie en die Verenigde State van Amerika die hoogty gevier, maar proporsioneel het uitvoere na die groeiende streek van Suidoos-Asië nog steeds op 'n lae vlak gebly. Die vernaamste globale spelers beskou die Assosiasie van Suidoos-Asiese Nasies (ASEAN) as 'n belangrike handelsvennoot in globale handel, maar Suid-Afrika se markaandeel in die ASEAN mark is minimaal. Die vraag wat nou beantwoord moet word is as volg: Bestaan daar geleenthede vir Suid-Afrikaanse uitvoerders in ASEAN of is dit as gevolg van 'n tekort aan geleenthede dat uitvoere huidiglik op hierdie vlak is? In die ondersoek na geleenthede vir Suid-Afrikaanse uitvoerders in ASEAN, is dit belangrik om te weet watter benadering gevolg moet word om die mees aantreklike land te selekteer vir 'n produk of produkgroep. Daarom is die studie daarop gerig om insigte te verskaf oor die konsep van internasionale markseleksie en om die benaderings uit te lig in internasionale markseleksie wat Suid-Afikaanse uitvoerders kan bevoordeel. Die studie ondersoek ook die invloed van ASEAN as 'n regionale organisasie in globale handel en hul verhouding met Suid-Afrika. 'n Oorsig word gegee oor die regionale tendens in internasionale handel en die vernaamste regionale organisasies wat belangrik is in hierdie verband. Die politieke benaderings van ASEAN se vernaamste handelsvennote om hul handel te bevorder word ook ondersoek om Suid-Afrika se huidige verhouding met ASEAN te herevauleer. Om handel te bevorder word die voordele wat ASEAN kan bied ook uitgelig. 'n Nuwe internasionale markseleksie model word ontwikkel in hierdie studie vir Suid- Afrikaanse en internasional verbruik teen die agtergrond van regionalisme en wat gebaseer is op vorige navorsings literatuur oor internasionale markseleksie. Dit sal Suid-Afrikaanse uitvoerders 'n sistematiese benadering verskaf wat hulle in staat sal stel om die mees aantreklike lande vir hulle produkte en produkgroepe globaal te selekteer. Om die praktiese toepassing van die model te verstaan, sal Suid-Afrika as die uitvoerland en ASEAN as die invoerstreek gebruik word as 'n gevallestudie. Die model sal die mees aantreklike lande identifiseer vir elk van Suid-Afrika se produkgroepe volgens die 96 Hoofstukke van die "Harmonised Commodity Description System" (HS) wat verbind kan word met produkgroepe gebaseer op bestaande handelsdata. Geleenthede in die mees aantreklike lande in ASEAN wat deur die internationale markseleksie model selekteer is, word identifiseer gebaseer op SUid-Afrika se kompeterende uitvoervoordeel in die 96 Hoofstukke van die HS wat verbind kan word aan produkgroepe.

Au cours de cette étude, nous avons cherché à déterminer le niveau et les moyens de la puissance sud-coréenne. Nous nous sommes demandés si la Corée du Sud ne pourrait pas se présenter comme un État pivot capable de faire le lien entre des états ou des partenaires antagonistes, aussi bien en Asie du Nord-Est qu'en Asie du Sud-Est. Aussi après avoir examiné les moyens de la puissance sud-coréenne nous avons conclu que le pays était une puissance moyenne traditionnelle n'ayant pas encore acquis le statut de puissance régionale et qu'en ce sens elle constituait une puissance atypique. Confrontée aux trois grandes puissances que sont la Chine, les Etats-Unis et le Japon, la Corée du Sud ne dispose que d'une marge de manœuvre très étroite pour affirmer sa présence internationale. Le développement de sa présence en Asie du Sud-Est est donc devenu en l'espace de quelques années un impératif de sa politique étrangère du pays. A l'instar du Japon d'après-guerre, le Sud-Est asiatique constitue une aire d'apprentissage privilégiée pour la diplomatie sud-coréenne et pour son action extérieure.

The traditional explanation of the rapprochement between China and ASEAN has two elements: China is securing a peaceful environment to implement its strategy of ‘develop first’, and/or China is engaging in courtship for the ASEAN countries out of strategic considerations, i.e. increasing control of its periphery. In contrary to these traditional perspectives, this study argues that the intensifying of cooperation between China and ASEAN is much more an expression of the recognition of asymmetrical dependencies than of calculated foreign policy decisions. This perspective not only enriches the understanding of current regional political processes but also leads to different expectations regarding the stability and future direction of ASEAN – China relations. Two issue areas have been selected to illustrate the asymmetrical dependencies and the resulting political processes between ASEAN and China. It has been found that both the ASEAN countries and China have accommodated to asymmetrical interdependence by engaging in pay-offs in areas of relative power. China has not been able to use its relative power in the economic and military area to impose its will in other areas of ASEAN-China relations. The bargaining has taken place within the existing ASEAN institutions. In their concrete rules and conventions lies considerable power. This explains the intensive bargaining regarding the importance of competing international organizations, not only in the Mekong River Basin, but also in broader regional politics. The ASEAN countries are in a favorable position, being in the center of these institutions, but China as a latecomer to many of the regional institutions is trying to renegotiate them. Further research is therefore indicated to better understand how the ASEAN countries and China are going to trade off potential gains from international cooperation and the loss of sovereign policy making power.

由於WTO杜哈回合談判正在積極進行，而且東亞各國整合的程度、涵括的領域、融入的國家均有愈來愈深、愈來愈廣的趨勢，相信此兩股貿易自由化風潮對我國商品的競爭力、投資與經貿活動均會產生一定的影響，因此有必要於此進行深入研究。故本研究利用FTAP模型模擬分析(1)東協加三FTA，(2) 杜哈回合談判，以及(3) 東協加三FTA+杜哈回合談判之經濟效果，以便了解上述三個情境對台灣的影響。 本研究實證結果顯示：(1) 東協加三FTA將使台灣的整體福利減少1252.26百萬美元；對總體經濟方面的影響，台灣實質GDP減少0.25%，並使貿易條件惡化0.86%。(2) 杜哈回合談判若順利完成，台灣整體福利將增加4875.09百萬美元。總體經濟方面，台灣實質GDP將成長1.01%，貿易條件將改善1.16%。(3) 在東協加三FTA簽定且杜哈回合談判順利完成下，台灣整體福利增加4211.92百萬美元；總體經濟方面，將使台灣的實質GDP增加0.88%，貿易條件改善0.73%。 另外，本研究發現：(1) 區域貿易協定與多邊貿易協定間，彼此對於福利與產出等效果，會有互相抵消的情況發生。多邊貿易協定的簽定會大幅的削弱區域貿易協定所產生的效果。然而，區域貿易協定卻僅能抵消掉小部分多邊貿易協定所產生的效果。(2) 區域間自由貿易協定的簽定，不但會使區域外的國家遭受福利與產出等總體經濟的損失，並且也會抵消掉多邊貿易協定所產生的各項效果。(3) 若是能儘快完成杜哈回合談判，各國家儘快完成多邊貿易協定，則各個國家對於簽署區域或是雙邊自由貿易協定的意願可能會大大的減低。 / In recent years, WTO has been undertaking Doha Round negotiation. In addition, there is a deepening and widening trend on the integration of South East Asia economies. There two meovements of global trade liberalization might considerably impact investment and international trade activities of Taiwan as well as its international competitiveness. Therefore, investigating the integration of South East Asia regional economy should be reckoned as important. In this light, this thesis, based on the FTAP model, conducts simulation analyses to testify how (1) a free trade agreement among ASEAN plus three nations, (2) the accomplishment of Doha Round and (3) a free trade agreement among ASEAN plus three nations and the accomplishment of Doha Round will influence the economy of Taiwan. The empirical results have shown: (1) ASEAN+3 FTA will decrease Taiwanese welfare by $1,252.26 million dollars. It will also deteriorate the real GDP and TOT of Taiwan by 0.25% and 0.86%. (2) The accomplishment of Doha Round will increase Taiwanese welfare by $4,875.09 million dollars. Additionally, it will improve the real GDP and TOT of Taiwan by 1.01% and 1.16%. (3) ASEAN+3 FTA and the accomplishment of Doha Round together will generate additional $4,211.92 million dollars welfare to Taiwan, and improve the real GDP and TOT of Taiwan by 0.88% and 0.73%, respectively. Moreover, this thesis has found several interesting policy implications. First, the effects of a regional trade agreement and a multilateral trade agreement on welfare and outputs will offset each other. The effect of a multilateral trade agreement is generally greater than the effect of a regional trade agreement. Second, free trade agreements of different regions not only harm the welfare and outputs of countries outside these regions but also offset the benefits provided by the multilateral trade agreement. Finally, considering it may decrease the willingness to develop regional or bilateral free trade agreements, governments should treat the accomplishment of the multilateral trade agreement, such as Doha Round, as the top priority.

<p>The main objective of this study was to examine the prospects and challenges facing ACFTA (Asean-China free trade area). It examined what ought to be done by the ASEAN member nations to match China's competitive ability having recently joined the World Trade Organization. The study also examined the compatibility of the ACFTA with the World Trade Organization rules and mode of dispute settlement under ASEAN and NAFTA as well as profound issues relating to ACFTA.</p>

No description available.

昔日關於聚集經濟的研究，在全球或區域的研究議題多集中於探討城市本身的聚集外部性，而「空間」或「城市間」的相互依賴關係，通常未列入考慮，然而，在新經濟地理（New economic geography）的領域中，則將區域間的相互依賴關係視為研究分析的主要核心。關於空間中相互依賴關係之研究議題，近幾年來已逐漸被不少學者關注之，研究範圍則多是聚焦在全球體系或是歐洲（歐盟）、北美（北美自由貿易區）等地，然而以東南亞國協、東亞為研究範圍的區域內互動實證仍屬相對稀少。此外，運用引力模型基礎下的「市場潛力（market potential）」以及物理概念下的「等效密度（effective density）」分別衡量城市間相互依賴程度與城市內聚集程度者，在大範圍區域內且跨越國界的研究仍然相對稀少。 本研究與其他許多研究不同的地方在於，利用時間化距離與國家間飛航頻率做為計算兩國間互動、依賴程度的多寡，在不同層級人口結構下探討都市化經濟與市場潛力對一國之國民所得之影響。

民族主義在19世紀末到20世紀中期發威，民族國家在第二次大戰後成為國際社會的主流政治組織，聯合國為維持國際和平與安全，訂定憲章，其中具重要關鍵的是具有領土性與排他性的主權原則，確立民族國家成為國際社會的基本單位。民族國家對內制訂國家根本大法-憲法建立起憲政秩序，主權在民，憲法不僅保障人民權利義務，並賦予政府執行主權賦予之職權，在其領土之內運用國家資源發展國民經濟、繁榮社會與福國利民。 然而，對處在二戰後、美蘇兩極對立的冷戰格局中的歐亞中小型國家而言，既要促進國家之經濟成長和發展，又要維護國家安全，遂各自形成其區域安全與經濟貿易間之合作經驗，以因應內外部情勢之變動與需求，尤其是自1980年代以來的愈趨明顯的全球化浪潮。 本論文以歐盟與東協兩大區域組織經驗為案例，以民族主義研究途徑、歷史與文獻研究法，分由主權與政府、主權與領土、主權與人民三方面，討論民族國家以區域整合方式回應經濟全球化衝擊的發展，併同探討全球化其他浪潮之衝擊的作為，如網際網路發展與生態環境危機。 本研究發現歐盟與東協的區域整合經驗顯示，前者已走向部分的超國家結構，各會員國轉移部份主權到歐盟，然其最終決策權仍掌握在各會員國手上；東協則仍是以政府間會議為主。兩者仍有共通之處就是，經由民族國家間較緊密的區域整合，共同因應全球化浪潮之衝擊，獲取更大的生存能力與國際談判籌碼。 簡言之，民族國家係經由區域化來回應全球化之挑戰，並不會因此而喪失國家主權，民族國家主權並未衰退，民族國家長存。而在區域整合之外的事實，網際網路方面，需依賴各民族國家的基礎設施與投入資源來維持其品質與提昇其效率；至於地球生態議題的全球性，各國的「互賴」關係非常明確，各民族國家在聯合國的多邊機制下，協商因應措施，最後仍須回到各民族國家的配合度上。不可否認，國家主權的排他性與暴力若能適度調整，將會有助於地球環境的友善發展。 / Nationalism started being influential from the end of 19th century to the middle of 20th century. The political organization as nation-state becomes the mainstream of international society after World War II. In order to maintain international peace and security, United Nations established the Charter of the United Nations. The most important part is the sovereign principal involved territorial integrity and inviolability. Sovereignty makes the nation-state become the basic unit in international society. Nation-states established constitution to maintain the order and popular sovereignty. Constitutions not only protect people’s rights, but also give the government the power to execute its authority. Within the territory, government can utilize its resources to develop economy, enrich the society and create benefit for its people. However, after World War II , small and medium countries in Europe and Asia want to develop economic growth and protect national security. Therefore, especially for the clear tendency of globalization in 1980s, small and medium countries gain the cooperate experience from regional security and business cooperation to meet the changes and needs from the world. This thesis uses the case studies of European Unions and ASEAN, nationalist approach and research methods of history to argue the main topic in three aspects of sovereignty and government, sovereign and territory, sovereignty and people. The main idea is to discuss how nation-state uses regional integration to respond the impact of economic globalization and other impacts on internet and the crisis of ecological environment. This study discovered that the EU members have transferred parts of sovereignty to EU, but the power of final policy-making is still in every country’s hand; as for ASEAN, decision-making is still among intergovernmental meetings. The same part in both EU and ASEAN is that both of them gain more ability to survive under the wave of globalization and obtain more chips in international negotiation by the experience of regional integration, In short, nation-state will not lose sovereignty through regionalization to respond the challenge of globalization. Sovereignty of nation-sates does not decrease but lasts forever. Beyond the regional integration, it is nation-state that maintain the quality and effectiveness of the internet services. As for the issue of ecological environment, it depends on the interdependence of each country, the multilateral cooperation system of the United Nations and negotiations among countries. We cannot deny that if the exclusiveness and violence of sovereignty can be modified reasonably, it will be friendlier to the ecological environment.