Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:34:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ruben Seidl.pdf: 700624 bytes, checksum: e6f03531d9f22dfb4eea16b0ab46d05f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-03-29 / The World Conference on Racism that took place in Durban in 2001 shaped a new position of the Brazilian government concerning its policies on minorities´ protection and promotion of equality. Affirmative action policies, until then timorous, gained a new drive and several laws were rapidly arranged in order to support them. Nevertheless, many of these laws established fixed racial and social quotas, ignoring the historical process in other countries, mainly the U.S., where racial quotas had been considered unconstitutional, although other kinds of affirmative policies, somehow less belligerent, are still in place in North America. This study seeks to establish legal limits for affirmative action, taking into account not only similar experiences in other countries, but the own formation of the Brazilian people and the possibilities of promotion of equality vis-à-vis the Federal Constitution. / A Conferência Mundial contra o Racismo, realizada em Durban em 2001, marcou uma nova posição do governo brasileiro em relação às políticas de proteção a minorias e promoção da igualdade. Políticas de ação afirmativa, até então tímidas, ganharam novo impulso e diversas normas foram rapidamente promulgadas para suportá-las. Entretanto, muitas dessas normas acabaram por fixar cotas raciais e sociais, ignorando o processo histórico em outros países, marcadamente os EUA, onde cotas raciais foram consideradas inconstitucionais, embora outras políticas menos contundentes de ação afirmativa ainda continuam sendo promovidas. A pesquisa procura estabelecer limites das ações afirmativas, levando em conta não apenas as experiências de outros países, mas a própria formação do povo brasileiro e as possibilidades de promoção da igualdade vis-à-vis a Constituição Federal.

Submitted by admin tede (tede@pucgoias.edu.br) on 2018-04-26T12:33:29Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Shirlene de Araujo Prezoto.pdf: 1381524 bytes, checksum: 3edd89f036f971dc277f528754403078 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-26T12:33:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Shirlene de Araujo Prezoto.pdf: 1381524 bytes, checksum: 3edd89f036f971dc277f528754403078 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-08-01 / This work presents a reflection about the ethnic-cultural/racial relations in the primary school environment, and has as its objective to highlight the importance and the necessity of a social deconstruction of prejudices and racial discrimination, which are attributed to the black population. It shows through Brazilian history, from its colonization to current times, the ideologies on which the relationship between blacks and whites was constructed, with great disadvantages for the first, especially, in their quest for education and social ascension. It is concluded that prejudice and racial discrimination in schools are presented in a subtle and disguised way, for in Brazilian minds, the racial relationship is cordial. The existence of prejudice and discrimination is denied, even though studies show significant malicious rates for the Brazilian black population, verifying the so called “Brazilian knack” of discrimination, also known as “racism Brazilian style”. Finally, it seeks to evoke the debate about the negative social representations imposed on the black population through stigmas and stereotypes, approaching particularly the issue of ethic-racial education in schools, under Federal Law number 10.639/2003, which establishes imperativeness in teaching Afro- Brazilian History and Culture from elementary to high school level within government and private establishments. / Este trabalho apresenta uma reflexão sobre as relações étnico-cultural/racial no ambiente escolar de educação básica, e tem por objetivo trazer à tona a importância e a necessidade da desconstrução social do preconceito e da discriminação racial que são atribuídos à população negra. Mostra através da história brasileira, desde a colonização aos dias atuais, as ideologias sob as quais foram construídas as relações entre negros e brancos, com grandes desvantagens para os primeiros, especialmente, em sua trajetória em busca da escolarização e ascensão social. Conclui que o preconceito e a discriminação racial nas escolas se apresentam de forma sutil e disfarçada, pois no imaginário brasileiro, as relações raciais são cordiais. Nega-se a existência do preconceito e da discriminação, apesar de estudos mostrarem índices significativamente perversos para a população negra brasileira, fincando constatado o chamado “jeitinho brasileiro” de discriminar, também considerado como o “racismo à brasileira”. Por fim, procura suscitar o debate sobre as representações sociais negativas colocadas à população negra por meio de estigmas e estereótipos, abordando particularmente a questão da educação étnico-racial no espaço escolar, a partir da Lei Federal nº. 10.639/2003, que estabelece a obrigatoriedade do ensino sobre História e Cultura Afro- Brasileira nos estabelecimentos de ensino fundamental e médio, oficiais e particulares.

Neste trabalho buscaremos três objetivos. O primeiro deles será o de apresentar de modo sistemático a política de ação afirmativa visando realizar a igualdade social com seu conceito, definições e a audiência pública realizada no STF sobre a constitucionalidade de tais políticas. Expondo a posição contrária e a favor de cotas raciais nas universidades brasileiras. O segundo objetivo é apresentar o pensamento de Joaquim Nabuco nos pontos que se referem a sua busca pela igualdade social. O terceiro objetivo é verificar a adequação do pensamento de Joaquim Nabuco para as políticas de ações afirmativas, se seria possível definir critério racial para reserva de vagas nas universidades públicas com base no pensamento do autor com objetivo de se realizar a igualdade social. / In this dissertation we aim at reaching three goals. The first is to present systematically the affirmative action policy aimed at achieving social equality: we expose its concept, the definitions, and the public hearing held in the SUPREME COURT concerning the constitutionality of such policies: we expose the arguments developed by both the critics and those who favor the adoption of racial quotas in Brazilian universities. The second objective is to present the thought of Joaquim Nabuco insofar as it refers to his questfor social equality. The third objective is to verify the adequacy of the thought of Joaquim Nabuco for the justification of affirmative action policies, in other words, whether it is possible or not to define racial criteria for admission in public universities based on the author's thinking as regards the aim of achieving social equality.

While the number of African American women filling executive level positions in Fortune 500 companies in America has improved, there is still a need for significant improvements in increasing their access to corporate chief executive officer (CEO) positions. African American women occupy only 11.7% of the board seats, and their representation as CEOs has steadily declined. Throughout the history of Fortune 500 companies, there have been only 14 African American men with CEO titles. As of January 2017, there are no African American women CEOs. The purpose of this phenomenological study was to examine the lived experiences and perceptions of 15 African American women who aspire to be chief executive officers in corporate America. The experiences and perceptions of these women were examined to understand why there is a limited number of African American women CEOs despite their increase in executive level roles. The responses from 15 African American revealed that the increased numbers of these women in the executive leadership level resulted from diversity initiatives that made it possible for these women to return to school, and provided a context in which organizational leaders could recognize their talent. The organizations' use of diversity initiatives contributed to practices that legally allow them to minimize the number of minorities they hire at the executive level. The theoretical framework included elements from critical theory, critical race theory, and black feminist theory. The increased representation of these women at the executive level contributes to positive social change because the information adds to the existing literature on the lack of African American women CEOs in corporate America and may provide knowledge that will guide other women pursuing this role.

[pt] Este trabalho contempla uma investigação sobre juventude e política no contexto contemporâneo brasileiro, tomando a educação popular como centro de sua ação. A expansão dos chamados cursos pré-vestibulares comunitários no Rio de Janeiro, desde a década de 90, vem representando um importante vetor de tensionamento de nosso sistema educacional (SANTOS, 2005), assim como um novo campo de investigação para as ciências humanas. Originados no interior de lutas e movimentos sociais, estes cursos vêm ampliando a possibilidade de ingresso e ação política de jovens das classes populares nas universidades. Partindo de uma compreensão da subjetividade humana como um efeito de agenciamentos coletivos de enunciação (GUATARRI E ROLNIK, 1980), mostra-se interessante pensar os modos de subjetivação construídos nestes cursos e suas consequências nas práticas cotidianas. O processo de construção da subjetividade política (CASTRO, 2008a, P. 254) nestes espaços, envolvendo experiências de engajamento dos jovens que os levam a assumir ações coletivas no campo social, afeta diretamente as maneiras como eles vivenciam o espaço acadêmico. O método da cartografia e as discussões sobre o lugar da imagem técnica no contemporâneo (JOBIM E SOUZA, 2011; GODINHO, 2011) são as principais referências para nossa construção metodológica. A cartografia nos guiou pelas diferentes experiências no campo dos pré-vestibulares comunitários, até a definição da Associação Mangueira Vestibulares como campo de pesquisa. Já as considerações sobre a importância das imagens na contemporaneidade motivaram a criação de uma narrativa audiovisual sobre a dimensão política desse movimento social, construindo um documentário coletivamente com os sujeitos da pesquisa na intenção de ampliar o debate para além dos limites da academia. / [en] This work describes an investigation into youth and politics in the contemporary context of Brazil, taking the popular education as the center of its action. The expansion of so-called pre-university community courses in Rio de Janeiro, from the 90s, has represented an important vector of tensioning of our educational system (SANTOS, 2005), as well as a new field of research for the human sciences. Originated within social struggles and movements, these courses have expanded the entry possibilities and the political action of the young working class in universities. Starting from an understanding of human subjectivity as an effect of collective assemblages of enunciation (GUATARRI & ROLNIK, 1980), proves to be interesting to consider the forms of subjectivity produced in these courses and their consequences in everyday practices. The construction process of political subjectivity (CASTRO, 2008a, P. 254) in these spaces, involve the engagement of young people that lead them to take collective actions, affecting directly the ways they experience the academic space. The method of carthografy and the discussions on the role of image in the contemporary (JOBIM E SOUZA, 2011; GODINHO, 2011) are the main references for our methodology. The carthografy guided us through the different experiences in the field of pre-university community courses, until the definition of Associação Mangueira Vestibulares as our research field. The considerations about the importance of images in contemporary life motivated the creation of an audiovisual narrative about the political dimension of this social movement, building a documentary with the people surveyed in the intention to broaden the debate beyond the boundaries of academy.

<p>With an estimated 250 ethnic groups, Nigeria, no doubt, has been grappling with the problem of pluralism of ethnic nationalities. It is not news in Nigeria that extreme ethnic consciousness of its citizens has led to the victimization of one ethnic group by another. This victimization has come in the form of exclusions in the distribution of both wealth and power in the country.</p><p>Amidst all the exclusions, the unity of the country has been ironically regarded as sacrosanct, and should not be negotiated. It is often said that fate brought all the ethnic nationalities in order to form one great country. I subscribe to this belief that fate brought us together for the above purpose, especially now that several countries around the world are merging in one way or the other to form a formidable force to reckon with both politically and economically. Hence, “(ethnic integration) is the integration of capabilities. It develops the capabilities of the workforce… it offers opportunities for better synergy of skills”. However, it would be ethically unhealthy for the unity of the country not to be compromised under the present dispensation, which has been compromising in turn the basic moral principle of social justice. There cannot be any moral basis for the continued existence of a country like Nigeria, which as it were, has thrown equality of all citizens to the dogs.</p><p>Should the country remain united, it must do so by imbibing the culture of regarding all citizens, as well as, all ethnic nationalities as equal, and none should have more privileges than the others. Therefore, how can a plural society like Nigeria remain united as one indivisible country?</p><p>Rawls has offered some solutions to the problem of stability engendered by the pluralism of ethnic groups in Nigeria. His idea of ‘overlapping consensus of reasonable comprehensive doctrines’ in his Political Liberalism is capable of bringing back the country to the state of stability. There will be stability, if all forms of exclusion seize to exist in the Nigerian polity.</p>

No description available.

Thesis (Ph.D. (Industrial Sociology))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2007.

With an estimated 250 ethnic groups, Nigeria, no doubt, has been grappling with the problem of pluralism of ethnic nationalities. It is not news in Nigeria that extreme ethnic consciousness of its citizens has led to the victimization of one ethnic group by another. This victimization has come in the form of exclusions in the distribution of both wealth and power in the country. Amidst all the exclusions, the unity of the country has been ironically regarded as sacrosanct, and should not be negotiated. It is often said that fate brought all the ethnic nationalities in order to form one great country. I subscribe to this belief that fate brought us together for the above purpose, especially now that several countries around the world are merging in one way or the other to form a formidable force to reckon with both politically and economically. Hence, “(ethnic integration) is the integration of capabilities. It develops the capabilities of the workforce… it offers opportunities for better synergy of skills”. However, it would be ethically unhealthy for the unity of the country not to be compromised under the present dispensation, which has been compromising in turn the basic moral principle of social justice. There cannot be any moral basis for the continued existence of a country like Nigeria, which as it were, has thrown equality of all citizens to the dogs. Should the country remain united, it must do so by imbibing the culture of regarding all citizens, as well as, all ethnic nationalities as equal, and none should have more privileges than the others. Therefore, how can a plural society like Nigeria remain united as one indivisible country? Rawls has offered some solutions to the problem of stability engendered by the pluralism of ethnic groups in Nigeria. His idea of ‘overlapping consensus of reasonable comprehensive doctrines’ in his Political Liberalism is capable of bringing back the country to the state of stability. There will be stability, if all forms of exclusion seize to exist in the Nigerian polity.

The purpose of these studies was to examine the predictors of African American and European American adolescents’ attitudes toward affirmative action (Study 1) and school desegregation (Study 2) policies. It was hypothesized that support for both policies would be higher among adolescents who (1) attended more racially diverse classes, (2) held less prejudiced racial attitudes, (3) were more aware of historical and continuing racial inequality and discrimination, (4) described themselves as politically liberal, and (5) had engaged in more racial identity exploration. Participants in both studies included African American and European American adolescents ages 14 to 17 attending a high school in the Midwestern U.S. On the first day of data collection in both studies, adolescents completed assessments of the hypothesized predictor variables in the context of their high school social studies classrooms. On the second day of data collection, adolescents learned about either an affirmative action (Study 1) or a school desegregation (Study 2) policy that had been proposed for their school. Immediately following the policy presentations, adolescents reported their opinions of the policy in open-ended and forced-choice formats. Across studies, results indicated that African American and European American adolescents often held significantly different views of race, racism, and race-related policies. In general, African American adolescents were more aware of racial discrimination, endorsed more positive views about African Americans, and were more supportive of affirmative action and school desegregation policies than European American adolescents. Predictors of individuals’ views of race-related policies also varied by participant race. Among African American adolescents, higher awareness of interracial disparities and discrimination predicted stronger support of affirmative action and school desegregation. Among European American adolescents, in contrast, higher awareness of interracial disparities and discrimination predicted weaker support of affirmative action and school desegregation. More work is needed to examine the origins of differences between African American and European American adolescents’ understanding of, and beliefs about, race in society. / text