Since the Asian Financial Crisis of 1997 and the Global Financial Crisis of 2007, members of the Association of Southeast Asia Nations (ASEAN) have sought to strengthen ASEAN's regional economies through a digital trade project known as the ASEAN Single Window (ASW). The purpose of this case study was to explore the business strategies that multinational organizational leaders used to overcome business barriers while implementing ASEAN partnership contracts and ASW region-wide projects. This study may be unique in that, at the time of this research, there was no published study in which researchers had explored a single window for a vast, multination geographical region. Data collection was done via in-depth interviews with ASW executives, studying online ASW-related conferences, and examining relevant strategic documents. A 6-phase thematic analysis process based on methodological triangulation corroborated the data and addressed construct validity through data familiarization, generating initial coding, categorizing codes and searching for themes, breaking codes into subcategories, data reduction and defining and naming themes, and report generation. The 4 strategic themes that emerged were business models and processes, public-private partnerships, project management methodologies, and overlapping themes. The findings offer insights into ways to overcome the ASW's constraints and barriers. These strategic themes developed into a list of critical success factors and a summary list of principle business strategies and best practices. The implication for social change is a regionally collaborative trading environment providing potential economic options that not only impede the deterioration of the regional social fabric but support new opportunities such as trade liberalization and economic stability.

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國際政治向來是由大國主導，傳統觀念中總認為小國必然是逆來順受的一方，也就是說，在國際無政府的狀態下，一個國家的命運將取決於這個國家所擁有的權力資源之多寡與大小，弱肉強食成了國際現實的生存法則。但小國真的如此宿命嗎？我們從新加坡今日的發展及其在國際外交舞台上的表現，看到了最好的反證。 新加坡由於位處太平洋和印度洋之間頻繁的國際航道必經之地，為其贏得「東方直布羅陀」的美譽，加上地扼麻六甲海峽航運線，在戰略及貿易路線上均具有影響區域政治的能力。基此樞紐性的關鍵地位，使新加坡在經濟上得以很自然的發展成為東南亞各國工商之輻輳中心、航運中心及金融中心。 對於這個面積約等於大台北地區，並只有香港一半大小的國家，其所散發出來的光芒，卻令人無法忽視。在新加坡這個蕞爾小國，如果問新加坡人生存發展成功之道是什麼？最常聽見的答案可能就是「務實」這兩個字。因為務實，使新加坡經貿實力在亞洲四小龍常保領先地位；因為務實，使得其國家雖小，但在國際舞台上的聲音卻遠超過其他領土比它大好幾倍的國家。 對於新加坡領導者來說，影響其外交政策制訂最重要的考量就是新加坡的脆弱性。自人民行動黨(People's Action Party，PAP)組黨以來，它一直不認為一個獨立的新加坡可以好好生存下去，畢竟它實在太小，人口也太少，加上缺乏天然資源，根本沒有獨立的條件。因此在被迫與馬來西亞分離後，如何在周遭並不友善的馬來海洋中求生存，是對新加坡領導者智慧最大考驗。 然而，在經過人民行動黨第一代領導者三十多年的帶領下，不僅實現了國家的現代化，更讓新加坡成為小國成功的最佳例子。至今，新加坡已是電子、造船、精密機器製造、光學機器、煉油和電腦零件等高科技發展中心，此外，它也是東南亞金融中心及國際航空、電訊與旅遊會議中心。優越的地理位置使新加坡成為東南亞轉口貿易中心，並同時也是世界最繁忙的海港之一。優秀的人才與技術，讓新加坡的海域鑽油塔建造業直逼美國與日本，名列世界第三，並獲得「東方的休士頓」美譽。 對外關係繫乎一國之安危，對於新興國家更是其命脈之根源與建國歷程中的重要基石。新加坡只是一個蕞爾小國，其所以能在國際舞台上生存甚至特立獨行，必有其獨特之道。而其外交政策運用之成功，也讓這個小國能在接二連三的驚濤駭浪中，從容的發展其繁榮的經濟與解決其社會問題。 雖然李光耀已於1990年退休，交棒給新一代的領導者，但新加坡可以說是在李光耀任內建設完成的。在其任內，李光耀不僅致力於國內經濟的重建，對於國家外交政策更是深謀遠慮，為小國外交立下良好的典範。李光耀為新加坡打下深厚的基礎，也讓新加坡成為第三世界新興國家學習的對象。 新加坡雖小，但其對於生存與發展之強烈企圖心卻是不容忽視。新加坡得以在面對強敵壓境的情況下，藉由對於國際環境變化的體察，靈活地避免本身所遭受的限制，並適時運用內外環境所提供的機會在多次的危機中獲得生存的機會，化不可能為可能，創造出今日的「新加坡奇蹟」。 傳統對於外交政策的研究多半將重心置於大國身上，而傳統上所謂的外交多半只注重依靠軍事手段及政治權謀來達成國家的利益，即所謂的「高政治(high politics)」。但在第二次世界大戰結束後，亞洲、非洲及拉丁美洲殖民地紛紛獲得獨立，新興小國遂如雨後春筍般的成立，加上國際經濟組織的成立，經濟議題逐漸成為國際舞台的重心，也大大降低了軍事的傳統地位，這種發展對於小國尤其有利。 Peter J. Katzenstein在研究西歐小國因應全球市場所採取的策略後，認為這些小國的成功之道在於經濟彈性的平衡(balance of economic flexibility) 與政治穩定(political stability)，新加坡顯然就是依循這種發展模式。由於能充分運用其地理位置的優勢，加上吸引外資投入的強烈誘因，使得新加坡迅速成為區域和國際商業的中間經濟體，成為東南亞及國際性的製造與服務業中心。對於新加坡外交政策之研究，也許理性決策模式(rational decision-making model) 可作為一個有用的模式。 新加坡可以說是研究小國外交相當好的一個對象，在台灣面臨外交困境的時候，我們常問：「小國是否無外交?」由新加坡對外事務的表現中，我們得到了答案。因此本論文也將針對國際關係理論長久以來所忽視的課題-小國外交來作一探討。 本論文將探討李光耀執政時期，對於國家定位、國家發展的理念及對外的政策與觀點，並將分別敘述新加坡對國際政治與區域組織的參與及立場。 李光耀時期新加坡外交政策之研究(1965-1990) 目 錄 第一章 緒論 第一節 研究動機與目的………………………………………… 2 第二節 研究方法與分析架構…………………………………… 5 第三節 研究範圍………………………………………………… 9 第四節 資料來源與研究限制…………………………………… 10 第二章 影響新加坡外交政策的因素 第一節 國內歷史層面…………………………………………… 12 壹、歷史背景……………………………………………… 12 貳、地理環境……………………………………………… 26 參、人口及社會結構……………………………………… 28 肆、政府因素……………………………………………… 31 伍、經濟因素……………………………………………… 33 第二節 國際環境層面…………………………………………… 44 壹、第二次世界大戰後東南亞國際情勢………………… 44 貳、東南亞區域組織的成立………………………… … 48 第三節 決策者因素…………………………………………… 56 第三章 新加坡外交政策取向與國家角色 第一節 外交政策取向…………………………………………… 68 第二節 國家角色………………………………………………… 80 第四章 新加坡與區域國家的關係 第一節 新加坡與馬來西亞…………………………………… 91 第二節 新加坡與印尼………………………………………… 104 第三節 新加坡對柬埔寨問題的態度……………………… 119 第五章 新加坡與東南亞國家協會的關係………………………132 第六章 新加坡與列強的關係 第一節 新加坡與英國……………………………………………154 第二節 新加坡與美國………………………………………… 162 第三節 新加坡與中共………………………………………… 176 第四節 新加坡與蘇聯……………………………………………197 第七章 結論…………………………………………………… 220 參考書目………………………………………………………… 234 附表 表2-1 人民行動黨選舉得票率(1959-1988)…………… 25 表2-2 新加坡種族人口變化表………………………… 30 表2-3 新加坡對外貿易(1965-1990)…………………… 42 表2-4 新加坡對外貿易出口國(1966-1989)…………… 42 表2-5 新加坡主要進口來源國(1966-1989)………… 43 表2-6 1988年新加坡的十大貿易伙伴………………… 43 表4-1 印尼與新加坡海空軍聯合演習…………………118 表4-2 蘇聯經濟援助越南金額統計表(1976-1975)……123 表5-1 東協五國區域內貿易量佔區域內貿易總額百分比.……… 148 表5-2 東協五國區域內貿易額與占對外貿易總額比重………… 149 表5-3 東協與新加坡的貿易額及佔本國對外貿易總額的比例……149 表6-1 新加坡與英國總貿易額…………………………161 表6-2 美國與東協國家經濟的往來(1990)……………169 表6-3 新加坡與中國大陸貿易概況表(1970-1990)……194 表6-4 東南亞各國人口、獨立年代與中共和前蘇聯建交日期…… 195 表6-5 新加坡主要進口來源國(1984-1990)……………196 表6-6 新加坡出口主要目的地(1984-1990)……………196 表6-7 新加坡與蘇聯之貿易往來………………………218

印尼位處於歐亞大陸東南側島鍊,其國土是由一連串的島嶼所構成,總面積達一百九十二萬平方公里,人口約有一億九千六百六十多萬人o長久以來印尼在國際上的重要性與地位似乎與其眾多人口不成比例,這是因印尼自從一九四五年從荷蘭殖民統治獨立以來,便是堅持第三世界不結盟政策的態度有關o但是不可否認的是,印尼在東南亞地區的重要性是極為顯著的,從政治面來看,印尼是東南亞最重要的區域性國際組織[東南亞國家協會]的一員,從東協的成立與發展的進程,印尼都扮演了積極的角色o從經濟面來看,人口將近二億的印尼是東南亞地區不可忽視的潛在重要市場,儘管印尼現階段的經濟發展水準仍遠落後新加坡,馬來西亞和泰國等鄰近國家,但就其潛力而言,印尼顯然擁有更豐富的資源o近年來我國政府推行[南向政策],積極加強與東南亞國家的聯繫,國人對於東南亞國家漸有所認知,然大部分僅限於經濟層面的介紹,相關政治,外交的介紹則是缺少,這對於積極發展國際空間的我國而言,更需要進一步地了解東南亞林鄰近國家o 一般而言,東南亞地區在國人的認知中除了是熱帶國家,旅遊勝地之外,另一方面仍殘存過去的印象以為東南亞地區大多是戰亂頻仍的國家,這實在是資訊欠缺所致o此外國內的國際關係研究大多偏向西歐,美國等已開發國家,或者是彼岸的大陸研究,相對之下第三世界開發中國家的研究則略嫌單薄,而東南亞地區多為開發中國家o今日在亞太世紀來臨之際,亞太地區的政治,經濟,社會都會成為研究焦點,而我國倡導成立[亞太營運中心],更需要對週邊國家進行深入研究,印尼作為東南亞地區大國,其重要性可見一斑o 本文嘗試對於印尼的外交政策做一番回顧,提供 進一步的認識,而最重要的研究目的在試圖解釋印尼此一人口眾多,土地廣邈的國家為何在獨立後採行獨立與積極的外交政策? 蘇卡諾時期與蘇哈托時期外交政策的轉折原因何在?印尼本身具有許多優勢條件,可以成為東南亞大國,但又為何在蘇哈托執政初期不願介入區域事務,其轉變因素為何?一九九零年代初期,印尼在外交政策上又做了一些修正,開始積極參與國際組織的活動,尤其是不結盟運組織與聯合國,促成的原因為何?這些都是筆者在本文中嘗試解釋的重要議題o / Republic of Indonesia is situated to the south-east side of the Euro-Asia Continent. The whole territory consists of a series of islands and small islets which is about 1,919,443 square kilometers. Its total population isabout 196,600,000. For a long time, the international status of Indonesia isnot consistent with its large population. This is because Indonesia has laidemphasis on Third World Non-Aligement approach in its foreign policy since it declared independ ence off Netherlands in 1945. However, there is no denying that the importance of Indonesia in the South-East region is obvious. In the political arena, In donesia has been the largest country in the Association of South-East Asian Nations(ASEAN) and played a constructive and active role since its inauguration in 1967. In the economic arena, with it's approximately 2 billion people, Indonesia is the potential market for international trade. Although the economic development of Indonesia is still far behind Singapore, Malaysia and Thiland, its neighboring countries, its abudant natural resources are of no rivalry. In these years, our government has embarked on a "Southward Policy" and actively enhanced the relations with southeast Asian nations. Therefore, we have furtherknowledge of these nations. However, these knowledge are limited to economicaffairs without mentioning the political and diplomatic affairs. For our country, who is striving for developing our international status, we need moreinfromation about these countries. Besides, the international studies in Taiwanplace more emphasis on West Europe, America ,the developed countries, and Chinses Mainland. By contrary, studies on the Third World developing countriesare few and lacking. Today, the Asia-Pacific century is coming and the political, economic and social affairs in the region will be the focus ofresearching. Taiwan plans to lead the "Asian Pacific Operational Center", whichplan needs more studies on our neighboring countries. Indonesia is the largestcountry in the southeast Asia, and its importance is clear. This thesis is trying retrospect the history of Indonesia's foreign policy and providing furthur knowledge. What is most is to explain why indonesia, such a populousand large country, chose to act independently and actively right after itsindependence off Netherlands? What is the reason that causes the change offoreing policy between Sukarno and So eharto regime? Indonesia itself hasfull reason to be the leader in the southeast Asia. why did it choose to lessinvolved in the regional affairs in the beginning of Soeharto regime? The Author is trying to explain these issues in this thesis.

<p>Road safety is a major issue affecting the road sector. Road accidents remain a serious impediment to sustainable human development in many of the developing member countries (DMCs) of the Asian Development Bank (ADB). Road accidents continue to be an important social and economic problem in developing countries like India. Growth in the number of motor vehicles, poor enforcement of traffic safety regulations, poor quality of roads and vehicles, and inadequate public health infrastructures are some of the road safety problems facing in India. </p><p>The object of this Thesis is to present a status report on the nature of the government policy towards the Activity plans implemented till now and which has to be implemented later for the reduction of road fatalities and for the safe roads, and also giving the guidelines for financing of remedial measures, institutional framework, physical characteristics of the road, traffic control and calming measures, road safety education and enforcement issues. </p><p>The aim of the Activity plans is to analyze the present situation of road safety in India and to indicate main problems in individual sector of the Activity implemented by comparing and taking the examples of some of the ASEAN Region who are successed in implementing in the individual sectors. The effect of the programme to real safety situation is estimated, and further plans could be corrected if it is necessary. Implementation of the goals for the coming years to reduce the number of accidents at maximum extent and give people, the safe and the steady flow of traffic in India. The vision of a tremendous change next 5 to 10 years is based on a big potential for improvement and a joint effort of all involved groups on all levels of traffic safety, centrally coordinated by the National Road Safety Authorities. </p><p>The Action Plan is deliberately divided into 14 key Sectors of activity in broadly the same way as the individual country road safety action plans. The sectors involve many different disciplines and a very wide range of multi sector activities but all are based on applying scientific, methodical approaches to the problem. At the end the thesis gives the recommendations and conclusion for the safe Roads in India</p>

Road safety is a major issue affecting the road sector. Road accidents remain a serious impediment to sustainable human development in many of the developing member countries (DMCs) of the Asian Development Bank (ADB). Road accidents continue to be an important social and economic problem in developing countries like India. Growth in the number of motor vehicles, poor enforcement of traffic safety regulations, poor quality of roads and vehicles, and inadequate public health infrastructures are some of the road safety problems facing in India. The object of this Thesis is to present a status report on the nature of the government policy towards the Activity plans implemented till now and which has to be implemented later for the reduction of road fatalities and for the safe roads, and also giving the guidelines for financing of remedial measures, institutional framework, physical characteristics of the road, traffic control and calming measures, road safety education and enforcement issues. The aim of the Activity plans is to analyze the present situation of road safety in India and to indicate main problems in individual sector of the Activity implemented by comparing and taking the examples of some of the ASEAN Region who are successed in implementing in the individual sectors. The effect of the programme to real safety situation is estimated, and further plans could be corrected if it is necessary. Implementation of the goals for the coming years to reduce the number of accidents at maximum extent and give people, the safe and the steady flow of traffic in India. The vision of a tremendous change next 5 to 10 years is based on a big potential for improvement and a joint effort of all involved groups on all levels of traffic safety, centrally coordinated by the National Road Safety Authorities. The Action Plan is deliberately divided into 14 key Sectors of activity in broadly the same way as the individual country road safety action plans. The sectors involve many different disciplines and a very wide range of multi sector activities but all are based on applying scientific, methodical approaches to the problem. At the end the thesis gives the recommendations and conclusion for the safe Roads in India

論文摘要 本文主要之研究在於檢驗東協區域論壇是否具有影響亞太區域安全之效能。首先藉由國際關係理論對於「安全」的闡述，筆者運用新現實主義與新自由制度主義的安全觀與對國際建制的看法，來評析東協區域論壇（ASEAN Retional Forum, ARF）對亞太安全的影響力。隨著國際關係理論的檢視過程中得知，新現實主義與新自由制度主義皆認為東協區域論壇在穩定亞太區域和平與穩定的效用不大。 其次，透過Andreas Hasenclever、Peter Mayer與Volker Rittberger在 Theories of International Regimes文章中所提出關於國際建制（International Regimes）評定的指標，其以新自由制度主義的觀點就（1）建制的「效率」（Effectiveness）指標－建制達成目標與貫徹意志的能力、對成員的影響力，以及決議的拘束力等方面；兼以（2）建制的「彈性－堅實」（Resilience / Robustness）指標－東協區域論壇對於現實事件、衝突的解決能力與成效，藉由國際建制的角度來分析東協區域論壇在建制上的完備與否，來評價東協區域論壇是否合乎所謂區域性「安全」機制的標準。 經由國際建制指標的檢視結果得知，不論在「效率」指標或「彈性－堅實」指標，皆驗證出東協區域論壇是個不健全的國際建制，並非所謂的區域性安全機制，對亞太區域安全的影響力也有限。 再者，經由對於亞太地區的主要衝突點－朝鮮半島核武問題、台海危機以及南海主權爭議等事件的討論，檢視東協區域論壇對於事件的處理、事件所做出的決議以及針對事件所發表的聲明，來評析論壇是否具有解決亞太衝突事件之功能。研究發現，東協區域論壇僅能對於衝突事件做出宣示性質的聲明，不具拘束力的決議，無法要求成員國自制，也使得論壇無法做出有效的解決，更失去了處理亞太區域安全事務的能力。 最終，歸結出東協區域論壇的缺失，以及無法有效發揮其安全建制的原因，筆者認為東協區域論壇最主要的缺失在於「制度化程度太低」以及「決議拘束力不足」，因而導致論壇缺乏安全建制的功能、議題無法被普遍討論、對衝突事件缺乏解決能力以及信心建立措施無法順利推展等問題。透過上述之討論，找出提升東協區域論壇解決事件效能之辦法，俾使其發揮安全建制之功能。 關鍵字詞：東協區域論壇、新現實主義、新自由制度主義、國際建制

Au cours de cette étude, nous avons cherché à déterminer le niveau et les moyens de la puissance sud-coréenne. Nous nous sommes demandés si la Corée du Sud ne pourrait pas se présenter comme un État pivot capable de faire le lien entre des états ou des partenaires antagonistes, aussi bien en Asie du Nord-Est qu'en Asie du Sud-Est. Aussi après avoir examiné les moyens de la puissance sud-coréenne nous avons conclu que le pays était une puissance moyenne traditionnelle n'ayant pas encore acquis le statut de puissance régionale et qu'en ce sens elle constituait une puissance atypique. Confrontée aux trois grandes puissances que sont la Chine, les Etats-Unis et le Japon, la Corée du Sud ne dispose que d'une marge de manœuvre très étroite pour affirmer sa présence internationale. Le développement de sa présence en Asie du Sud-Est est donc devenu en l'espace de quelques années un impératif de sa politique étrangère du pays. A l'instar du Japon d'après-guerre, le Sud-Est asiatique constitue une aire d'apprentissage privilégiée pour la diplomatie sud-coréenne et pour son action extérieure.

東協成立的目的之一，就是要促進東協各會員國之間「在平等與夥伴的精神之下，採取共同努力，促進區域內各國的經濟成長、社會進步與文化發展，以增進東南亞國家成為繁榮與和平的基礎。」隨著冷戰結束，大國影響改變，中共與日本積極介入東南亞地區，加上1999年 4 月，隨著柬埔寨的加入東南亞十個國家全部成為東協成員，實現了東協最初建立的願望。但在相互平等、不干涉內政及和平解決衝突的基礎上，東協推動區域安全合作的機制（東協方式的協商模式）面臨極大挑戰與衝擊。 本論文共分七章，第一章緒論，揭示本文研究動機與目的、研究方法、研究範圍與限制及論文架構等。第二章探討東南亞安全環境，從東協的成立，在諸多歷史情結與仇恨糾結中，東協十國出現的背景原因，及探討冷戰前後影響東協安全合作機制形成的因素，從中瞭解「信心安全建立措施」在東協國家間的重要性。第三章 1967-1989東協「信心安全建立措施」的歷史脈絡，從「東協方式」談起，以新自由主義的概念嚐試瞭解不同於歐盟整合的「東協方式」。第四章1990年後東協內部「信心安全建立措施」的發展與特徵。針對冷戰後東協內部安全機制加以探討，如各國之間透過那些機制和平解決雙邊邊界問題等。第五章東協國家主導的由外而內安全合作模式，探討東協區域論壇及亞太安全合作理事會之成立背景、主要議題及對東協安全合作機制的影響。第六章今後東協推動內部「信心安全建立」的機會與挑戰。東協內部對「信心安全建立措施」的看法與態度亦影響執行成效，東協內部解決衝突的機制是否健全，由「信心建立措施」發展到「預防性外交機制」之可行性。第七章結論。藉著上述的探討，瞭解東協內部信心安全建立機制之演進及發展，為東南亞區域安全找到新的方向。

Questa ricerca si propone di individuare ed esaminare il contributo del Governo americano al processo di integrazione economica, politica e culturale tra gli Stati non-comunisti della regione dell'Asia sud-orientale, prendendo le mosse dalla creazione della primigenia forma di cooperazione regionale nel febbraio 1959 – il Southeast Asia Friendship and Economic Treaty (SEAFET) – fino ad arrivare alla fondazione dell'Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), l'8 agosto 1967. L'impegno in prima linea degli Stati Uniti sarà analizzato sotto due aspetti in particolare: storico e diplomatico. Partendo proprio dalla documentazione consultata negli archivi americani di College Park e in quelli britannici di Kew Gardens, l'analisi percorre i principali avvenimenti della Guerra Fredda nel Sud-est asiatico che contraddistinsero l'ultima parte degli anni Cinquanta e tutti gli anni Sessanta: il periodo immediatamente successivo alla lunga e, per certi versi sanguinosa, fase della decolonizzazione; la crisi vietnamita e il Secondo conflitto indocinese (1954-1973); lo scisma sino-sovietico all'interno del campo comunista (1960); la Konfrontasi indo-malese (1962-1966); il disimpegno britannico dai territori “a est di Suez” (annunciato nel 1966 dal Governo Wilson). Nel contesto di questi eventi che cambiarono in un decennio la fisionomia politica ed economica del Sud-est asiatico, Washington favorì la formazione di una organizzazione regionale in funzione anti-comunista e, in particolare, anti-cinese che coinvolse gli Stati dell'Asia sud-orientale intenti a fronteggiare all'interno dei propri confini movimenti di ispirazione marxista che facevano riferimento – con diverse sfaccettature – chi a Mosca e chi a Pechino. Le nazioni chiamate in causa da questa ricerca sono cinque: Thailandia, Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia e Filippine, i Paesi fondatori dell'ASEAN. Il Sud-est asiatico rappresentò per gli Stati Uniti il bastione del “Free World” nel continente asiatico, dove peraltro fioccavano gli investimenti delle compagnie americane dell'industria estrattiva. Era pertanto motivo ulteriore per Washington evitare che l'influenza comunista soggiogasse i Paesi della regione che stavano gradualmente percorrendo la via della democrazia e dello sviluppo. Anche sulla scorta di quanto mostrato in Europa, gli americani si affidarono alla carta del regionalismo: in primo luogo, per facilitare il riavvicinamento tra i Paesi del cosiddetto “lower arc” le cui relazioni erano tese per varie questioni territoriali e politiche. In secondo luogo, per favorire il processo di nascita di un “nuovo spirito asiatico” – guidato principalmente dalla Thailandia – finalizzato a trovare soluzioni locali a problemi locali nel pieno spirito di cooperazione. / This study examines the U.S. contribution to the creation of ASEAN, by analysing the origins – since the foundation of the Southeast Asia Friendship and Economic Treaty (SEAFET) in February 1959 – and the ultimate evolution of Southeast Asian regionalism on 8 August 1967. Throughout the 1960s the United States was interested in the promotion of an ʻindependent nations zoneʼ in Southeast Asia as a means of accelerating the economic co-operation and social progress. The Department of State believed regionalism embodied a necessary element of ʻcontainment doctrineʼ, that should have pursued two main objectives: first, to preserve and strengthen the will of the peoples of the area to resist Communist threat; second, to assist these governments in copying with the major problems of development. Since historians have tended to concentrate on military issue, this proposal draws attention to U.S. plans taking into account two main aspects: diplomatic and economic. Washington had no territorial ambitions and, to some extent, the desire to secure the markets and raw materials of Southeast Asia for U.S. industry could offer an adequate explanation for the American commitment to the region. Regionalism in Southeast Asia during the Cold War is still an understudied field, partly due to the uneven attention given to the Second Indochina conflict. This research project is based on a vast array of textual records gathering from U.S., U.K., and Australian National Archives, as well as memoirs of the then Southeast Asian leaders. This study seeks to provide the U.S. point of view to understand the process of regional co-operation, hoping to bring a broader contribution to the field of both diplomatic history and ASEAN studies. This study concludes that United States has long worked actively to encourage regional cohesion among the nations of Southeast Asia and, albeit territorial disputes, Southeast Asian states were committed to establish a truly co-operative association that provided Asian solutions to Asian problems.