O objetivo desta tese é analisar a relação entre saberes locais e arqueológicos na construção do conhecimento sobre o passado, usando da metodologia etnográfica, e com base nos conceitos de arqueologia pública e patrimônio arqueológico. Como estudo de caso, escolhi o sítio arqueológico \"Charqueada Santa Bárbara\", fragmento de uma antiga estancia de produção de charque (carne seca) de mesmo nome, em Pelotas/RS. Com isso, minha pesquisa esteve associada ao projeto O Pampa Negro: Arqueologia da escravidão na região meridional do Rio Grande do Sul (1780-1888), coordenado por Lucio Menezes Ferreira. Como ferramentas de análise, tomei como guia cinco conceitos específicos: representação social, memória, paisagem, narrativa e agência. Como resultado, defendo três pontos essenciais. Primeiro, que a arqueologia pública não se deixe fagocitar pelas estratégias de mercado, e permaneça como um veio da disciplina preocupado com produção de conhecimento crítico sobre o passado, e com uma postura engajada no presente. Segundo, que patrimônio é uma categoria Estatal de gestão do espaço e memória social. Como tal, ela não é análoga à relações de afeto desenvolvidas entre pessoas e coisas. Mas concede à arqueologia um poder, mesmo que pequeno, sobre as condições sociais e histórias que serão representadas no patrimônio arqueológico, e devemos usar esse poder pelo viés da arqueologia pública como defendo. Por fim, em consonância com os demais resultados, busquei produzir uma narrativa de história recente sobre os moradores que ainda vivem sobre o sítio arqueológico. Para isso, analisei suas materialidades cotidianas, que se mostraram mais representativas de suas histórias, e também de histórias mais críticas sobre o passado de Pelotas. Entre tantos temas identificados pela etnografia, escolhi falar sobre história das mulheres na Chácara. / The aim of this thesis is to analyze the relationship between local and archaeological expertise in the construction of knowledge about the past, using an ethnographic method, and based on the concepts of public archeology and archaeological heritage. As a case study, I chose the archaeological site of \"Charqueada Santa Bárbara\", a fragment of an old plantation of charque production (jerked beaf) of the same name, in Pelotas/RS/Brazil. My research was associated to the project The Pampa Negro: Archeology of slavery in the southern region of Rio Grande do Sul (1780-1888), coordinated by Lucio Menezes Ferreira. Among so many themes identified by ethnography, I chose to talk about the history of women in Chácara Santa Bárbara. As tools of analysis, I followed the path of five particular concepts: social representation, memory, landscape, narrative, and agency. As a result, I advocate three essential points. First, public archeology must remain a branch of discipline concerned with producing critical knowledge about the past and an engaged political stance in the present while disallowing itself to be absorbed by marketing strategies. Second, heritage is a State category for space and social memory management. As such, it is not analogous to the affective relations developed between persons and things. Nonetheless, it gives archeology the power to help define social conditions and stories that will be represented in the archaeological heritage, and we must use that power to show critical and socially responsible versions of the past. Finally, according to these premises, I tried to produce a recent historical narrative about the residents who still live at Charqueada Santa Bárbara. For that, I analyzed their daily material culture, which were more representative of their life stories, and of more critical pictures of Pelotas\' past.

La France et les États-Unis ont reconnu l’importance de préserver les biens archéologiques situés sur leurs territoires en leur offrant une protection légale contre toute détérioration ou destruction, en vue de leur jouissance par les générations présentes et de leur transmission pour les générations futures. Cette importance fait écho à l’existence d’un intérêtpublic pour la préservation du patrimoine archéologique. Clé de voûte des législations protectrices, l’intérêt public prend sa source dans différentes valeurs qui sont assignées aux biens archéologiques: les valeurs cognitive, identitaire, esthétique et économique. Les législations protectrices des deux pays se sont développées autour de la promotion de lavaleur cognitive, et également, en ce qui concerne les États-Unis surtout, autour de la promotion de la valeur identitaire.Si les États-Unis et la France reconnaissent l’intérêt public qui s’attache à la préservation des ressources archéologiques, leurs droits n’ont pas pour autant tiré toutes les conséquences de la spécificité de ces ressources. En effet, le système de propriété sur lequel sont assises les législations protectrices est fortement emprunt du droit commun, qui ne laisse guère de place au statut spécial des ressources archéologiques qu’il envisage comme de simples biens. Cette assise se révèle être une source de tensions pour la protection des vestiges car elle soulève l’affrontement de deux intérêts antagonistes : celui de l’intérêt public, porté par l’objectif de préservation, et l’intérêt privé, exprimé à travers le droit de propriété. Ces tensions ne se manifestant qu’eu égard aux biens qui entrent dans le champ d'application des législations protectrices, la question de la définition légale des biens archéologiques s’avère être une question de prime importance. Son étude révèle qu’il n’existe aucun statut uniforme du bien archéologique dans les deux pays. Néanmoins, toutes leslégislations protectrices reconnaissent la spécificité des ressources qu’elles protègent, en développant des mécanismes protecteurs spécifiques. Les deux systèmes juridiques tendent à favoriser la mise en œuvre de mécanismes d’appropriation publique des biens archéologiques, la puissance publique étant perçue comme le propriétaire le plus apte à assurer l’intérêt public. Ces mécanismes se heurtent à la force de résistance opposée par la propriété privée. Toutefois, la propriété privée des ressources archéologiques n’est pas nécessairement synonyme d’absence de protection.Aucune propriété spéciale n’a ainsi été mise en oeuvre. Les conflits soulevés entre préservation et propriété des biens archéologiques dans les systèmes protecteurs actuels pourraient dès lors être résolus en tirant les conséquences de la spécificité des biens archéologiques. Il ne serait pas nécessaire de remettre en cause le système même de propriétéde ces biens. En tant que bien spécial, devrait lui être assignée une propriété spéciale. / France and the United States have both recognized the importance of preserving archaeological resources against any damage or destruction through legal protection so that their use by present generations and their transfer to future generations may be ensured. This importance is reflected through the existence of a public interest in the preservation ofarchaeological resources. The public interest is rooted in different values which are assigned to archaeological resources and which may be referred to as the cognitive value, the identity value, the aesthetic value and the economic value. In both countries the cognitive value appears to be the cornerstone of protective legislation.Even though the United States and France recognize that there is a public interest in preserving archaeological resources, the ownership of archaeological resources is still deeply governed by common law rules, according to which archaeological resources are seen as mere property. This dichotomy proves to be a source of tension between two competing interests:the public interest which lies in archaeological resources protection on the one hand, and the private interest, expressed through ownership, on the other hand.The legal definition of protected archaeological resources lies therefore at the forefront of the issue. In both countries, there is no uniform status of archaeological resources. However, protective legislation recognizes the very specificity of these resources, developing therefore specific protective schemes. The two legal systems tend to favor public ownership, the state being seen has the most suitable owner capable of ensuring preservation. But private ownership appears to be a strong opposition public ownership has to face. However, private ownership of archaeological resources does not necessarily equal lack of protection.No special property status has thus been implemented in either countries. Conflicts arising between preservation and ownership of archaeological resources in the current protective systems could therefore be resolved by drawing the consequences of the specificity of archaeological resources into the protective schemes.

The first protective activities of historical and archaeological heritage in the province of Girona (Catalonia, Spain), although some earlier precedents, were produced from the third decade of the nineteenth century. These arose as a reaction to this terrible destruction suffered as a result of the introduction of the liberal state and the disappearance of several regular orders. Preservationists actions were carried out by some pseudo-public entities, which acted at the request of local authorities. These entities include the the Diputación Arqueológica, the Sociedad de Amigos del País and the Comisión de Monumentos. These corporations, with significant human and economic constraints, began activities as important as the beginning of the excavations of the site of Ampurias, the formation of a provincial museum in Girona and the restoration of the monastery of Ripoll. / Les primeres actuacions protectores del patrimoni històric i arqueològic a l’actual província de Girona, tot i haver-hi alguns precedents anteriors, es produïren a partir de la tercera dècada del segle XIX. Aquestes sorgiren com a reacció a les terribles destruccions que patí aquest com a conseqüència de la instauració de l’Estat liberal i la desaparició dels ordres regulars. Les actuacions proteccionistes es vehicularen, majoritàriament, a través d’un seguit d’ens pseudo-públics, que actuaren a instancia de les administracions locals (Diputació i Govern Civil). Entre aquestes entitats cal destacar la Diputació Arqueològica, la Societat d’Amics del País i la Comissió de Monuments, per esmentar només unes quantes. Entitats que amb els seus escassos mitjans humans i materials endegaren activitats tan importants com: l’inici de les excavacions del jaciment d’Empúries, la formació d’un museu provincial a Girona i la restauració del monestir de Ripoll. / Las primeras actividades protectoras del patrimonio histórico y arqueológico en la actual provincia de Gerona, aunque hay algunos precedentes anteriores, se produjeron a partir de la tercera década del siglo XIX. Estas surgieron como reacción a las terribles destrucciones que sufrió este como resultado de la instauración del Estado liberal y la desaparición de los diversos órdenes regulares. Las actuaciones proteccionistas se vehicularon, mayoritariamente, a través de una serie de entidades pseudos-públicas, que actuaron a instancia de las administraciones locales (Diputación y Gobierno Civil). Entre estas entidades cabe destacar la Diputación Arqueológica, la Sociedad de Amigos del País y la Comisión de Monumentos, por citar solo unas cuantas. Entidades que con sus escasos medios humanos y materiales iniciaron actividades tan importantes como: el inicio de las excavaciones del yacimiento de Ampurias, la formación de un museo provincial en Gerona y la restauración del monasterio de Ripoll.

O objetivo desta tese é analisar a relação entre saberes locais e arqueológicos na construção do conhecimento sobre o passado, usando da metodologia etnográfica, e com base nos conceitos de arqueologia pública e patrimônio arqueológico. Como estudo de caso, escolhi o sítio arqueológico \"Charqueada Santa Bárbara\", fragmento de uma antiga estancia de produção de charque (carne seca) de mesmo nome, em Pelotas/RS. Com isso, minha pesquisa esteve associada ao projeto O Pampa Negro: Arqueologia da escravidão na região meridional do Rio Grande do Sul (1780-1888), coordenado por Lucio Menezes Ferreira. Como ferramentas de análise, tomei como guia cinco conceitos específicos: representação social, memória, paisagem, narrativa e agência. Como resultado, defendo três pontos essenciais. Primeiro, que a arqueologia pública não se deixe fagocitar pelas estratégias de mercado, e permaneça como um veio da disciplina preocupado com produção de conhecimento crítico sobre o passado, e com uma postura engajada no presente. Segundo, que patrimônio é uma categoria Estatal de gestão do espaço e memória social. Como tal, ela não é análoga à relações de afeto desenvolvidas entre pessoas e coisas. Mas concede à arqueologia um poder, mesmo que pequeno, sobre as condições sociais e histórias que serão representadas no patrimônio arqueológico, e devemos usar esse poder pelo viés da arqueologia pública como defendo. Por fim, em consonância com os demais resultados, busquei produzir uma narrativa de história recente sobre os moradores que ainda vivem sobre o sítio arqueológico. Para isso, analisei suas materialidades cotidianas, que se mostraram mais representativas de suas histórias, e também de histórias mais críticas sobre o passado de Pelotas. Entre tantos temas identificados pela etnografia, escolhi falar sobre história das mulheres na Chácara. / The aim of this thesis is to analyze the relationship between local and archaeological expertise in the construction of knowledge about the past, using an ethnographic method, and based on the concepts of public archeology and archaeological heritage. As a case study, I chose the archaeological site of \"Charqueada Santa Bárbara\", a fragment of an old plantation of charque production (jerked beaf) of the same name, in Pelotas/RS/Brazil. My research was associated to the project The Pampa Negro: Archeology of slavery in the southern region of Rio Grande do Sul (1780-1888), coordinated by Lucio Menezes Ferreira. Among so many themes identified by ethnography, I chose to talk about the history of women in Chácara Santa Bárbara. As tools of analysis, I followed the path of five particular concepts: social representation, memory, landscape, narrative, and agency. As a result, I advocate three essential points. First, public archeology must remain a branch of discipline concerned with producing critical knowledge about the past and an engaged political stance in the present while disallowing itself to be absorbed by marketing strategies. Second, heritage is a State category for space and social memory management. As such, it is not analogous to the affective relations developed between persons and things. Nonetheless, it gives archeology the power to help define social conditions and stories that will be represented in the archaeological heritage, and we must use that power to show critical and socially responsible versions of the past. Finally, according to these premises, I tried to produce a recent historical narrative about the residents who still live at Charqueada Santa Bárbara. For that, I analyzed their daily material culture, which were more representative of their life stories, and of more critical pictures of Pelotas\' past.

À l’heure actuelle, les occasions de « rencontrer » des hommes du passé (ou du moins leurs représentants) se multiplient : l’exposition d’archéologie ne présente plus seulement des objets, mais fait découvrir au visiteur le mode de vie des anciens habitants d’un lieu ; les reconstitutions historiques font « revivre » des hommes du passé et mettent en scène courses de chars, artisanat et autres gestes « ancestraux » devant les yeux du public ; et enfin, les guides de monuments historiques prennent les traits de personnages-types, favorisant l’immersion et l’attachement au lieu. De la même manière, les émissions de télévision sur l’archéologie semblent de plus en plus effacer le scientifique et les vestiges du dispositif ; proposant ainsi une relation plus directe au passé et à l’homme du passé (c’est le cas par exemple de docufictions comme Homo Sapiens de Jacques Malaterre). Cette recherche questionne ainsi la relation au passé, proposée par les émissions de télévision sur l’archéologie. Comment ces films peuvent-ils créer une relation à la fois scientifique et symbolique au passé et à « l’autre » ? Quels sont les effets de cette nouvelle forme de médiation qui feint de s’effacer ? À l’inverse, quels sont les effets de l’affirmation du dispositif de médiation (dans les documentaires et les reportages) ? Pour répondre à ces questions, nous avons adopté une démarche « feuilletée », en « entonnoir ». Un corpus de référence réunit d’abord toutes les émissions sur l’archéologie, diffusées entre 1995 et 2008, sur la télévision hertzienne française. Son analyse statistique permet de dégager des tendances générales quant à la représentation de l’archéologie à la télévision. Ensuite, l’analyse sémiopragmatique d’un corpus test de 13 émissions sur Pompéi, mène à la constitution d’un modèle d’analyse de la médiation du passé et d’un outil permettant la systématisation du recueil de données sur un grand nombre d’émissions. Enfin, un troisième corpus de 51 émissions permet la vérification de ce modèle et aboutit à l’identification de quatre types de construction de la relation au passé. L’apport de l’étude est triple : 1) elle génère des connaissances sur l’objet de recherche lui-même, c’est-à-dire sur les représentations les plus courantes de l’archéologie à la télévision ; 2) elle propose une méthodologie et un modèle d’analyse de la médiation fondés sur des outils issus de la sémiopragmatique ; 3) enfin, d’un point de vue théorique, la recherche permet d’envisager la médiation, non comme un lien sociétal ou un « entre-deux », mais comme une stratégie de modulation de la distance, possible notamment grâce à l’intervention de « figures » de médiation. Ces figures sont des éléments référentiels qui cristallisent des représentations sociales et qui ont des rôles à jouer dans l’énonciation et la narrativité de l’émission / At present time, the occasions of “meetings” with men from the past (or at least with their representatives) multiply: the archaeology exposure does not only present the objects anymore, but makes discover the visitor, the lifestyle of the former inhabitants of a place; the historical reconstitutions make “relife” the men from the past and put in stage horse races and ancestral gestures in front of the public eyes; and finally, guides of historical places take the appearance of characters, supporting the immersion and the attachment to the place. In the same way, the TV shows about archaeology seem to erase the scientist and the vestiges of the device, offering a more direct relation to the past and to the man from the past (for example the docudrama Homo Sapiens, by Jacques Malaterre). This research questions the relation to the past, built by the television programs about archaeology. How these devices can create at the same time, a scientific and a symbolic relation to the past? Which are the effects of this new form of mediation which pretends to be erased? On the contrary, which are the effects of the affirmation of the mediation device (in the documentaries and reports)? To answer these questions, we adopted a “laminated” method, in “funnel”. A corpus of reference joins all the programs about archaeology, diffused between 1995 and 2008, on french hertzian television. Its statistical analysis makes it possible to draw the general tendencies of the representation of archaeology on television. Then, the semiopragmatic analysis of a test corpus of 13 emissions about Pompeii, leads to the constitution of an analysis model of the mediation to the past and to the constitution of a tool, allowing the analysis of a great number of films. Lastly, a third corpus of 51 emissions allows the checking of this model and leads to the identification of four types of construction of relation to the past. The contribution of the study is triple: 1) it brings knowledge about the object of research itself, about the most common representations of archaeology on television; 2) it proposes a methodology and an analysis model of the mediation based on tools coming from the semiopragmatic; 3) finally, from a theoretical point of view, this research makes it possible to consider the mediation, not as a “social bond” or a “interval”, but as a strategy of modulation of distance, thanks to the intervention of “mediation figures”. These figures are referential elements which crystallize the social representations and which have roles to play in the enunciation and the narrativity of the program

At least eight soapstone carvings of birds furnished a shrine, Great Zimbabwe, in the 19th century. This large stonewalled settlement, once a political and urban centre, had been much reduced for four centuries, although the shrine continued to operate as local traditions dictated. The Zimbabwe Birds were handed down from a past that has only been partially illuminated by archaeological inquiry and ethnography, as has the site as such. This thesis publishes the first detailed catalogue of the Birds and attempts to reconstruct their provenance at the site based on the earliest written accounts. A modern history of the Birds unfolds when the European settlers removed them from the site in dubious transactions, claiming them as rewards of imperial conquest. As the most treasured objects from Great Zimbabwe, the fate of the Birds has been intertwined with that of the site in a matrix of contested meanings and ownership. This thesis explores how the meanings of cultural objects have a tendency to shift and to be ephemeral, demonstrating the ability of those in power to appropriate and determine such meanings. In turn, this has a bearing on ownership claims, and gives rise to an “authorized heritage discourse” syndrome.   The forced migrations of the Zimbabwe Birds within the African continent and to Europe and their subsequent return to their homeland decades later are characterised by melodramatic episodes of manoeuvring by traders, politicians and theologians, and of the return of stolen property cloaked as an amicable barter deal, or a return extolled as an act of generosity. International doctrines that urge the return of cultural property are influenced by Western hegemonic ideologies. Natural justice is perverted, as stolen property acquires a (superior) significance in its new context, which merits the extinction of the original provenance. This leaves “generosity” and goodwill as the promises of the future, holding the fate of one Zimbabwe Bird still kept in exile in South Africa.

Ce mémoire s’inscrit dans un projet de recherche plus global sur l’évaluation du potentiel archéologique du mont Royal réalisé par l’Université de Montréal en partenariat avec la Ville de Montréal et le ministère de la Culture et des Communications du Québec. Plus précisément, il a pour objectif de mettre en œuvre et d’apporter une réflexion sur l’outil dans la gestion du patrimoine archéologique. Au Québec, malgré l’importance de cet outil à l’étape du diagnostic en archéologie préventive, il existe peu de connaissances empiriques sur son efficacité et sur la validité des différentes méthodologies employées. Nous avons donc voulu mieux comprendre la démarche de l’évaluation du potentiel à partir de l’approche du paysage culturel et de celle de l’écologie historique, et ce, afin de voir comment cela pouvait apporter une nouvelle façon d’envisager le potentiel archéologique. L’élaboration de notre cadre théorique s’est appuyée, notamment, sur une trentaine d’études de potentiel archéologique produite au Québec. À l’aide de ce cadre théorique, le potentiel archéologique du versant nord du Mont-Royal a été documenté sur une période allant de la fin du XVIIe siècle jusqu’au XXe siècle. La recherche théorique a été complétée par des inspections visuelles des zones, permettant ainsi de documenter plus finement certains éléments environnementaux, tels la topographie, le couvert végétal, l’hydrographie, etc. Dans la construction du paysage culturel, c’est l’aspect mythique et symbolique de la montagne qui nous intéresse. Nous en avons retenu trois thèmes principaux qui s’échelonnent dans le temps, c’est-à-dire la montagne pittoresque et le paysage forestier, la montagne agricole et l’industrie des tanneries et, enfin, l’arrivée des cimetières et des établissements religieux. Pour chacun de ces thèmes, des orientations de recherche sont énoncées en guise de réflexion sur les éléments d’intérêt archéologique présentés. Ces thèmes, nous le suggérons, pourront être pris en compte dans un contexte d’archéologie préventive. / This thesis is part of a broader research project on the archaeological potential of Mount Royal carried out by Université de Montreal in partnership with the City of Montreal and the Ministry of Culture and Communications of Quebec. More specifically, it aims to assess the utility and efficiency of archaeological potential studies as a tool in cultural resource management. In Quebec, despite the importance of this tool in preventive archaeology at the diagnostic stage, there has been very little empirical study of its effectiveness and the validity of the different methodologies used. We therefore wish to bring a better understanding to the assessment of archaeological heritage potential by using a cultural landscape and historical ecology approach, in order to see how this can bring about a new way of considering archaeological potential. The development of the theoretical framework for this paper was based on some thirty archaeological assessments produced in Quebec. It is through this theoretical framework that the archaeological potential of the territory under study, namely the northern slopes of Mount Royal, was documented for a period starting at the end of the 17th century up to the 20th century. The theoretical research was complemented by visual inspections of the geographical zones, thereby permitting a more precise documentation of certain environmental features such as the topography, the ground vegetation and tree cover, the hydrography, etc. In the construction of the cultural landscape, the mythical and symbolic aspects of the mountain retain our interest. We have chosen three main themes, namely the picturesque mountain and the forest landscape, the agricultural mountain and the tanning industries and, lastly, the arrival of cemeteries and religious institutions. For each theme, research orientations are formulated in order to reflect the elements of archaeological interest that we present. These themes may be taken into account for archaeological resource management.