This study examines processes of military doctrinal change during periods of peace. Given the conventional wisdom of hidebound bureaucratic military organizations, why do these organizations innovate doctrinally? Rather than conduct competitive hypothesis testing between two or more theories of military innovation or pursue a heretofore undiscovered monocausal theory, I develop and test a theoretical framework that synthesizes more than one approach to military doctrinal innovation. I use this framework to conduct a structured, focused, case-study comparison of two military organizations - the U.S. Army and the U.S. Marine Corps - from the post-World War II period until 2001. The study yields seven findings. First, the systemic causes of military doctrinal innovation are best described by balance of threat theory. Second, contrary to the existing literature, civilian intervention is not a necessary or sufficient cause of doctrinal innovation. Third, militaries consistently strive to establish a monopoly over warfare in a particular jurisdictional domain. Fourth, the frequency of military doctrinal change is a function of the complexity of the strategic problem that doctrine is designed to solve. Fifth, the complexity of the cases studied supports the argument that monocausal explanations fail to account for the interaction of multiple variables that affect doctrinal innovation. Sixth, military doctrinal innovation during peacetime is not anomalous because military organizations constantly revise their theories of victory as threats change in the external environment. Finally, the existence of doctrinal institutions creates a norm for a reliance on military doctrine.

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Over the past decade, the United Kingdom has witnessed a proliferation of civil-military initiatives that have engendered overt and celebratory displays of support for the British Armed Forces. This thesis interrogates two of these initiatives: the annual public relations event Armed Forces Day and the military charity Help for Heroes. Significantly, these initiatives have emerged against a backdrop of morally and politically contentious military violence, notably in Iraq and Afghanistan. Hence, these initiatives raise important questions about the type of politics which underwrite them. In this thesis, I address these questions by critically engaging with a figure who occupies a key position within this UK civil-military landscape: the professional soldier. Adopting a Foucauldian approach, I place this figure within a broader political, social and historical context and show how, since the end of the Second World War, the professional soldier has continually remerged to rewrite the conditions of possibility for liberal war-fighting. Drawing on this insight, I identify a professional soldier, I label the biopolitical military professional, who greatly informs the contours of this contemporary UK civil-military landscape. The biopolitical military professional is an important figure because they are able to co-opt "civilian" political subjects into the service of liberal-warfighting despite a conflict's political context. This is made possible because the biopolitical military professional is a figure who incorporates their military expertise and professional concerns within a wider set of life-administering knowledges concerned with the health and well-being of the population. Crucially, the most overt expressions of biopolitical military professionalism are produced through these UK civil-military initiatives. I demonstrate this by showing how these initiatives mobilise a whole host of "civilian" proto-professional subjects into the active service of liberal war-fighting through an appeal to both their military "obligations" and their fitness and wellbeing. An effect of this is that participating in one of these initiatives becomes more than an act of military support it also becomes a way of partaking in a healthy and life-enriching activity. For example, a day out at Armed Forces Day is a way to get children to take part in active play and educational activities. Supporting the armed forces through Help for Heroes may involve running a marathon or taking part in a long-distance cycle ride. Consequently, via the presence of the biopolitical military professional these initiatives achieve a certain resonance with a civilian population disinterested in the politics of war but increasingly concerned with their health and wellbeing.

In 2018, the compulsory military service will be reinstated in Sweden and will, for the first time, be comprised of both men and women. The Swedish Armed Forces are looking to raise their diversity and wants to reflect the population of the Swedish society and are therefore working actively with their marketing to reach groups that have previously been excluded. The purpose of this thesis is to examine what type of image of Sweden the Swedish Armed Forces are (re)producing through their marketing and how it is used to try and interpellate new, poten-tial recruits. This will be done by examining four advertisement campaigns as well as comments retrieved from the Swedish Armed Forces social media accounts. The analysis will be conducted through a semiotic image analysis and a discourse analysis inspired by Laclau and Mouffe. The essay takes its theoretic starting point in a feminist critique against militarism and highlights the issues of using women and/or LGBTQ-people in the armed forces as symbolic figures of modernity and democracy. The study’s result shows that inclusion becomes a way for the armed forces to improve their own image and elude scrutiny regarding their own problematic structures by positioning themselves as an agency of good. This means that, by the inclusion of marginalized groups, there is as risk of legitimizing the Swedish Armed Forces existence, while still maintaining the problems that these groups are subjected to.

Literature Review: The current review presents a recent review of the effectiveness of psychological therapies to treat sleep difficulties (such as insomnia and nightmares) in sufferers of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). The review also aimed to investigate whether there are differences in the effectiveness of specific psychological therapies to treat sleep disturbances in PTSD, such as between the different types of psychological therapies such as cognitive behavioural therapy for insomnia (CBT-I) and imagery rehearsal therapy (IRT). Eleven studies were included in the review that met the inclusion and exclusion criteria. Results are presented in tables and a descriptive account is included. The review demonstrates that psychological therapies are effective for the treatment of insomnia and other sleep difficulties such as nightmares. However, firm conclusions cannot be drawn about the effectiveness of different types of psychological therapies as studies predominantly used CBT and only one non-CBT study was included in the review. Comparisons between the effectiveness of different CBT approaches is also not possible as there was a large range of diversity in the study characteristics and also there were only a small number of studies for each intervention, which therefore limits the generalisability of results in the current review. It may be that different CBT interventions such as CBT-I or EERT and IRT may be better suited to treat insomnia and nightmares respectively, but further research needs to be conducted into which of these approaches are beneficial for different PTSD specific sleep difficulties. Empirical Paper: Initial studies demonstrate that self-compassion reduces symptoms of PTSD in Armed Forces Veterans (AFV), however the use of self-compassion approaches in AFV is under-researched. The current study utilised self-report and psychophysiological measures to investigate whether a single self-compassion experimental induction reduced hyperarousal symptoms (PTSD Cluster E symptoms) and increased feelings of social connectedness in AFV. The study hypothesised that there would be a decrease in hyperarousal symptoms and an increase in social connectedness, which would be associated with PTSD severity. Fifty-three AFV who had been deployed to a combat zone took part in the study, of which n = 15 (28.3%) currently met criteria for PTSD and n = 4 (7.5%) met criteria for Subsyndromal PTSD on the PCL-5. Participants listened to a recording of a Loving Kindness Meditation for self-compassion (LKM-S) and psychophysiological recordings were taken throughout. Participants completed state measures of hyperarousal and social connectedness before and after the LKM-S. Findings partially demonstrated that self-compassion can be elicited in an AFV population. However, changes on the self-report measures were largely not supported by psychophysiological measures, apart from skin conductance levels (SCL). The longevity of the effects observed in the study were not measured and should be investigated in future studies. Although this study has demonstrated that self-compassion can be elicited within the AFV population, further research is needed including to test a longer self-compassion intervention.

A job is not only an economic factor for the individual; the work also has a great impact on the individual's well-being. It is therefore a prerequisite for employees to be happy at work, which places demands on the workplace. The purpose of the study is to investigate what soldiers and officers have for experiences of job satisfaction. This is answered by studying a specific company on an aircraft fleet within the Swedish Armed Forces based on these research questions: How do the informants experience their work situation at the company? What difficulties and opportunities can be identified based on the informants' work situation and how can these be understood? The thesis is based on a qualitative method and the empirical data has been collected through interviews with four officers and four soldiers. The theoretical framework is based on previous research on employees and job satisfaction, Herzberg's two-stage model and Karasek and Theorell's demand- control-support model. The results of the study show that both the soldiers and the officers feel that the high workload of the company causes the work situation to be perceived as worse. The informants also feel that they do not get paid for the work they do, that the workload prevents them from developing, that everyone does not get feedback in the way they had wanted and that the goals and requirements that are set for the function sometimes are too unclear. Furthermore, the results show that the officers and soldiers generally agree on how well-being is generally experienced at the company. The main difference between the soldiers and the officers is that the soldiers feel that their work situation is affected for the worse because they do not have the same powers to make decisions within the organization. What the informants especially feel is contributing to a more pleasant work situation is the good cohesion between the employees. The informants feel that their work situation is affected to a lesser extent by a number of aspects, but nevertheless the majority of the informants want to continue working at the company.

One of the most significant events in the Cold War-dominated years of the 1950's and early1960's was the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962. It not only has been reputed by most authorities as a major turning point in the Soviet Union-American struggle, but it dramatically illustrated the critical dimension of thermo-nuclear weapons in international relations. In addition, and of particular interest to one directly involved, it showed that firmness in policy and proper application of military power are key factors in obtaining favorable and peaceful settlements of international disputes.

In December 1945, four months after the end of the Second World War, two soldiers meet on an aeroplane flying towards Port Hedland, located in north-west Western Australia, the Pilbara district. Frank Grey found the war a horrific experience and is deeply traumatised. He is returning home, after an absence of five years, hoping to reunite with his wife, get his old job back, and continue on with his life as it was before the war. Patrick Gray is an Aboriginal. He also found the war horrific. However, for him, serving in the A.I.F. was also a liberating experience. For the first time in his life he received equal pay and conditions of white men. He found equality. He is hoping that because he, and other Aborigines, served in the armed forces, the social conditions for Aborigines will have improved in the 6 years he's been away. They are both disappointed.

This thesis argues that General Abdul Haris Nasution, the most influential military strategist that Indonesia has produced, developed an elective affinity between his strategies for 'people�s resistance' and an organicist vision of the proper relations between the state (including the military) and society that led to the Indonesian Army�s formulation of a unique, pervasive and highly durable means of military intervention in politics, the economy and society. Organicism is a stream of political thinking that views state and society as a single organic unity. Corporatist / functional modes of interest representation are often associated with organicist thinking. Nasution�s 'people�s resistance' strategies emerged during the armed struggle for national independence (from the Dutch) in the second half of the 1940s. The thesis argues that unlike the 'people�s war' strategies that emanated from the political left at roughly the same time, Nasution�s concepts were designed to uphold organic 'traditional' authority structures and depoliticise the national struggle. Associated with these strategies was a system of territorial commands that shadowed and supervised the aristocratically led civilian administration. The form of military intervention that grew out of this elective affinity reached its peak during the New Order regime of former President Suharto (1966 � 1998), when the army used its 'people�s resistance' doctrines and their associated territorial commands to control the population and the regime championed state-sanctioned corporatist / functional modes of interest representation. The identification of this elective affinity is a major point of departure from previous political biographies of Nasution. Another is the emphasis placed on Nasution�s family and personal life, particularly in the early chapters. This thesis explains how personal and family influences encouraged Nasution towards organicist thinking. It identifies how, in the early 1950s, Nasution idealised his 'people�s resistance' strategies and the support given to him during the armed struggle by organic 'traditional' authority figures. It shows how Nasution�s elective affinity between organicist thinking and 'people�s resistance' infused the interventionist doctrines that the army began to develop in the mid-to-late 1950s. In recent years the Indonesian Army has distanced itself from corporatist / functional forms of interest representation and has largely retreated from an active involvement in politics. Nevertheless, the thesis identifies a continuing adherence within the Army leadership to Nasution�s system of territorial commands and concepts of 'people�s resistance' that cannot readily be reconciled with democratic processes.

<p>Syftet med uppsatsen har varit att undersöka vilka skillnader som finns i analysen av CBRN-skyddsförmågan i BG08 och BG11. För att kunna genomföra undersökningen har det varit nödvändigt att beskriva hur EU Battle Group konceptet har tillkommit samt vad konceptet innebär. Följande frågeställningar har legat till grund för studien: Vilka förändringar har gjorts i analysen av CBRN-funktionen i BG08 och BG11? Om det finns några förändringar, hur förklarar man och förstår dessa förändringar? Utifrån de rådande politiska ingångsvärdena för de två styrkorna har viss diskrepans, dock liten, identifierats. Den största skillnaden ligger i vilken nation som skall bidra med förmågan. Den här skillnaden påverkar dock inte nämnvärt de framtagna CBRN-skyddskoncepten. Däremot har det under undersökningens gång framkommit att det hos en del befattningshavare inom Försvarsmakten funnits en önskan om att vidareutveckla CBRN-skyddskonceptet på ett antal punkter till BG11. Då arbetet med BG08 tog form fanns det stöd i HKV att tillgå på strategisk/operativ nivå, vilket saknades under arbetet med BG11. Utifrån den genomförda undersökningen i denna studie framstår detta stöd som relevant för att kunna utveckla det här konceptet på ett adekvat sätt. Författaren har under arbetes gång konstaterat att det torde bli en förändring i den reella förmågan som levererades av Finland till BG08 mot den reella förmåga Norge kommer att besitta i BG11. Det här har inte diskuterats under framtagandet av de två koncepten utan argumentationen har endast baserats på de politiska ingångsvärdena samt hotbilden för EU Battle Group.</p> / <p>The purpose of this paper has been to examine the differences in the analysis of CBRN protection capability of the BG08 and BG11. A secondary purpose to carry out this analysis was to describe the EU Battle Group concept, its development and meaning. The following issues formed the basis for the paper: What changes have been made in the analysis of CBRN branch in BG08 and BG11? If there are any changes, how do we explain and understand these changes? Given the current political input values for the two forces only minor discrepancies could be identified. The main difference is due to the nation responsible for CBRN capacity. This difference, however, does not seriously affect the developed CBRN protection-concepts. However, during the investigation it has emerged that some executives within the Armed Forces desire to develop some points of the CBRN protection-concept in reference to the BG11. When BG08 formed itself there was available support in HKV in strategic/operational level, which was missing in the workflow to BG11. Based on the findings of this paper this support seems relevant to develop the concept adequately. In the course of working on the paper the author has discovered a most likely change in the real capability delivered by Finland to the BG08, and the real ability that Norway will possess in BG11. The development process of the two concepts has not included an analysis of the ultimate ability. Instead is has been based on the input values and political threat for the EU Battle Group.</p>