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Esta dissertação resgata a tese de Ruy Mauro Marini sobre o subimperialismo brasileiro – formulada no interior da Teoria Marxista da Dependência – aplicando-a à análise da política de integração regional do governo Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, no contexto atual das relações interamericanas. Partindo dos nexos categoriais da tese sobre o subimperialismo, busca-se examinar criticamente o papel do Estado nas iniciativas de integração econômica como a ALCSA e a IIRSA, bem como a tendência expansionista das firmas de capital brasileiro na América do Sul, a partir da hipótese de uma reconfiguração territorial e da divisão regional do trabalho que atendem a interesses da burguesia brasileira integrada ao imperialismo dominante, bem como a seus sócios locais. Simultaneamente, discute-se a dinâmica de cooperação e conflito entre Brasil e EUA pelo controle do sistema regional de poder sul-americano, na qual em que pese existirem atritos, prevalece o objetivo comum de preservar, mediante a produção de consensos e o uso da coerção, o status quo capitalista nos países onde se desenvolvem as lutas antiimperialistas mais radicalizadas. Partindo dessa dupla dimensão, e valendo-se da correspondência diplomática coletada no Arquivo Histórico do Itamaraty, bem como de dados econômicos obtidos de diferentes fontes, atualiza-se a tese de Marini para nossos dias, propondo elementos adicionais de operacionalização de suas categorias de análise. / The main goal of this work is to analyze the South America regional integration policy of President Lula’s government in Brazil. The analytical framework for this research was provided by an updated version of Ruy Mauro Marini’s subimperialism thesis and the Marxist Theory of Dependency. According to this conceptual framework, the current Brazilian foreign policies towards South America both reflect the current production forces level of development in this country and are actively trying to hammer out a new regional division of labor which mostly benefits the Brazilian bourgeoisie and the globally dominant imperialist forces. The close association between the Brazilian government and Brazilian firms and capitals operating abroad were uncovered through close examination of economic data (trade, financial and direct investments) in most South American countries, as well as confirmed by diplomatic evidence found out at the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Relations Historical Archives in Brasilia. As Brazil and United States of America struggle to control the South American regional system, the resulting conflict and cooperation dynamics between the two actors reinforces the true nature of Lula´s policies. Brazil does prefer consensual approaches while United States seem to rely upon a more explicit coercion policy, but that does not alter their common desire of avoiding the radical and antiimperialist agenda of several other governments in the region. In short, the economics and politics of Brazilian subimperialism in South America clearly show the vitality of Marini´s Marxist Theory of Dependency and remind us to not take thoughtlessly initiatives like the Initiative for the Integration of Regional Infrastructure in South America (IIRSA).

Esta dissertação resgata a tese de Ruy Mauro Marini sobre o subimperialismo brasileiro – formulada no interior da Teoria Marxista da Dependência – aplicando-a à análise da política de integração regional do governo Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, no contexto atual das relações interamericanas. Partindo dos nexos categoriais da tese sobre o subimperialismo, busca-se examinar criticamente o papel do Estado nas iniciativas de integração econômica como a ALCSA e a IIRSA, bem como a tendência expansionista das firmas de capital brasileiro na América do Sul, a partir da hipótese de uma reconfiguração territorial e da divisão regional do trabalho que atendem a interesses da burguesia brasileira integrada ao imperialismo dominante, bem como a seus sócios locais. Simultaneamente, discute-se a dinâmica de cooperação e conflito entre Brasil e EUA pelo controle do sistema regional de poder sul-americano, na qual em que pese existirem atritos, prevalece o objetivo comum de preservar, mediante a produção de consensos e o uso da coerção, o status quo capitalista nos países onde se desenvolvem as lutas antiimperialistas mais radicalizadas. Partindo dessa dupla dimensão, e valendo-se da correspondência diplomática coletada no Arquivo Histórico do Itamaraty, bem como de dados econômicos obtidos de diferentes fontes, atualiza-se a tese de Marini para nossos dias, propondo elementos adicionais de operacionalização de suas categorias de análise. / The main goal of this work is to analyze the South America regional integration policy of President Lula’s government in Brazil. The analytical framework for this research was provided by an updated version of Ruy Mauro Marini’s subimperialism thesis and the Marxist Theory of Dependency. According to this conceptual framework, the current Brazilian foreign policies towards South America both reflect the current production forces level of development in this country and are actively trying to hammer out a new regional division of labor which mostly benefits the Brazilian bourgeoisie and the globally dominant imperialist forces. The close association between the Brazilian government and Brazilian firms and capitals operating abroad were uncovered through close examination of economic data (trade, financial and direct investments) in most South American countries, as well as confirmed by diplomatic evidence found out at the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Relations Historical Archives in Brasilia. As Brazil and United States of America struggle to control the South American regional system, the resulting conflict and cooperation dynamics between the two actors reinforces the true nature of Lula´s policies. Brazil does prefer consensual approaches while United States seem to rely upon a more explicit coercion policy, but that does not alter their common desire of avoiding the radical and antiimperialist agenda of several other governments in the region. In short, the economics and politics of Brazilian subimperialism in South America clearly show the vitality of Marini´s Marxist Theory of Dependency and remind us to not take thoughtlessly initiatives like the Initiative for the Integration of Regional Infrastructure in South America (IIRSA).

Esta dissertação resgata a tese de Ruy Mauro Marini sobre o subimperialismo brasileiro – formulada no interior da Teoria Marxista da Dependência – aplicando-a à análise da política de integração regional do governo Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, no contexto atual das relações interamericanas. Partindo dos nexos categoriais da tese sobre o subimperialismo, busca-se examinar criticamente o papel do Estado nas iniciativas de integração econômica como a ALCSA e a IIRSA, bem como a tendência expansionista das firmas de capital brasileiro na América do Sul, a partir da hipótese de uma reconfiguração territorial e da divisão regional do trabalho que atendem a interesses da burguesia brasileira integrada ao imperialismo dominante, bem como a seus sócios locais. Simultaneamente, discute-se a dinâmica de cooperação e conflito entre Brasil e EUA pelo controle do sistema regional de poder sul-americano, na qual em que pese existirem atritos, prevalece o objetivo comum de preservar, mediante a produção de consensos e o uso da coerção, o status quo capitalista nos países onde se desenvolvem as lutas antiimperialistas mais radicalizadas. Partindo dessa dupla dimensão, e valendo-se da correspondência diplomática coletada no Arquivo Histórico do Itamaraty, bem como de dados econômicos obtidos de diferentes fontes, atualiza-se a tese de Marini para nossos dias, propondo elementos adicionais de operacionalização de suas categorias de análise. / The main goal of this work is to analyze the South America regional integration policy of President Lula’s government in Brazil. The analytical framework for this research was provided by an updated version of Ruy Mauro Marini’s subimperialism thesis and the Marxist Theory of Dependency. According to this conceptual framework, the current Brazilian foreign policies towards South America both reflect the current production forces level of development in this country and are actively trying to hammer out a new regional division of labor which mostly benefits the Brazilian bourgeoisie and the globally dominant imperialist forces. The close association between the Brazilian government and Brazilian firms and capitals operating abroad were uncovered through close examination of economic data (trade, financial and direct investments) in most South American countries, as well as confirmed by diplomatic evidence found out at the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Relations Historical Archives in Brasilia. As Brazil and United States of America struggle to control the South American regional system, the resulting conflict and cooperation dynamics between the two actors reinforces the true nature of Lula´s policies. Brazil does prefer consensual approaches while United States seem to rely upon a more explicit coercion policy, but that does not alter their common desire of avoiding the radical and antiimperialist agenda of several other governments in the region. In short, the economics and politics of Brazilian subimperialism in South America clearly show the vitality of Marini´s Marxist Theory of Dependency and remind us to not take thoughtlessly initiatives like the Initiative for the Integration of Regional Infrastructure in South America (IIRSA).

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T18:26:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Lairton Moacir Winter.pdf: 485027 bytes, checksum: b1932fcc88462b9ba0961d9f4ced6f8e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-03-18 / The purpose of this work consists of analyzing the place that the big s and people s conflict occupies in Machiavelli s political thought and to investigate its relationship with the political freedom. More specifically, is the understanding of the concept of republican freedom giving special attention to his theory of the humors. The central hypothesis is that the freedom can only be reached by a balance point among the forces in conflict. For that, it is necessary that the conflict, not being annulled, be rationally regulated and normalized by the republican institutions, changing from negative force into force capable to converge in the State the commonwealth, the social order and the freedom of the whole political body. The republican law, born of the permanent confrontation of the antagonistic desires, subverts the negative character of the humors of big and people and it channels the force for the political life, demanding active citizenship of their members, it means, the participation of both humors in the public space as political agents for the maintenance of the freedom. To make it clear, we analyzed, firstly, the position of the tradition and the perspectives of the republicanism towards the problem of the political conflict in order to verify the republican elements present in Machiavelli s political thought. In a second moment, we tried to demonstrate the characteristics of the conflict of the humors, in agreement with those which the desire of the big gets confused with a desire of power, while the desire of the people is associated to freedom. In this perspective, we sought to elucidate the meaning of the good and the bad conflicts for the political life. Afterwards, we tried to highlight the need and the importance of the continuous foundation and re-foundation of the freedom front to the corruption of the republic, resulting from the homogenization of the manners of wanting of the humors in conflict. And, finally, we presented the dynamics of the conflict of the humors of big and people in the civil principality. In this regime, Machiavelli presents the conflict much more in the context of the political alliances than properly in relation to the freedom. From this point of view, we sought to demonstrate that in the civil principality the conflict is thought by Machiavelli not from the optics of the freedom, what is possible only in the republic, but from its role in the conservation and in the maintenance of the prince s power. For this reason, we tried to defend the theory of the republicanism of Machiavelli, according to the true political freedom is only possible when the antagonistic humors can relieve their desires through the participation in the public space of debates and collective decisions, what can only happen in a republican regime. / O objetivo deste trabalho consiste em analisar o lugar que o conflito de grandes e povo ocupa no pensamento político de Maquiavel e investigar a sua relação com a liberdade política. Mais especificamente, trata-se de compreender o conceito de liberdade republicana concedendo especial atenção à sua teoria dos humores. A hipótese central é a de que a liberdade somente pode ser alcançada mediante um ponto de equilíbrio entre as forças em conflito. Para isso, é necessário que o conflito, não sendo anulado, seja racionalmente regulado e normalizado pelas instituições republicanas, convertendo-se de força negativa em força capaz de fazer convergir no Estado o bem comum, a ordem social e a liberdade de todo o corpo político. A lei republicana, nascida do permanente confronto dos desejos antagônicos, subverte o caráter negativo dos humores de grandes e povo e canaliza sua força para a vida política, exigindo cidadania ativa de seus membros, isto é, a participação de ambos os humores no espaço público como agentes políticos para a manutenção da liberdade. Para esclarecê-lo, analisamos, primeiramente, a posição da tradição e as perspectivas do republicanismo frente ao problema do conflito político a fim de verificar os elementos republicanos presentes no pensamento político de Maquiavel. Num segundo momento, procuramos demonstrar as características do conflito dos humores, de acordo com as quais o desejo dos grandes se confunde com um desejo de poder, enquanto o desejo do povo se associa à liberdade. Nesta perspectiva, buscamos elucidar o significado dos bons e dos maus conflitos para a vida política. Em seguida, procuramos destacar a necessidade e a importância da contínua fundação e re-fundação da liberdade frente à corrupção da república, resultante da homogeneização dos modos de desejar dos humores em conflito. E, por fim, apresentamos a dinâmica do conflito dos humores de grandes e povo no principado civil. Neste regime, Maquiavel apresenta o conflito muito mais no contexto das alianças políticas do que propriamente em relação à liberdade. Deste ponto de vista, buscamos demonstrar que no principado civil o conflito é pensado por Maquiavel não a partir da ótica da liberdade, o que é possível apenas na república, mas do seu papel na conservação e na manutenção do poder do príncipe. Por esta razão, procuramos defender a tese do republicanismo de Maquiavel, segundo a qual a verdadeira liberdade política somente é possível quando os humores antagônicos podem desafogar seus desejos mediante sua participação no espaço público dos debates e das decisões coletivas, o que pode ocorrer apenas num regime republicano.

Cette recherche est issue d’une observation longitudinale de quatorze enfants suivis en psychothérapie ; reçus en consultations familiales avec des interprètes ou médiateurs ; soutenus dans leur environnement social et scolaire ; et pour certains, accueillis en hôpital de jour. Il s’agit essentiellement d’enfants d’origine africaine, simultanément engagés par leur famille dans des traitements traditionnels. Le caractère bifocal – individuel et environnemental – de ces suivis, ouvre à un questionnement épistémologique dans ces deux champs respectifs – psychologique et social – et dans celui de leur articulation. Il engage, pour éviter l’écueil du relativisme ou des confusions sémantiques, à un approfondissement des notions de complémentarisme et d’acculturation antagoniste telles qu’elles ont été formalisées par Devereux, et prolongées, pour cette dernière, par certains sociologues comme Bourdieu et Sayad, ou du point de vue des paradoxes qu’elle soulève, par les travaux de Winnicott, de Roussillon, de Bateson, ou de certains cognitivistes. Ces observations conjointes et longues, sur trois à dix ans, soulignent les nombreuses interfaces entre les problématiques des enfants suivis et le champ familial et social auquel ouvrent les traitements culturels de leur malaise. En cela, la réflexion sur ces psychothérapies interculturelles soutient celle déjà engagée par d’autres cliniciens sur l’articulation de l’intrasubjectivité et de l’intersubjectivité, et sur les médiations thérapeutiques. Elle amène à approfondir dans ce domaine le sens des notions de symbolisation, de traduction, et de transitionnalité, dans la suite des travaux de Roussillon, de Berman, et de Winnicott. / This work is based on the longitudinal observation of 14 children treated with psychotherapy, seen in family consultations with interpreters or mediators, supported in their social and school environment and in some cases, admitted to day hospitals. Most children are of African origin, with families that simultaneously looked for traditional treatments. The bifocal character of these follow-ups – individual and environmental – allows for epistemological questioning in both of the respective fields – psychological and social – and in their articulation. It involves, in order to avoid the pitfalls of relativism or semantic confusions, a more profound analysis of the notions of complementarism and antagonistic acculturation as they have been formalized by Devereux, and developed in the case of acculturation, by certain sociologists such as Bourdieu and Sayad, or from the perspective of paradoxes that result, of the work of Winnicott, Roussillon, Bateson and certain cognitivists. These conjoined and long clinical follow-ups lasting from three to ten years underline the numerous interfaces between the problematics of the treated children and the family and social fields implicit in the cultural treatment of their illness. As such, the reflection about these intercultural psychotherapies supports work already engaged by other clinicians on the articulation between intra- and inter-subjectivity and on therapeutic mediations. It allows for a more profound examination of meaning of the notions of symbolization, translation and transitional space, following the work of Roussillon, Berman and Winnicott.

Sexual conflicts arise when there is a difference in how females and males of a species or population achieve their maximum reproductive fitness. In intralocus sexual conflicts, alleles at a given locus are exposed to conflicting, or antagonistic, selection pressures. Based on a Genome-wide association study on sexually antagonistic genes in Drosophila melanogaster (fruit flies), the aim of this study was to investigate whether the candidate gene CG3598 exhibits sexually antagonistic effects on fitness between the 2 identified alleles of the gene. The study was performed on females from a Canton-S population of D. melanogaster who, by genetic manipulation through CRISPR Cas9, carried one of the 2 alleles of the CG3598. 6 excision lines of females had allele 1 and 5 excision lines had allele 2. The females were mated with "wild type" males from a Canton-S population in mediums prepared with about 6 mg of live dry yeast, after which the females were moved to separate mediums to lay their eggs. After 12 days, the adult offspring were counted and statistical calculations were performed on the average number of offspring per female for each line and allele. An Independent sample t-test showed that the females’ average fecundity did not differ between alleles (p = 0.059) and a Nested ANOVA analysis indicated that the average fecundity for each line within each allele differed (p = 0.023). Due to the fact that similar studies have found the same result, it may be necessary to investigate and possibly change the experimental design of the method to enable competition between females with different genetic conditions in order to observe a difference in fertility based on the females' ability to compete. / Sexuella konflikter uppstår när det finns en skillnad i hur honor och hanar i en art eller population uppnår sin maximala reproduktiva fitness. Vid intralocus sexuella konflikter utsätts alleler vid ett givet locus för motstridiga, eller antagonistiska, selektionstryck. Baserat på en Genome-wide association study om sexuellt antagonistiska gener hos Drosophila melanogaster (bananflugor) syftade denna studie till att undersöka huruvida genkandidaten CG3598 uppvisar sexuellt antagonistiska effekter på fitness mellan de 2 identifierade allelerna av genen. Undersökningen utfördes på honor från en CantonS-population av D. melanogaster som genom genmodifiering av CRISPR Cas9 bar en av de olika alleler av genen CG3598. 6 linjer av honor bar allel 1 och 5 linjer bar allel 2. Honorna parades med ”wild type”-hanar från en CantonS-population i rör preparerade med ca 6 mg levande torrjäst, varpå honorna förflyttades till separata rör för att lägga sina ägg. Efter 12 dagar räknades de vuxna avkommorna och statistiska beräkningar utfördes på det genomsnittliga antalet avkommor per hona för respektive linje och allel. Ett oberoende t-test visade att honornas genomsnittliga fekunditet inte skiljde sig mellan alleler (p=0,059) och en Nested ANOVA-analys indikerade att genomsnittlig fekunditet för varje linje inom respektive allel skiljde sig (p=0,023). Då även liknande studier funnit samma resultat kan det vara nödvändig att studera och eventuellt förändra den experimentella designen av metoden för att möjliggöra konkurrens mellan honor med olika genetiska förutsättningar för att kunna observera en skillnad i fekunditet baserat på honornas förmåga att konkurrera.

The work is devoted to the analytic construction of solvability sets (the maximal stable bridges) in two examples of antagonistic differential games. In the first example, the control system is described by the dynamics of simple motions. The sections of the solvability sets at given time are defined on the basis of the terminal set and sets restricting the players' controls by means of the algebraic sum and the geometric difference. In the proof, we construct optimal strategies of the players explicitly. In the second example, we consider the system with modified dynamics, in which the possibilities capabilities of the second player depend on the phase position of the system. The investigation is carried out by means of the characteristic system of the Hamilton–Jacobi–Isaacs equation. We found conditions on the parameters of the problem under which the boundary of the solvability set is smooth. For the remaining values of the parameters, we found a qualitative picture of the, which is similar to the solution in the first example and has a scattering line. The obtained results can be used as a basis for further analytical studies of differential games with the dependence of the players' possibilities on the phase position of the system as well as for the development of numerical methods for solving such problems. / Работа посвящена аналитическому построению множеств разрешимости (максимальных стабильных мостов) в двух примерах антагонистических дифференциальных игр. В первом примере управляемая система описывается динамикой простых движений. Сечения множеств разрешимости в заданный момент времени определяются на основе терминального множества и множеств, ограничивающих управления игроков, с помощью операций алгебраической суммы и геометрической разности. Доказательство проводится при помощи явного построения оптимальных стратегий игроков. Во втором примере рассматривается система с модифицированной динамикой, при которой возможности второго игрока зависят от фазового положения системы. Исследование проводится при помощи характеристической системы уравнения Гамильтона – Якоби – Айзекса. Выделены условия на параметры задачи, при которых граница множества разрешимости является гладкой. Для остальных значений параметров найдена качественная картина решения, которая аналогична решению в первом примере и обладает рассеивающей линией. Полученные результаты могут быть использованы как основа для дальнейших аналитических исследований дифференциальных игр с зависимостью возможностей игроков от фазового положения системы, а также для разработки численных методов решения таких задач.

No description available.

Die motorischen Fähigkeiten humanoider Roboter werden häufig von antriebsbedingten Nichtlinearitäten und Reibungseffekten negativ beeinflusst. Zur deren Kompensation werden üblicherweise modellbasierte Regelkreise genutzt, die i.d.R. von einer hochfrequenten Signalverarbeitung und mehreren Sensorqualitäten abhängen. Entgegen solch modellbasierten Techniken werden in der vorliegenden Arbeit modellfreie Steuerungsmethoden auf Basis parallel gekoppelter Antriebe entwickelt. Zur Entwicklung und Untersuchung dieser Steuerungsmethoden wird nach der von Pfeifer in seinem Werk “How the body shapes the way we think” beschriebenen synthetischen Methodik vorgegangen. Entgegen modellbasierten Untersuchungen auf Basis von Simulationen stehen bei der synthetischen Methodik empirische Untersuchungen am realen System im Vordergrund. Als Ausgangspunkt dienen konventionelle elektromechanische Antriebe mit deren bekannten leistungseinschränkenden Nichtlinearitäten und Reibungseffekten. Durch die parallele Kopplung mehrerer Antriebe an einem einzelnen Gelenk wird das Spektrum der Steuerungsmöglichkeiten deutlich erweitert. Es zeigt sich, dass (1) durch eine konstante antagonistische Vorspannung das Arbeitsverhalten von konventionellen Proportionalreglern optimiert werden kann, (2) durch dynamische asymmetrische Änderung der Vorspannung Nichtlinearitäten bei niedrigen Geschwindigkeiten ausgeglichen werden können und (3) getriebebedingte Reibungseffekte mit einer phasenverschobenen Pulsmodulation der Steuersignale kompensiert werden können. Weiterhin wird gezeigt, wie die erarbeiteten Steuerungsmethoden auf beliebig viele parallel gekoppelte Antriebe übertragen werden können. Für den praktischen Einsatz der Steuerungsmethoden werden diese in einer hybriden Steuerung zusammengeführt. Diese wird durch eine weitere Funktion, den Energiesparmodus beim Halten statischer Positionen, ergänzt und am humanoiden Roboter Myon implementiert und experimentell evaluiert. / Motor functions of humanoid robots are often negatively influenced by nonlinearities and friction effects of the actuators. The popular means of compensation are control circuits based on modelling, which rely on powerful HF Signal processing and various sensor qualities. In contrast, this thesis develops non-modelling control methods based on parallel coupled actuators. Development and exploration of these control methods follow Pfeifer’s synthetic methodology as described in his work “How the body shapes the way we think”. In contrast to the analysis based on emulation as used in modelling, the synthetic methodology focuses rather on empirical tests within the real system. The present work explores control methods for parallel coupled actuators for use in robot points. It starts from conventional electromechanical actuators with their known power limiting nonlinearities and frictional effects. Linking several parallel coupled actuators to a single joint significantly expands the spectrum of control capabilities. Using two parallel coupled actuators as an example, it is examined to which extent undesirable properties of single actuators can be compensated. The results show that (1) the Performance of conventional proportional controllers can be optimized by a constant antagonistic bias voltage, (2) nonlinearities at low velocities can be balanced out by a dynamic asymmetrical adjustment of the bias, and that (3) gear related frictional effects can be compensated by a phase shifted pulse modulation of the control signals. In addition, it is shown how the developed control methods can be applied to a random number of parallel coupled actuators. For practical use, the various control methods are combined in a hybrid control, which is supplemented by an energy saving mode when maintaining static positions. The hybrid control is being implemented into the humanoid robot Myon and evaluated by experiment.