The recent emphasis on Affirmative Action policies in South African corporations has illuminated the issue of cultural diversity in organizations and the difficulties arising from this transition and change. One such difficulty is the problem of intercultural communication where miscommunication can have life-threatening consequences. This problem is particularly critical in the operational environment of the passenger aircraft flight deck where small group factors, as well as intercultural issues must be taken into account. In this thesis the problem of intercultural communication in such contexts as a consequence of Affirmative Action is examined. The data for this thesis comprises the communication of five culturally diverse flight crews. A multi-method was used for the gathering and analysis of this data. This involved the use of video-taped flight simulator sessions, and personal interviews with each crew member. The subjects themselves were involved in identifying key communication problems from the video and interpretation of the data. Three levels of analysis were used in the interpretation of the findings - the individual, the group and the organization. The factors which affected communication at each level in the small, culturally diverse group are highlighted. Furthermore, factors which influence the climate in which communication takes place are also considered. The implications for Affirmative Action are discussed.

Submitted by Izabel Franco (izabel-franco@ufscar.br) on 2016-09-19T14:45:03Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TesePASV.pdf: 1940745 bytes, checksum: b230555594cd2f40916188740d8317f7 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-09-20T14:00:44Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TesePASV.pdf: 1940745 bytes, checksum: b230555594cd2f40916188740d8317f7 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-09-20T14:01:04Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TesePASV.pdf: 1940745 bytes, checksum: b230555594cd2f40916188740d8317f7 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-20T14:01:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TesePASV.pdf: 1940745 bytes, checksum: b230555594cd2f40916188740d8317f7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-03-01 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de Mato Grosso (FAPEMAT) / This text aims to discuss the current policies concerning affirmative actions, especially the racial cotes, which in 2002 were implemented in Brazilian universities, above all in the public ones. After nearly one decade that the country has more than hundreds of institutions that have adopted these policies (with different emphasis and models), the controversy is not ended. The main controversy arises especially when these affirmative actions focus on aspects related to race in the models implemented in these educational institutions. This thesis is divided in three chapters. We have tried to develop a theoretical line approaching the current debate, which has been attempting to influence people and social groups, as well as politicians, either in favor or against the policies. The chapters are about relevant topics for this research: the construction of the nation and how science and social theories were important to create a society based on social hierarchy related to race. There is also a discussion about the reception of the racial cotes in a public university that applies racial criteria to select students for the graduation courses. Thus, the chapters try to understand how the process of racialization happened in Brazil and how this process was responsible for the creation of inflexible positions in terms of social status. This society is the same which is now discussing questions and themes that tend to appear against that stiff hierarchy. Therefore it is apparently clear that a paradox has been recently placed. The affirmative action‟s policies have always been supported, or at least not firmly criticized. On the other hand, when the same structure of the affirmative action‟s policies is used in favor of black people, it raises negative and opposite reactions. Making an effort to understand this reaction, we, first of all, have the hypothesis that the affirmative action‟s policies, mainly the racial cotes, allow us to establish at least two levels of comprehension: firstly, the emphasis in the process seeking equality; secondly, the proposal of a reflection about the difference – including the ethnic and racial ones. These two last have been one of the central elements of social inequality. Hence, our research challenges to show that the contemporary policies of affirmative action, mostly the racial cotes, cause a tension on the Brazilian social thought spotting other possibilities of interpretation for this society. Consequently, giving conceptual, theoretical and political strengths to the sociological category of race, it has allowed a new understanding for the social phenomenon in the country and a broader comprehension of what are the true elements involved whenever the racial cotes become one of the greatest symbols not only the public symbols not only the public higher education, but also the racial relation in Brazil in our time. / Este texto procura debater o tema das políticas contemporâneas de ação afirmativa destacando as cotas para negros implementadas em universidades brasileiras, sobretudo públicas, a partir de 2002. Após quase uma década e de o país contar com aproximadamente mais de uma centena de instituições que adotam políticas de ação afirmativa com diferentes recortes, ênfases e modelos a polêmica ainda se faz presente, particularmente quando estas políticas de ação afirmativa enfatizam aspectos e contornos étnicos e raciais nos modelos implementados nestas instituições de ensino superior. Esta pesquisa se estrutura em três capítulos que, embora possam ser lidos de maneira independente, foram construídos visando estabelecer um percurso teórico que tende a extrapolar certo viés presente no interior do debate que posiciona indivíduos e grupos sociais e políticos de maneira favorável ou contrária às políticas contemporâneas de ação afirmativa. Os capítulos se debruçam sobre alguns temas que se mostraram relevantes para a pesquisa: o tema da construção da nação e como ciência e teoria sociais foram importantes para a elaboração de uma arquitetura social baseada no erguimento de hierarquias sociais sustentadas por pertenças étnicas e raciais; sobre o debate mais recente e a recepção das cotas para negros nas universidades públicas; e sobre os impactos e as mudanças que já podem ser verificadas no interior de uma universidade que utiliza critérios raciais para o ingresso em seus cursos de graduação. Deste ponto de vista, os capítulos buscam compreender como se constituiu o processo de racialização da sociedade brasileira que impingiu à população negra rígidas posições na estrutura social desta mesma sociedade e que neste momento são tensionados pelas questões e temas que tendem a se insurgir contrariamente àquelas rígidas hierarquias construídas. Ao posicionar o debate sob este ângulo analítico chama a atenção um aparente paradoxo que se apresenta nos tempos atuais. Por um lado, as políticas de ação afirmativa em geral sempre contaram se não com irrestrito apoio, com um ambiente marcado pela ausência de críticas contundentes. Por outro, quando os mesmos mecanismos das políticas de ação afirmativa são acionados em prol dos povos indígenas e, sobretudo, da população negra surgem reações contrárias. Buscando compreender os fenômenos sociais que se manifestavam nessas reações, partiu-se da hipótese de trabalho que as políticas de ação afirmativa em sua dimensão mais polêmica, as cotas para negros, permitem estabelecer pelo menos dois níveis de compreensão. Em primeiro lugar, o que enfoca o processo de busca de igualdade. Em segundo lugar, o que propõe uma reflexão acerca da diferença, inclusive a étnica e a racial, que na hipótese levantada na pesquisa, tem sido um dos elementos centrais de estruturação da desigualdade social. Neste sentido, a pesquisa tende a demonstrar que as políticas contemporâneas de ação afirmativa, na modalidade cotas para negros, tencionam algumas matrizes interpretativas do pensamento social brasileiro apontando para possibilidades da superação de tais matrizes e a constituição de novas possibilidades de interpretação da sociedade brasileira. Portanto, atribuir densidade conceitual, teórica e política à categoria sociológica raça tem permitido a proposição de novas matrizes interpretativas dos fenômenos sociais da sociedade brasileira e, assim, possibilitado compreender de maneira mais ampliada quais são as várias facetas e o que está em jogo no momento em que as cotas para negros se tornam um dos maiores emblemas da educação pública de nível superior no Brasil contemporâneo.

Submitted by Izabel Franco (izabel-franco@ufscar.br) on 2016-10-04T18:34:34Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DissPRC.pdf: 2548907 bytes, checksum: c0d0ae1537060be8cd4b9a05289a1344 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-10-20T18:22:32Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissPRC.pdf: 2548907 bytes, checksum: c0d0ae1537060be8cd4b9a05289a1344 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-10-20T18:22:40Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DissPRC.pdf: 2548907 bytes, checksum: c0d0ae1537060be8cd4b9a05289a1344 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-20T18:22:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DissPRC.pdf: 2548907 bytes, checksum: c0d0ae1537060be8cd4b9a05289a1344 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-05-11 / Não recebi financiamento / This study investigates the influence of Law 12.711/12 on the educational expectations of graduating young black high school of Paulo de Almeida Nogueira School of Cosmopolis - SP. Racial inequalities in Brazilian society, particularly in the federal public university, have been combated by the Brazilian State with Affirmative Action Policies for blacks in education. The Law 12.711/12 created the reserve positions of Federal Institutions of Higher Education for students, blacks and indigenous people, public school. The field research was conducted in two phases. At first, a questionnaire to all graduating junior high school has been applied. In the second, we interviewed fourteen young blacks. We found the prevalence of the myth of racial ideologies of democracy and meritocracy in positions of black youth as ways to cover up racial inequality and, in turn, deny the Affirmative Action Policy, in particular the Law 12.711/12. Affirmative Action policies are the result of social struggles of black movements to combat racial inequality covert racism, prejudice and racial discrimination. However, we found ambiguity in the positions of the research subjects in relation to the law, because they do not adhere to the waves of reserve policies to access the public university because they consider that are not inferior by race and skin color - they believe in equality as structuring of race relations. On the other, question the precariousness of public school that does not prepare them to have access to public higher education. They consider that young people from private schools have more access to public universities. We note, too, that their positions are aligned with the space that his parents occupy in capitalist society. The survey results showed that the Law 12.711/12 does not influence the educational expectations of young black public high school, for expressing wish to enter the labor market and continue studies in technical courses and / or private universities. / Este estudo investiga a influência da Lei 12.711/12 sobre as expectativas educacionais de jovens negros concluintes do ensino médio da Escola Paulo de Almeida Nogueira, de Cosmópolis - SP. As desigualdades raciais na sociedade brasileira, em particular na universidade pública federal, têm sido combatidas pelo Estado Brasileiro com Políticas de Ações Afirmativas para negros na educação. Neste sentido, a Lei 12.711/12 criou a reserva de vagas das Instituições Federais de Ensino Superior para estudantes, negros e indígenas, de escola pública. A pesquisa de campo foi realizada em duas etapas. Na primeira, foi aplicado um questionário para todos os jovens concluintes do ensino médio. Na segunda, entrevistamos catorze jovens negros. Constatamos a prevalência das ideologias do mito da democracia racial e meritocracia nos posicionamentos dos jovens negros como formas de encobrir a desigualdade racial e, por sua vez, negar as Políticas de Ações Afirmativas, em especial, a Lei 12.711/12. As Políticas de Ações Afirmativas são fruto das lutas sociais dos movimentos negros para combater a desigualdade racial encoberta pelo racismo, preconceito e discriminação raciais. Todavia, observamos a presença da ambiguidade nos posicionamentos dos sujeitos da pesquisa em relação à Lei. De um lado, não aderem às políticas de reservas de vagas para ter acesso à universidade pública, porque consideram que não são inferiores pela raça e pela cor da pele – pois acreditam na igualdade como estruturante das relações raciais. Por outro, questionam a precarização da escola pública que não os prepara para ter acesso ao ensino superior público. Em contrapartida, os jovens oriundos de escola particular têm maior possibilidade de acesso às universidades públicas. Constatamos, também, que seus posicionamentos estão alinhados com o espaço que seus pais ocupam na sociedade capitalista. Os resultados da pesquisa apontaram que a Lei 12.711/12 não influencia as expectativas educacionais dos jovens negros de Ensino Médio público, por manifestarem pretender ingressar no mercado de trabalho e continuar os estudos em cursos técnicos e/ou universidades privadas.

Submitted by Milena Rubi (milenarubi@ufscar.br) on 2017-02-15T17:40:02Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TOUBIA_Ariane_2016.pdf: 55379218 bytes, checksum: 964ddb54a5d4e2444758e1de9ee00517 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Milena Rubi (milenarubi@ufscar.br) on 2017-02-15T17:40:14Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TOUBIA_Ariane_2016.pdf: 55379218 bytes, checksum: 964ddb54a5d4e2444758e1de9ee00517 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Milena Rubi (milenarubi@ufscar.br) on 2017-02-15T17:40:24Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TOUBIA_Ariane_2016.pdf: 55379218 bytes, checksum: 964ddb54a5d4e2444758e1de9ee00517 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-02-15T17:40:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TOUBIA_Ariane_2016.pdf: 55379218 bytes, checksum: 964ddb54a5d4e2444758e1de9ee00517 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-12-15 / Não recebi financiamento / The objective of the research was to analyze the prevailing challenges and referrals of UFSCAR-Campus Sorocaba, as the improvement and expansion support for the student from the Affirmative Action Program, from the speech of PROGRAD and PROACE representatives managers on campus.The methodological theoretical axis constitutes a preliminary bibliographic and documentary by CAPES files data level theses and dissertations of the UFSCAR, listing is relevant and approximate the thematic work. Then we chose the neoinstitutionalism as an analytical theoretical framework, whose emphasis is the study of the institution and its partners, guided by qualitative approach and this cut out the case study, considering that the UFSCar, Campus Sorocaba epistemological research site.The interviews were conducted by the structure of a semi-structured script of questions, preceded by the characterization of the respondents. We interviewed two subjects: 1 representative of the Dean of Undergraduate (PROGRAD) on campus, through the Department of Sorocaba Undergraduate Education (DeEG-Sor) and another of Dean of Community Affairs and Student (PROACE) through Department of Community Affairs and Student Sorocaba - Section of Social Care, Health and Sports (SeASSE). The interviews were conducted by the structure of a semi-structured script of questions, preceded by the characterization of the respondents. We interviewed two subjects: 1 representative of the Dean of Undergraduate (PROGRAD) on campus, through the Department of Sorocaba Undergraduate Education (DeegSer) and another of Dean of Community Affairs and Student (PROACE) through Department of Community Affairs and Student Sorocaba - Section of Social Care, Health and Sports (SeASSE). In the procedural scope, it has been used the document analysis technique (CELLARD, 2010) regarding the registrations and initiatives of the UFSCAR-Sorocaba campus. Regarding the data collection technique, the interviews have helped us to understand their statements about student support at the UFSCar-Sorocaba campus (POUPART, 2010), followed by the content analysis (BARDIN, 2009), in order to understand the voices of respondents and their returns, albeit implicit. Through the answers of respondents found that the adoption of affirmative action policies in UFSCar, not only contributed to provide greater access to historically excluded groups, as provided for students staying conditions through specific institutional support under material and food monitoring, health, transportation, among others. / O objetivo da pesquisa foi o de analisar os desafios e encaminhamentos predominantes da UFSCAR-Campus Sorocaba, quanto ao aperfeiçoamento e ampliação do apoio ao estudante oriundo do Programa de Ações Afirmativas, a partir da fala de gestores representantes da PROGRAD e PROACE no campus. O eixo teórico metodológico constitui-se preliminarmente de um levantamento bibliográfico e documental através do Banco da CAPES em nível de teses e dissertações e da UFSCAR, listando-se trabalhos relevantes e aproximativos à temática. Em seguida optou-se pelo neoinstitucionalismo como quadro teórico analítico, cuja ênfase é o estudo da instituição e seus interlocutores, orientado pela abordagem qualitativa e neste recorte, o Estudo de caso, considerando ser a UFSCar-Campus Sorocaba o local epistemológico da pesquisa. Como um dos instrumentos de coleta de dados optou-se por entrevistas. As entrevistas foram orientadas pela estruturação de um roteiro semiestruturado de questionamentos, antecedido pela caracterização dos respondentes. Foram entrevistados dois sujeitos: 1 representante da Pró-Reitoria de Graduação (PROGRAD) no campus, por meio do Departamento de Ensino de Graduação de Sorocaba (DeEG-Sor) e outro da Pró-Reitoria de Assuntos Comunitários e Estudantis (PROACE) por meio do Departamento de Assuntos Comunitários e Estudantis de Sorocaba - Seção de Assistência Social, Saúde e Esportes (SeASSE). No âmbito procedimental utilizamos a técnica de análise documental (CELLARD, 2010) quanto aos registros e iniciativas do campus da UFSCAR-Sorocaba ainda que instrucionais sobre a temática. Em relação à técnica de coleta de dados, as entrevistas nos auxiliaram na compreensão de suas falas quanto ao apoio ao estudante no campus da UFSCar-Sorocaba (POUPART, 2010), seguida da análise de conteúdo (BARDIN, 2009) objetivando compreender as vozes dos respondentes e suas devolutivas, ainda que implícitas. Por meio das devolutivas dos respondentes constatou-se que a adoção de políticas de ações afirmativas na UFSCar, não somente contribuiu para propiciar maiores condições de acesso de grupos historicamente excluídos à universidade, como propiciou condições de permanência aos estudantes por meio de apoio institucional específico no âmbito material e acompanhamento alimentar, saúde, transporte, dentre outros.

John Rawls conceives society as a cooperation system. To govern this system, he developed the theory of justice as fairness (JAF). His theory, from its emergence in the early 1970s to the present, has been commonly associated with public policies called affirmative action (AFs). Despite this association, there are two relevant situations that deserve analysis and lead us to our research problem: Rawls never wrote directly about affirmative action, despite the large extent of his work; and there are arguments supporting the incompatibility between the JAF and the AFs. In view of that, this paper deals with the following problem: is there incompatibility between the theory of justice as fairness and affirmative action? Our hypotheses are: (i) that affirmative action is not provided for in the JAF and, in general, cannot be simply derived from that theory; and (ii) that, despite this, there is no incompatibility between the JAF and the AFs. The broader objective of this paper, besides the specific objective of responding to the research problem, will be to demonstrate that there is no room for simplistic associations between the JAF and the AFs, as there are relevant arguments that must be faced by those who wish to study the subject - either to defend the AFs or not - especially those arguments concerning Rawls's distinction between ideal theory and non-ideal theory. In the first chapter, basic concepts will be presented for the general understanding of the theory of justice as fairness. In the second chapter, after exposing the concept and taxonomy of affirmative action, some of Rawls's arguments that found JAF's two principles of justice will be analyzed in order to verify if such arguments present any incompatibility with affirmative action. Next, an analysis of the validity of some objections made by Robert Taylor in the paper Rawlsian Affirmative Action will be done, where Taylor argues that certain categories of affirmative action are incompatible with the JAF in the scenarios of ideal theory and non-ideal theory. Ultimately, conclusions will be drawn, in the sense that: (i) affirmative action is not foreseen in the JAF and cannot be simply derived from it; (ii) that the arguments of possible incompatibility analyzed here are invalid; and (iii) that, apart from the existence of other arguments not studied here, such public policies are not incompatible with the theory of justice as fairness. / John Rawls concebe a sociedade como um sistema de cooperação. Para reger esse sistema, desenvolveu a teoria da justiça como equidade (TJE). Sua teoria, do surgimento no início da década de 1970 até hoje em dia, tem sido comumente associada às políticas públicas denominadas ações afirmativas (AFs). Apesar dessa associação, há duas situações relevantes que merecem análise e nos levam ao nosso problema de pesquisa: Rawls nunca escreveu sobre ações afirmativas diretamente, apesar da grande extensão de sua obra; e existem argumentos sustentando a incompatibilidade entre a TJE e as AFs. Diante disso, o presente trabalho enfrentará o seguinte problema: existe incompatibilidade entre a teoria da justiça como equidade e as ações afirmativas? Nossas hipóteses são: (i) que as ações afirmativas não estão previstas na TJE e, em geral, não podem ser simplesmente derivadas daquela teoria; e (ii) que, apesar disso, não há incompatibilidade entre a TJE e as AFs. O objetivo mais amplo do trabalho, para além do objetivo específico de responder ao problema de pesquisa, será demonstrar que não há espaço para associações paroquiais entre a TJE e as AFs, pois há argumentos relevantes que devem ser enfrentados por quem pretender estudar o tema – seja para defender as AFs ou não –, sobretudo aqueles argumentos relativos à distinção de Rawls entre teoria ideal e teoria não-ideal. No primeiro capítulo, serão apresentados conceitos básicos para a compreensão geral da teoria da justiça como equidade. No segundo capítulo, após expor conceito e taxonomia das ações afirmativas, serão analisados alguns dos argumentos de Rawls que fundamentam os dois princípios de justiça da TJE, para verificar se tais argumentos apresentam alguma incompatibilidade com as ações afirmativas, e a seguir será analisada a validade de algumas objeções feitas por Robert Taylor no artigo Ações Afirmativas Rawlsianas, sustentando que determinadas categorias de ações afirmativas são incompatíveis com a TJE, nos cenários da teoria ideal e da teoria não-ideal. Ao final, serão expostas conclusões, no sentido de que: (i) as ações afirmativas não estão previstas na TJE e não podem ser simplesmente derivadas dela; (ii) que os argumentos de possível incompatibilidade, aqui analisados, são inválidos; e (iii) que, ressalvada a existência de outros argumentos aqui não estudados, tais políticas públicas não são incompatíveis com a teoria da justiça como equidade.

Thesis (DTech(Tourism and Hospitality Management))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2011 / This study reports on the findings of research that was conducted amongst tour operators in South Africa in an attempt to determine the level of Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) in the sub-sector as well as to determine measures that will expedite BEE. The survey method was deployed to generate primary data from this target market and the Chi square method used to determine causality between the size of enterprises and the support for BEE in principle. This method was also used to determine if the size of an enterprise influences the propensity to support and apply BEE in tour operating enterprises as well as the utilization of incentives.The research indicate that the vast majority of tour operating enterprises in South Africa are small businesses with 62,3% indicating a turnover of R2,5million or less per annum and 63,9% indicating that they employ two or less full time employees. In terms of ownership, 14,3% of respondents indicated that they are 100% black owned. The fact that these enterprises are small makes it difficult to attract investment or involvement from Previously Disadvantaged Individuals (PDI’s) although 72% of respondents indicated that they support BEE in principle. However the application of BEE in these enterprises are only supported by 61,8% of respondents and the degree of implementation vary according to the different components of the tourism scorecard. In terms of the seven pillars of the tourism scorecard, the procurement and social investment pillars achieved the best results.In order to grow this sub-sector and create opportunities for BEE expansion, government needs to provide training and education interventions as well as dedicated incentives to assist tour operators in gaining access to markets and capital goods. The suitability of all the pillars in the tourism BEE scorecard is questioned due to the nature of small businesses and further research needs to be done on the other sub-sectors in tourism to determine a scorecard that can be effectively implemented.A model for business growth is proposed to enhance the BEE efforts and to create opportunities for fast growth and new start-up businesses. The model consists of interventions aimed at the following four areas:  Enterprise level (new start-ups and fast growth enterprises)  Sector specific environment  Economic growth in the external environment, and  New target markets A recommendation to the National Minister for Tourism during the course of this study has resulted in the provision for a national tourism database in the Tourism Bill (2011).

Dissertation submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Magister Technologiae: Marketing in the Faculty of Business at the: CAPE PENINSULA UNIVERSITY OF TECHNOLOGY, 2009 / Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) aims to enable Black people in South Africa (SA), as legislatively classified, to make a noteworthy contribution to the local economy by irreversibly altering the racial profile of ownership, management echelons and all employment levels of existing and new organisations. This ambitious strategy hopes to encourage economic transformation by eliminating unfair discrimination; applying affirmative action (AA) policies; empowering Black women and facilitating access to land, infrastructure, economic activities, ownership, as well as training and skills development (SA. DTI, 2004a:4-5). The transformation process in SA has been a lengthy and complex one, with the government slowly enacting enabling legislation. The Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment (BBBEE) Codes of Good Practice was gazetted on 9 February 2007 and this significant piece of legislation has provided a framework to guide and measure transformation activities. The advertising industry has been criticised for its slow empowerment advancement, which led to two parliamentary hearings in the early 2000s to investigate allegations of racism and poor transformation progress. The Association for Communication and Advertising (ACA) gave full cooperation during the parliamentary hearings and has been a main driving force of transformation within the advertising industry. The ACA’s dedication resulted in the Marketing, Advertising and Communication (MAC) sector charter being gazetted on 29 August 2008 (Jones, 2008). There are few studies that have effectively investigated transformation and BEE progress within the South African advertising industry over recent years. Of these, none has yielded rich qualitative BEE data. Therefore, the main objective of this study was to explore progress made by advertising agencies towards transformation in the Cape Peninsula, as well as the challenges and benefits that result from implementing BEE measures in terms of BBBEE ownership and Employment Equity (EE). These elements have been thoroughly examined by utilising a multiple case study approach and by interviewing the top twelve traditional full-service advertising agencies through use of a semi-structured interview guide, which primarily generated in-depth qualitative data. Cape Town based advertising agencies readily provided a wealth of data, which illuminated numerous previously unexplored positive and negative BEE issues. Recent BEE internal advertising agency documents, literature, surveys and other research studies were used to corroborate and verify the findings in order to reach a consensus, compromise or disagreement in the subsequent discussion. The advertising industry has employed a multitude of innovative BEE strategies to facilitate transformation progress and to address a number of inherent problems. This has resulted in several success stories and numerous benefits as Cape Town based advertising agencies have embarked on their varied transformation journeys. The recommendations of this study would be useful to the national advertising industry, other sectors and government to assist in streamlining the transformation process in SA.

Thesis (MTech (Public Administration))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2017. / In 1994 the newly elected democratic South African government inherited a nation deeply scarred by a history of racial division and social, political and economic inequality. The democratic government was determined to create an environment that felt like home to all, a society that welcomed all and a political environment that catered for all. The democratic government therefore introduced laws and structures designed to promote the principle of “equity.” Although these have been in force for more than 22 years, statistics indicate that white people continue to receive preference over other racial groups. This study sought to provide an overview of the equity composition of employees in the Department of the Premier in the Western Cape government. “Equity composition” refers to the categories of race and gender invoked by the Employment Equity Act in order to promote equality. The aim was to reach a set of conclusions and make recommendations that might improve the equity composition of employees in the direction envisaged by the legislation. The researcher has made use of a qualitative research methodology for this study. Unstructured interviews were conducted with twenty research participants purposively selected from the Department of the Premier, and the data gathered from the interviews was analysed using content analysis. The study found that there has been an increase in efforts to accommodate people with disabilities. It recommends that a dedicated training workshop regarding employment equity be designed by the director of the people management practices unit and rolled out throughout the department.

With the changing significance of caste and caste identity, this thesis explores the role of affirmative action or "reservations" in Indian higher education. Specifically, it aims to reopen the debate on the dominance of a "creamy layer" among the OBCs in an increasingly nationalist India. Viewing caste through the lens of ethnic identity, this thesis draws comparisons between the identity of OBCs and Scheduled Castes and Tribes, OBCs of the "Hindi Belt" and OBCs of the South, followed by an analysis of the politicization of caste identity today. The thesis concludes with an evaluation of affirmative action today and possible policy avenues that the State must prioritize.

Desde longa data, o ensino superior brasileiro vem sendo alvo de muita polêmica e questionamentos por causa, principalmente, da questão da sua democratização. A origem tardia da universidade brasileira, associada ao caráter elitista, faz com que este nível de escolarização esteja sendo questionado sempre pela incapacidade de absorver toda a demanda existente. Visando a superação dessa situação, lutas históricas foram e vêm sendo travadas, importantes intelectuais, o movimento estudantil, as associações de docentes e de técnicos em educação, cada um a seu modo, vem cobrando a abertura da universidade pública a setores da sociedade até então dela excluídos. Neste ínterim, tem sido importante a contribuição dos movimentos sociais negros que introduziram nesse debate a exigência de políticas de ação afirmativa (PAA), com vista à inclusão desse segmento no ensino superior público. Portanto a PAA figura como um novo ingrediente na luta pela democratização do ensino superior. A reivindicação pelas ações afirmativas ganhou espaço e relevância, ao ponto de ser reconhecida pelo governo e traduzida em posicionamento favorável do Brasil na Conferência de Durban de 2001. A partir de então, o debate aprofundou no país. Como resultado, diversas instituições de ensino superior (IES), por força de leis ou motivadas por decisões de seus conselhos superiores, adotam alguma modalidade de política de ação afirmativa: cota, reserva de vaga, bônus, etc. Nesse contexto, a Universidade Federal de Ouro Preto, no ano de 2008, por meio do seu Conselho de Ensino, Pesquisa e Extensão (CEPE), decidiu assegurar que30% das vagas, em cada um dos seus cursos de graduação, deveriam ser ocupadas por estudantes egressos de escolas públicas. A Política de Ação Afirmativa da UFOP é, portanto,o objeto de estudo dessa dissertação, que procurou identificar se tal medida pode ser considerada uma contribuição para o processo de democratização do ensino superior. A pesquisa realizada analisou o perfil socioeconômico e cultural e a trajetória acadêmica de estudantes que ingressaram na UFOP no ano de 2009, considerando-se a sua condição de participante ou não da PAA. A constatação foi a de que, ainda que modestamente e a despeito da necessidade de ajustes que a mesma possa requerer, o perfil dos estudantes da UFOP vem se alterando: pessoas oriundas de segmentos antes pouco representados estão se beneficiando com a ampliação dos cursos de graduação da instituição / Long time, the Brazilian higher education has been the subject of much controversy and questions due mainly to the question of its democratization. The late origin of the Brazilian university, associated with its elitist character, especially in relation to the number of places offered, makes this level of schooling is always being asked by their inability to absorb all the demand. In order to overcome this situation, historical struggles have been and are being fought, leading intellectuals, the student movement, associations of teachers and educational technicians, each in its own way, has been charging the opening of a public university sectors of society so far excluded from it. In the meantime, has been important the contribution of black social movements in the debate which introduced the requirement of affirmative action, to include this segment in higher education. Goes like the affirmative action policies are, as a new ingredient in the struggle for the democratization of higher education. The demand for the shares gained affirmative space and relevance, to the point of being recognized by the government and reflected in the favorable position of Brazil in the 2001 Durban Conference. Since then, the debate deepened his defense in the country. As a result, several higher education institutions, by virtue of laws or decisions motivated by advice of his superiors, have adopted some form of affirmative action, quotas, reservations of seats, bonuses, etc.. In this context, the Federal University of Ouro Preto, in 2008, through its Board of Education, Research and Extension, has decided to ensure that 30% of seats in each of its undergraduate courses, students should be occupied by graduates public schools. The Affirmative Action Policy of UFOP is therefore the object of study of this dissertation, which sought to identify whether such a measure can be considered a contribution to the democratization of higher education. The survey examined the socioeconomic and cultural and academic life of students entering the UFOP in 2009, considering its status as a participant or not Affirmative Action Policy. The finding was that, although modestly and despite the need for adjustments that it may require the student profile is changing the UFOP. People from underrepresented segments before they start experiencing its expansion in undergraduate courses of the institution