<p><strong>Relations between the Central </strong><strong>Organisation</strong><strong> of the Workers of Sweden and the Swedish Trade Union Confederation, 1910-1930:</strong></p><p><strong>The Unification Debate</strong></p><p> </p><p>The purpose of this study is to depict the hostile relations between the two unions, the Central Organisation of the Workers of Sweden (SAC), and the Swedish Trade Union Confederation (LO), between the years 1910 and 1930, the proposal of and following debate about unification being especially focused on. The questions are the following:</p><p>1. What ideological differences where there between SAC and LO? 2. What ideas were common in the debate? 3. What arguments had the organisations pro and against unification? 4. What changes would the proposal, if accomplished, had lead to? 5. Why did SAC turn the proposal down?</p><p>My theory is that the different ideological and organisational differences stopped unification from happening, this being the reason both for the proposal of unification and for it being turned down. My conclusions are that this was in fact the reason: when LO proposed unification it was with the purpose of keeping the organisation reformist. SAC turned the proposal down because the organisation is revolutionary. These fundamental ideological differences in turn affected its goal and means in such a matter that any unification that would keep elements of both ideologies became impossible.</p><p>The primary sources for the study are the original proposal from LO, and a brochure from SAC, explaining their answer. In addition, I studied both of the organisations’ regulations and two propaganda brochures from LO about syndicalism.</p>

Relations between the Central Organisation of the Workers of Sweden and the Swedish Trade Union Confederation, 1910-1930: The Unification Debate   The purpose of this study is to depict the hostile relations between the two unions, the Central Organisation of the Workers of Sweden (SAC), and the Swedish Trade Union Confederation (LO), between the years 1910 and 1930, the proposal of and following debate about unification being especially focused on. The questions are the following: 1. What ideological differences where there between SAC and LO? 2. What ideas were common in the debate? 3. What arguments had the organisations pro and against unification? 4. What changes would the proposal, if accomplished, had lead to? 5. Why did SAC turn the proposal down? My theory is that the different ideological and organisational differences stopped unification from happening, this being the reason both for the proposal of unification and for it being turned down. My conclusions are that this was in fact the reason: when LO proposed unification it was with the purpose of keeping the organisation reformist. SAC turned the proposal down because the organisation is revolutionary. These fundamental ideological differences in turn affected its goal and means in such a matter that any unification that would keep elements of both ideologies became impossible. The primary sources for the study are the original proposal from LO, and a brochure from SAC, explaining their answer. In addition, I studied both of the organisations’ regulations and two propaganda brochures from LO about syndicalism.

<p>This paper illustrates the working conditions at the copper factory in Åtvidaberg during 1800-1890 from different views. The highest salary was given to the building contractor. Thereafter came in order the rust turners, the garmaker, the melter, the ore booker, the factory supervisor and the garmaker hand. Also the rest of the working conditions for different employees might differ from each other in this order. The mine workers generally earned a little less than the other workers at the factory, and especially the workers in the Bersbo mine. The salary was mainly taken out in cash, rye, herring, salt and schnaps. Other benefits that the workers enjoyed included accomodation, firewood, potatoe land, free medical care and medicaments, temporary disability pension, great profits for women and children, a permament working profit etcetera. The factory workers and especially the miners in Åtvidaberg had poor working conditions, they were low-paid and had much to do during long working days which lasted around 12-15.5 hours in a non-confidental working environment. Women and children had worse working conditions than men.</p>

This paper illustrates the working conditions at the copper factory in Åtvidaberg during 1800-1890 from different views. The highest salary was given to the building contractor. Thereafter came in order the rust turners, the garmaker, the melter, the ore booker, the factory supervisor and the garmaker hand. Also the rest of the working conditions for different employees might differ from each other in this order. The mine workers generally earned a little less than the other workers at the factory, and especially the workers in the Bersbo mine. The salary was mainly taken out in cash, rye, herring, salt and schnaps. Other benefits that the workers enjoyed included accomodation, firewood, potatoe land, free medical care and medicaments, temporary disability pension, great profits for women and children, a permament working profit etcetera. The factory workers and especially the miners in Åtvidaberg had poor working conditions, they were low-paid and had much to do during long working days which lasted around 12-15.5 hours in a non-confidental working environment. Women and children had worse working conditions than men.

Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka hur en fackförening på en liten ort i Dalarna upplevt den stora arbetsmarknadskonflikt hösten 1909, känd som storstrejken. Hur dess medlemmar upplevde de påfrestningar de drabbades av och hur de klarade strejken och dess följder. Materialet består av mötesprotokoll från avdelningen samt den korrespondens som förekom mellan fackföreningen och förbundsledningen, och LO:s landssekretariat. I centrum för undersökningen står den under 1907 startade fackföreningen vid J.H. Munktells pappersbruk AB i Grycksbo, avdelning 332, tillhörande Grov- och Fabriksarbetarförbundet. Resultatet av undersökningen visar att fackföreningen kände en mycket begränsad entusiasm för storstrejken, beroende på dålig ekonomi och bristande tilltro till den egna förmågan. Vid strejkens början gick fackföreningen lojalt ut i strejk. Den fortsatta utvecklingen ledde till den inte ovanliga bilden med blockad och fridlysning av arbetsplatsen, strejkbryteri och ett med tiden ökande antal arbetare som gav upp strejken och sitt fackliga engagemang. För några få arbetare blev konsekvensen avsked. För fackföreningen blev konsekvensen ett drastiskt minskande medlemsantal.

Historia om industrin har fokuserat mycket på den tekniska utvecklingen i stort och detta återspeglas i den allmänna historieskrivningen. På senare tid har intresset för lokal industri och mikrohistoria komma fram. Detta reflekteras i Gamla Halmstads publikationer skrivna i syfte att bevara denna del av Hallands historia. Uppsatsen analyserar hur föreningen Gamla Halmstad beskriver de lokala företagens historia, deras tekniska utveckling och arbetarnas situation i sina publikationer om Hallands industrier. Uppsatsen analyserar även hur lokal historia har skrivits för andra platser samt hur historiker har beskrivit dessa industrier, arbetarnas situation och den tekniska utvecklingen. Noterbart är att böcker skrivna av historiker från samma tidsepok lägger stor vikt på den tekniska utvecklingen men det finns också ett fokus på arbetarnas historia. Gamla Halmstads böcker liknar i mycket de industrihistoriska böcker som analyseras i forskningsläget. Böckerna har dock haft sitt fokus på företagen, främst på vad som har haft direkt påverkan på deras utveckling och ekonomi. Arbetarnas situation beskrivs ofta som en kamp mellan arbetare och arbetsgivare om arbetsförhållanden, arbetstider och löner. Böckerna ger också en viss inblick i arbetarnas liv och sociala villkor. Endast boken Med stål i trä nämner inte arbetarnas situation. Den tekniska utvecklingen framställs både i positiva och negativa termer. För en del av industrierna ledde nya tekniker och teknologier till ökad tillväxt med billigare och effektivare produktion. Samtidigt har många av de nya teknikerna och teknologierna fått företag att gå i konkurs eftersom deras produkter har blivit obsoleta. Framställningen av både arbetarnas situation och den tekniska utvecklingen stöds av bildmaterial i alla publikationer.

Den 14 augusti 1922 utbröt strejk vid de enskilda järnvägarna i Sverige. Det är en av de största strejkerna som genomförts i landet med ca 4 878 strejkande. Bergslagernas Järnvägar, som hade sträckan Göteborg C – Kil – Falun C, var en av de järnvägar som drogs in i strejken. Bergslagernas Järnvägar hade sin huvudverkstad förlagd i Åmål och den kom att bli en av de största strejkplatserna. Fackföreningarna vid järnvägen bildade strejkutskott för att organisera och genomföra strejken. I Åmåls Föreningsarkiv finns handlingar från strejkutskottet i Åmål och de handlingarna är källmaterialet i den här uppsatsen. Under mellankrigstiden var konflikterna mellan arbetsgivare och arbetstagare ibland våldsamma och de strejkande använde sig av olika aktioner i form av konfliktrepertoarer för att försvara strejken och hindra strejkbrytare från att ta arbete vid de strejkdrabbade arbetsplatserna. Uppsatsen är ett bidrag till forskningsfältet arbetarhistoria med syfte att undersöka hur de strejkande använde sig av konfliktrepertoarer, hur dessa såg ut och i vilket syfte de användes. Resultatet av studien visar att de vanligast använda strejkrepertoarerna var hemföljning, uppvaktning och uthängning av strejkbrytare samt att det förekom aktiviteter för att stärka solidariteten bland de strejkande och skapa distans till strejkbrytarna. Konfliktrepertoarerna innehöll olika ritualer och blev meningsskapande för de strejkande genom att repertoarerna värnade om strejken som vapen, stärkte identiteten som arbetare, skapade sammanhållning och gav de strejkande möjlighet att skapa berättelsen om strejken.

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This is a study of an ethnic hierarchical division of labor on Iföverken in the south of Sweden between 1895-1930. The study aims to see if migrants got different kind of profession at Iföverken and if there were in fact ethnic hierarchical distribution of work. It also aims to see if the pattern of ethnic hierarchical division of labor was different before and after the First World War. Also, the study aims to see in what regard these labor migrants became members of the local union, division 227. By studying if labor migrants got different kind of professions using the concept of class in a structuralist perspective, hierarchical positions become visible. Using moving in and out records that the priests wrote as migrants arrived and member list of the union as the main sources, the study shows that there existed a pattern of ethnic hierarchical division of labor. The results show that migrants from regions with Slavic population got the most unskilled work while migrants from regions with German population made most of the professional and higher valued workforce. There where some migrants that became active members of the union division 227, consequently it can be argued that these migrants where a part of a collective movement and class struggle.

This thesis lays focus on the Young Socialist Movement (ungsocialisterna) and their mobilisation in Stockholm between 1903 and 1910. In line with social movement research the theoretical concepts of mobilisation structure and resource mobilisation are used to examine the Young Socialists local clubs mobilisation and its prerequisites. The results show that the mobilisation structure of the Young Socialists in Stockholm was characterised by a fragmented organisational framework, wherein local clubs operated independently. This underscored the importance of the groups social network in their mobilising efforts and collaboration between the clubs. The ideological stance was ambiguous, and various radical ideas influenced the mobilisation structure of the group. Due to a lack of tangible resources, human and intangible resources played an essential role in the Young Socialists mobilisation efforts. Over time the decentralised organisational structures and diverse ideological affiliations came to hinder the Young Socialists effectiveness in mobilising towards their goal: the socialist revolution. This study sheds light on the practices and mobilising process of an often overlooked group that was highly influential in shaping the early labour movement in Sweden. It also underscores the importance of a unified mobilisation structure for social movements.