Este trabalho tem como objetivo tentar explicar se e como as dinâmicas regionais impactariam nas decisões de política externa de Estados. Para isso, primeiramente tomaremos a Agenda de Regionalismo de Amitav Acharya como base para trabalharmos essa questão, tendo em vista suas possibilidades para que nossa hipótese e tema escolhidos sejam abordados de uma maneira mais completa. Em segundo lugar, avançaremos para o entendimento da ASEAN tendo em vista as disputas no Mar do Sul da China, sendo que em primeiro lugar focaremos na compreensão do processo de formação da ASEAN e, depois, da sua Agenda Regional de Segurança que permeia o pensamento dessa instituição sobre esses conflitos. Por último, analisaremos a relação da China com a ASEAN, tentando entender a maneira pela qual Beijing se insere nessa questão do Mar do Sul da China e como a mesma altera a sua visão sobre esse conflito após os anos 1990 utilizando a base metodológica fornecida pela Agenda de Regionalismo de Amitav Acharya. / This dissertation has as objective to explain if and how the regional dynamics would impact the foreign policy decisions of States. To do this, we will first take Amitav Acharya's Regionalism Agenda as a basis for working on this issue, given its possibilities for our chosen hypothesis and theme to be addressed in a more complete way. Secondly, we will move forward to ASEAN's understanding of the disputes in the South China Sea, focusing first on understanding the ASEAN formation process and then on its Regional Security Agenda that permeates the thinking about these conflicts. Finally, we will look at China's relationship with ASEAN, trying to understand how Beijing addresses this issue of the South China Sea and how it alters its view on this conflict after the 1990s using the methodological basis provided by Regionalism Agenda constructed by Amitav Acharya. / Dissertação (Mestrado)

Cette thèse a été réalisée avec le soutien financier du Conseil de recherche en sciences humaines, du Conseil des relations internationales de Montréal (CORIM), du Fonds de recherche du Québec – Société et culture, du Centre d’études et de recherches internationales de l’Université de Montréal (CÉRIUM), du Département de science politique et du Groupe Banque TD. / L’établissement formel d’une communauté ASEAN le 31 décembre 2015 marque une étape charnière pour une organisation dont la résilience dans le temps demeure à bien des égards une énigme pour la théorie des Relations internationales. Les approches dominantes peinent à expliquer la position malaisée dans laquelle l’Association des Nations d’Asie du Sud-Est se trouve depuis le tournant du 21e siècle, quelque part entre inertie et changement. Si le débat de longue date sur le statut de l’ASEAN comme « communauté de sécurité » reste pleinement d’actualité, cela n’a pas empêché l’organisation de se saisir de cet objectif tout en adaptant son sens en pratique. L’approche de l’ASEAN combine aujourd’hui trois objectifs : fournir les conditions de la paix entre les États de la région; répondre aux menaces transnationales et non militaires à la sécurité; et contribuer à l’accroissement de la sécurité, du bien-être et de la dignité des populations d’Asie du Sud-Est par le biais d’une communauté « axée sur le peuple » (people-oriented, people-centered). Ainsi, la façon dont l’ASEAN définit son rôle et, a fortiori, son identité comme organisation de sécurité régionale se distingue significativement de la définition conventionnelle d’une communauté de sécurité. La thèse propose d’envisager l’ASEAN comme une « communauté de discours », afin de fournir une explication novatrice à sa résilience au 21e siècle. Elle met en lumière la coexistence d’interprétations divergentes de la sécurité régionale dans le contexte de l’ASEAN, et s’intéresse aux effets de cette polysémie sur l’articulation de l’identité de l’organisation et sa performance comme communauté de sécurité en devenir. / The formal establishment of an ASEAN Community on December 31st, 2015 marks an important milestone for an organization whose resilience through time has continuously mystified International Relations Theory. Dominant IR approaches still struggle with explaining the awkward position, somewhere between inertia and change, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations finds itself in since the turn of the 21st century. While the longstanding debate on the status of ASEAN as a “security community” still continues unabated today, this has not prevented the organization from claiming this objective for itself, while considerably adapting its meaning in practice. ASEAN’s approach to regional security can be seen as combining three broad objectives: providing the conditions for peace among regional states; responding effectively to non-military and transnational threats to security; and contributing to the enhancement of the security, well-being, and dignity of the peoples of Southeast Asia through a people-oriented, people-centered approach. Therefore, the way ASEAN defines its role and, more importantly, its identity as a regional security organization departs in significant ways from the conventional definition of “security community”. This study offers a new explanation of the organization’s resilience in the 21st century by treating ASEAN as a “community of discourse”. The following pages highlight the coexistence of divergent interpretations of regional security in the context of ASEAN, and focuses on the effects of this polysemy on the articulation of the organization’s identity, and its performance as a security community in the making.

Magister Legum - LLM / The main objective of this study was to examine the prospects and challenges facing ACFTA (Asean-China free trade area). It examined what ought to be done by the ASEAN member nations to match China's competitive ability having recently joined the World Trade Organization. The study also examined the compatibility of the ACFTA with the World Trade Organization rules and mode of dispute settlement under ASEAN and NAFTA as well as profound issues relating to ACFTA. / South Africa

The central question addressed by this thesis is whether and to what extent ASEAN and SADC provide a regional response to security challenges from within and without the region respectively. In the examination of a regional response to security challenges in Southeast Asia and Southern Africa, this study investigates each regional organisation’s efforts and methods of how to approach and deal with regional security problems. In examining the processes and patterns of ASEAN and SADC regionalism in terms of the security dimension, the focus is on political security in its regional context. In doing so, the mechanisms of both ASEAN and SADC politico-security regionalisms are explored. This study also aims to compare SADC and ASEAN to find similarities and differences in terms of the way in which ‘politico-security regionalism’ as a regional project is used to respond to global challenges, as well as to internal needs. Moreover, this study seeks to explore what can be learnt from the experiences of both ASEAN and SADC with regard to regionalism and regionalisation in response to political security threats. This will, as a result, be conducive to understanding the character, nature and type of contemporary regionalism and regional security in the South, including Southeast Asia and Southern Africa. Furthermore, in discussing the question of whether and how ASEAN and SADC attempt to shape and modify or change the process of globalisation and regionalisation in politico-security terms, this study emphasises a multi-dimensionality of contemporary regionalism – so called ‘new regionalism’ – which would normally be based on constructivism. Therefore, this study argues that the theoretical problem relates to the insufficiency of neo-realist and neo-liberal institutionalist accounts that call for a much needed attempt to bring ASEAN and SADC into contemporary discussions about the mechanisms of politico-security regionalisms within the context of a (social) constructivism of international relations (IR) theory. / Thesis (DPhil (International Relations))--University of Pretoria, 2007. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

De nos jours, le multilatéralisme et le libre échange sont le fondement du système économique. La participation de la Thaïlande à l’OMC et au FMI joue un rôle incontournable dans les stratégies de développement du pays. En tant que pays en développement et malgré certaines dispositions particulières en sa faveur, l’influence qu’elle exerce au sein de chaque institution reste limitée. Ce qui l’a conduite à chercher des alliances en regroupant avec les pays qui partagent les mêmes positions pour mieux se faire entendre.Grâce à cette participation, le gouvernement thaïlandais dispose d’une source de financement en cas de crise économique et financière. Il peut mieux mener les politiques commerciales dont l’accent a été mis sur la promotion des exportations et avoir un mécanisme de règlement des différends qui lui permettent de défendre les intérêts de ses producteurs de manière plus efficace surtout lorsqu’il s’agit d’un différend avec des pays développés. Mais face à des limites du système multilatéral à vocation universelle (impasse du Cycle de Doha, problème de la conditionnalité de l’aide et de l’efficacité des mesures prévues par le FMI), la Thaïlande est retournée plus vers le bilatéralisme et le régionalisme afin de protéger les intérêts du pays. / In this day and age, multilateralism and free trade are the foundations of theeconomic system. The participation of Thailand in the World Trade Organization (WTO) andthe International Monetary Fund (IMF) plays an essential role in the development strategies ofthe country. As a developing country and despite some specific provisions in its favour,Thailand’s influence within each institution is limited. A greater voice, by gathering withcountries that share the same positions, prompted Thailand to seek such alliances. Throughthis participation, the Thai government has a funding source in the event of economic andfinancial crisis. They can improve trade policies that focus on export promotion and have adispute settlement mechanism that allows them to better defend the interests of its producers,especially when these disputes involve developed countries. But the limits of the multilateralsystem (Doha round impasse, the issue of conditionality and effectiveness of the IMF’smeasures) incite Thailand to turn more towards bilateralism and regionalism for protecting thecountry’s interests.

The Diploma Thesis focuses on analysis of major ASEAN countries in order to identify the market potential for Czech exporters. The author firstly introduces the Czech national export support scheme and ASEAN association as a whole. Afterwards he uses PEST and SWOT methods to analyze main countries and cultural dimensions according to G.Hofstede to describe possible behaviour of potential business partners. Moreover, the author takes a closer look at Vietnam, as the only ASEAN country in the priority list of Czech export strategy 2020. The last chapter of the Thesis compares major ASEAN countries based on a model created by the author and recommends main solutions to increase Czech export to the region.

The thesis analyzes the development of the security discourse in Southeast Asia namely on the ground of the ASEAN organization and in its member states. The thesis main aim is to find out whether the region of the ASEAN can be considered as the Regional Security Complex. The theoretical basis of the thesis is drawn from the theoretical concept of the Copenhagen school, specifically on researchers such as, Barry Buzan, Ole Wæver and Jaap de Wilde, who formulated the theory. The theory applicability is studied through the securitization processes elaborated on the sectoral analysis. On the military, political, economic, environmental and societal sector the thesis strives to analyze the essential securitization and desecuritization processes, attempts to name the main securitization actors, referential objects and confront them with the theory. Based on the elaboration on the current issues connected with the securitization logic the thesis describes the security dynamic in the region. At the end of analysis, the thesis evaluates the current regional setting of the ASEAN as the Regional Security Complex and gives the recommendations for its next developments.

No description available.

Aim. This study suggests a set of methodologies to combine different indicators of road safety into a single index. The RSDI is a simple and quick composite index, which may become a significant measurement in comparing, ranking and determining road safety levels in different countries and regions worldwide. Design. One particular concern in designing a Road Safety Development Index (RSDI) is to come up with a comprehensive set of exposure and risk indicators which includes as far as possible the main parameters in road safety related to human-vehicle-road and country patterns instead of considering few and isolated indicators such as accident rates. The RSDI gives a broad picture compared to the traditional models in road safety.  Challenges. The differences in definitions, non-collection of data, no reliability of data and underreporting are problems for the construction of RSDI. In addition, the index should be as relevant as possible for different countries of the world, especially in developing countries. Empirical study. This study empirically compares the road safety situation and trends between ten Southeast Asian countries and Sweden for the period 1994- 2003. Methodologies. Eleven indicators are chosen in RSDI, which have been categorised in nine dimensions. Four main approaches (objective and subjective) are used to calculate RSDI and determine which one is the best. One approach uses equal weights for all indicators and countries, whereas the other approaches give different weights depending on the importance of indicators. Findings. The thesis examines the RSDI for the ten ASEAN countries and Sweden in 2003. The results from this study indicate a remarkable difference between ASEAN countries even at the same level of motorisation. Singapore and Brunei seem to have the best RSDI record among the ASEAN countries according to the indicators used, while Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam show lower RSDI records. Conclusions. The RSDI results seem very promising and worth testing further applications with bigger samples of countries and from different parts of the world. / <p>ISRN/Report code: LiU-Tek-Lic 2005:29</p>

<p>This dissertation examines the (critical) security effects that US Foreign Policy, and in particular the War on Terror (WOT), has had on East and Southeast Asia. This dissertation also articulates an innovative critical security approach that requires a post-structuralism based in Stephen K. White’s notion of “weak ontology,” and further demands a historically and geographically contingent method of immanent critique that allows us to grapple with the politics and ethics of actually occurring security logics. <em>As</em> a form of immanent critique rooted in a weak ontological understanding of critical security, this dissertation asks- and answers- the following question(s): What can a critical security analysis tell us about security/insecurity that a more conventional realist-based security analysis cannot? And more specifically, what can a critical security analysis tell us about the impact that the WOT has had on both state and non-state actors in East and Southeast Asia? In other words, <em>operating as an immanent critique</em> in the context of empirical examples in East and Southeast Asia, this dissertation demonstrates that forms of insecurity were constructed and/or abetted by the WOT itself, understood as a hegemonic security narrative, and that these forms of insecurity occurred in concert with the practice of traditional forms of state-centric security.</p> <p>This dissertation contributes to scholarship in two significant ways. First, it seeks to remedy the relative paucity of <em>critical</em> security analyses focused on East Asia and Southeast Asia. Second, this dissertation demonstrates- using the weak ontological immanent critique approach that it outlines- that a deconstructive critical security analysis based in post-structuralist commitments need not be anathema to engagements with pragmatic problems and security issues, nor should it have to preclude the possibility of enacting the politics and ethics that are required to theorize alternative security logics.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)