Cette thèse a pour objet d'examiner cinq aspects de la relation entre le commerce Sud-Sud et la « nouvelle » géographie du commerce international en portant une attention toute particulière aux liens qui existent entre les BRICs (Brésil, Russie, Inde, Chine) et l'Afrique sub-Saharienne (ASS) puis entre la Chine et l'ASS. La première partie s'attache à démontrer certaines caractéristiques relatives à la mutation des relations commerciales Sud-Sud. Dans le premier chapitre, l'hétérogénéité au sein même des BRICs est confirmée à partir d'un certain nombre de facteurs explicatifs des flux commerciaux bilatéraux avec l'ASS. Dans le second chapitre, les flux commerciaux Sud-Sud semble jouer un rôle déterminant dans la diversification géographique du commerce intra-Africain en termes de nouveaux partenaires commerciaux. Dans le troisième chapitre, l'idée d'une réorientation du commerce des ex-colonies depuis l'indépendance vers la Chine au détriment des anciennes puissances coloniales a été validée empiriquement. Quant à la deuxième partie, elle s'intéresse aux liens entre la politique économique extérieure et le commerce Sud-Sud. Les résultats du quatrième chapitre soulignent l'impact significatif de la « politique de la Chine unique » sur les flux commerciaux chinois et taiwanais par le biais de la diplomatie économique. Les estimations du cinquième chapitre confirment l'hétérogénéité des effets moyens et dans le temps des accords régionaux africains sur les échanges commerciaux selon la nature des partenaires, la forme des accords commerciaux ainsi que leur chevauchement. / This thesis emphasises five aspects of relations between South-South trade and « new » geography of international trade. We particularly pay attention to the links between BRICs (Brazil, Russia, India, China) and sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) but also between China and SSA. The first part attempts to demonstrate some characteristics concerning the mutation of South-South trade relations. In the Chapter 1, the heterogeneity of BRICs is confirmed from some factors of bilateral trade flows with SSA. In the Chapter 2, the South-South trade flows play a significant role in the geographic diversification of intra-African trade in terms of new trading partners. In the Chapter 3, the assumption of a trade reorientation of ex-colonies since independence with China at the expense of former colonial powers has been empirically validated. The second part studies the linkages between the foreign economic policy and South-South trade. The findings of the Chapter 4 highlight the significant impact of the « One China policy » on Chinese and Taiwanese trade flows through the economic diplomacy. The estimates of the Chapter 5 confirm the heterogeneous average effects but also over time of the African trade agreements on trade according to the nature of trading partners, the kinds of trade agreements and their overlapping.

[pt] Esta dissertação explora tensões emergentes do crescente engajamento dos chamados provedores Sul-Sul no campo da cooperação internacional para o desenvolvimento, discutindo alguns de seus efeitos sob a ação de governos receptores, doadores Norte-Sul e estruturas de governança no espaço social em questão. Beneficiamo-nos principalmente das noções de campo e cultura de auditoria de Pierre Bourdieu e Marilyn Strathern, respectivamente. Por meio dessas, descrevemos a trajetória da cooperação internacional para o desenvolvimento a partir da segunda metade do século XX, ressaltando o papel do Comitê de Assistência ao Desenvolvimento (CAD) da Organização para Cooperação e Desenvolvimento Econômico (OCDE) na elaboração e manutenção de princípios organizadores e práticas dominantes no campo. Enfatizamos o plano simbólico ao narrar a oposição histórica entre cooperação Norte-Sul e Sul-Sul, sugerindo conexão inextricável entre a emergência da última e a crítica no campo à agenda da eficácia da ajuda. Observamos os efeitos das tensões entre cooperação Sul-Sul e Norte-Sul na dimensão local a partir de um estudo de caso sobre Moçambique, aplicando as noções de dependência simbólica e efeito BRICS a fim compreender tendências e impactos sob o comportamento do Governo de Moçambique, doadores Norte-Sul e suas condicionalidades, e o processo de consolidação democrática no país. Ao final, sistematizamos algumas reflexões sobre o estado de fluxo do campo, sugerindo que sua re-politização não necessariamente se traduz em democratização para países receptores. / [en] This thesis explores tensions emerging from the growing engagement of so-called South-South providers in the field of international development cooperation, discussing some of their effects on the behavior of recipient governments, North-South donors and governance structures within the referred social space. The primary concepts mobilized are those of field and audit culture, as used by Pierre Bourdieu and Marilyn Strathern respectively. Through these, we describe the trajectory of international development cooperation during the second half of the twentieth century, emphasizing the role of the Development Assistance Committee (DAC) of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) in creating and maintaining the field’s organizing principles and dominant practices. We emphasize the symbolic realm in narrating the historic opposition between North-South and South-South cooperation, suggesting an inextricable connection between the emergence of the later and the critique of the aid effectiveness agenda. We explore the local effects of tensions between South-South and North-South cooperation through a case study on Mozambique, applying the notions of symbolic dependence and the BRICS effect in order to understand trends and impacts on the behavior of the Government of Mozambique, North-South donors and their conditionalities, and the process of democratic consolidation in the country. Finally, we draw some reflections on the state of flux of the development cooperation field, suggesting that its re-politicization does not necessarily imply democratization for recipient countries.

O tema geral da tese é o processo de internacionalização universitária em países emergentes, mais especificamente no Brasil. A internacionalização universitária é entendida como políticas voltadas para as áreas de conhecimentos científicas e tecnológicas estabelecidas entre os países e as instituições de ensino superior. A internacionalização universitária pode ser, ainda, entendida como uma estratégia de inserção no cenário internacional e configuração de uma ordem multipolar. O objetivo geral da presente tese consistiu em analisar o processo de internacionalização universitária do Brasil com os demais países membros dos BRICS – Rússia, Índia, China e África do Sul – comparando as políticas adotadas durante o período de governo de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010) e Dilma Rousseff (2011-2016). Houve diferença de orientação da política de ambos os governos em relação ao tema? Quais foram as características específicas de cada um e quais as razões da internacionalização universitária para com esses países? Para responder a tais questões, foi utilizada uma abordagem comparativa e qualitativa tendo como base a análise de conteúdo e discursos de pronunciamentos oficiais dos presidentes, documentos, discursos de ações e programas de governo e entrevistas com expoentes da área tanto do Brasil quanto dos países membros dos BRICS. Foram analisadas a) a política e as ações de internacionalização universitária do Brasil, com retrospectiva histórica e nos períodos dos governos de Lula e Dilma; b) as ações desenvolvidas com os países membros dos BRICS tanto no governo de Lula quanto no governo de Dilma; c) os governos Lula e Dilma e suas políticas e ações de internacionalização universitária para com os países membros dos BRICS. Como resultados identificaram-se os seguintes: a) discrepâncias entre visões e ações de internacionalização universitária, apesar da sequência partidária no governo, confirmando a hipótese de pesquisa “a política de internacionalização do ensino superior foi diferente no governo Lula e no governo Dilma” na relação com os países membros dos BRICS; b) diferenciação entre os dois governos quanto ao tipo de relação, se de reciprocidade ou não, com tais países; c) distinção entre os dois governos quanto à iniciativa de criar uma política unificada de internacionalização do ensino superior com os países membros dos BRICS. A conclusão da tese aponta para as diferenças entre os dois governos de um mesmo partido em relação ao tema da internacionalização universitária, indicando que não é suficiente a presença de um mesmo partido no governo para a criação de uma política de Estado. Para solucionar o dilema entre uma política de Estado e de governo e inserir-se estrategicamente no cenário internacional, o Brasil precisaria que a sua elite política transcendesse as rivalidades conjunturais e elegesse a educação e o nível de criação de conhecimentos como moedas não intercambiáveis. / The general theme of this thesis is the process of university internationalization in emerging countries, more specifically in Brazil. University internationalization is known as policies geared towards the areas of scientific and technological knowledge established between countries and institutions of higher education. The university internationalization can also be recognized as a strategy of insertion in the international scenario and configuration of a multipolar order. The general objective of this thesis was to analyze and compare the university internationalization of Brazil with the other BRICS countries - Russia, India, China and South Africa - during the period of government of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010) and Dilma Rousseff (2011-2016). Was there a difference in policy orientation between the two governments in relation to the issue? What were the specific characteristics of each, and what are the reasons for university internationalization in these countries? To answer such questions, a comparative and qualitative approach was used, based on the analysis of content and speeches of official statements by presidents, documents, speeches and government programs and interviews with exponents of the area both in Brazil and in BRICS´ member countries. We analyzed i) the politics and actions of university internationalization of Brazil with historical retrospective and in the periods of the governments of Lula and Dilma; ii) the actions developed with BRICS member countries both in Lula's government and in Dilma's government; iii) the Lula and Dilma governments and their university internationalization policy and actions towards BRICS member countries. As results we identified 1) discrepancies between visions and actions of university internationalization despite the party sequence in government, confirming the research hypothesis "the policy of internationalization of higher education was different in the Lula government and the Dilma government" in relation to the countries members of BRICS; 2) differentiation between the two governments as to the type of relationship whether or not reciprocity with such countries; 3) distinction between the two governments on the initiative to create a unified policy of internationalization of higher education with BRICS member countries. The conclusion of the thesis points to the differences between the two governments of the same party in relation to the topic of university internationalization, indicating that the presence of the same party in the government for the creation of state policy is not enough. In order to solve the dilemma between a state and government policy and to insert itself strategically on the international scene, Brazil would need its political elite to transcend conjunctural rivalries and choose education and the level of knowledge creation as non-interchangeable currencies.

O tema geral da tese é o processo de internacionalização universitária em países emergentes, mais especificamente no Brasil. A internacionalização universitária é entendida como políticas voltadas para as áreas de conhecimentos científicas e tecnológicas estabelecidas entre os países e as instituições de ensino superior. A internacionalização universitária pode ser, ainda, entendida como uma estratégia de inserção no cenário internacional e configuração de uma ordem multipolar. O objetivo geral da presente tese consistiu em analisar o processo de internacionalização universitária do Brasil com os demais países membros dos BRICS – Rússia, Índia, China e África do Sul – comparando as políticas adotadas durante o período de governo de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010) e Dilma Rousseff (2011-2016). Houve diferença de orientação da política de ambos os governos em relação ao tema? Quais foram as características específicas de cada um e quais as razões da internacionalização universitária para com esses países? Para responder a tais questões, foi utilizada uma abordagem comparativa e qualitativa tendo como base a análise de conteúdo e discursos de pronunciamentos oficiais dos presidentes, documentos, discursos de ações e programas de governo e entrevistas com expoentes da área tanto do Brasil quanto dos países membros dos BRICS. Foram analisadas a) a política e as ações de internacionalização universitária do Brasil, com retrospectiva histórica e nos períodos dos governos de Lula e Dilma; b) as ações desenvolvidas com os países membros dos BRICS tanto no governo de Lula quanto no governo de Dilma; c) os governos Lula e Dilma e suas políticas e ações de internacionalização universitária para com os países membros dos BRICS. Como resultados identificaram-se os seguintes: a) discrepâncias entre visões e ações de internacionalização universitária, apesar da sequência partidária no governo, confirmando a hipótese de pesquisa “a política de internacionalização do ensino superior foi diferente no governo Lula e no governo Dilma” na relação com os países membros dos BRICS; b) diferenciação entre os dois governos quanto ao tipo de relação, se de reciprocidade ou não, com tais países; c) distinção entre os dois governos quanto à iniciativa de criar uma política unificada de internacionalização do ensino superior com os países membros dos BRICS. A conclusão da tese aponta para as diferenças entre os dois governos de um mesmo partido em relação ao tema da internacionalização universitária, indicando que não é suficiente a presença de um mesmo partido no governo para a criação de uma política de Estado. Para solucionar o dilema entre uma política de Estado e de governo e inserir-se estrategicamente no cenário internacional, o Brasil precisaria que a sua elite política transcendesse as rivalidades conjunturais e elegesse a educação e o nível de criação de conhecimentos como moedas não intercambiáveis. / The general theme of this thesis is the process of university internationalization in emerging countries, more specifically in Brazil. University internationalization is known as policies geared towards the areas of scientific and technological knowledge established between countries and institutions of higher education. The university internationalization can also be recognized as a strategy of insertion in the international scenario and configuration of a multipolar order. The general objective of this thesis was to analyze and compare the university internationalization of Brazil with the other BRICS countries - Russia, India, China and South Africa - during the period of government of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010) and Dilma Rousseff (2011-2016). Was there a difference in policy orientation between the two governments in relation to the issue? What were the specific characteristics of each, and what are the reasons for university internationalization in these countries? To answer such questions, a comparative and qualitative approach was used, based on the analysis of content and speeches of official statements by presidents, documents, speeches and government programs and interviews with exponents of the area both in Brazil and in BRICS´ member countries. We analyzed i) the politics and actions of university internationalization of Brazil with historical retrospective and in the periods of the governments of Lula and Dilma; ii) the actions developed with BRICS member countries both in Lula's government and in Dilma's government; iii) the Lula and Dilma governments and their university internationalization policy and actions towards BRICS member countries. As results we identified 1) discrepancies between visions and actions of university internationalization despite the party sequence in government, confirming the research hypothesis "the policy of internationalization of higher education was different in the Lula government and the Dilma government" in relation to the countries members of BRICS; 2) differentiation between the two governments as to the type of relationship whether or not reciprocity with such countries; 3) distinction between the two governments on the initiative to create a unified policy of internationalization of higher education with BRICS member countries. The conclusion of the thesis points to the differences between the two governments of the same party in relation to the topic of university internationalization, indicating that the presence of the same party in the government for the creation of state policy is not enough. In order to solve the dilemma between a state and government policy and to insert itself strategically on the international scene, Brazil would need its political elite to transcend conjunctural rivalries and choose education and the level of knowledge creation as non-interchangeable currencies.

O tema geral da tese é o processo de internacionalização universitária em países emergentes, mais especificamente no Brasil. A internacionalização universitária é entendida como políticas voltadas para as áreas de conhecimentos científicas e tecnológicas estabelecidas entre os países e as instituições de ensino superior. A internacionalização universitária pode ser, ainda, entendida como uma estratégia de inserção no cenário internacional e configuração de uma ordem multipolar. O objetivo geral da presente tese consistiu em analisar o processo de internacionalização universitária do Brasil com os demais países membros dos BRICS – Rússia, Índia, China e África do Sul – comparando as políticas adotadas durante o período de governo de Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010) e Dilma Rousseff (2011-2016). Houve diferença de orientação da política de ambos os governos em relação ao tema? Quais foram as características específicas de cada um e quais as razões da internacionalização universitária para com esses países? Para responder a tais questões, foi utilizada uma abordagem comparativa e qualitativa tendo como base a análise de conteúdo e discursos de pronunciamentos oficiais dos presidentes, documentos, discursos de ações e programas de governo e entrevistas com expoentes da área tanto do Brasil quanto dos países membros dos BRICS. Foram analisadas a) a política e as ações de internacionalização universitária do Brasil, com retrospectiva histórica e nos períodos dos governos de Lula e Dilma; b) as ações desenvolvidas com os países membros dos BRICS tanto no governo de Lula quanto no governo de Dilma; c) os governos Lula e Dilma e suas políticas e ações de internacionalização universitária para com os países membros dos BRICS. Como resultados identificaram-se os seguintes: a) discrepâncias entre visões e ações de internacionalização universitária, apesar da sequência partidária no governo, confirmando a hipótese de pesquisa “a política de internacionalização do ensino superior foi diferente no governo Lula e no governo Dilma” na relação com os países membros dos BRICS; b) diferenciação entre os dois governos quanto ao tipo de relação, se de reciprocidade ou não, com tais países; c) distinção entre os dois governos quanto à iniciativa de criar uma política unificada de internacionalização do ensino superior com os países membros dos BRICS. A conclusão da tese aponta para as diferenças entre os dois governos de um mesmo partido em relação ao tema da internacionalização universitária, indicando que não é suficiente a presença de um mesmo partido no governo para a criação de uma política de Estado. Para solucionar o dilema entre uma política de Estado e de governo e inserir-se estrategicamente no cenário internacional, o Brasil precisaria que a sua elite política transcendesse as rivalidades conjunturais e elegesse a educação e o nível de criação de conhecimentos como moedas não intercambiáveis. / The general theme of this thesis is the process of university internationalization in emerging countries, more specifically in Brazil. University internationalization is known as policies geared towards the areas of scientific and technological knowledge established between countries and institutions of higher education. The university internationalization can also be recognized as a strategy of insertion in the international scenario and configuration of a multipolar order. The general objective of this thesis was to analyze and compare the university internationalization of Brazil with the other BRICS countries - Russia, India, China and South Africa - during the period of government of Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2010) and Dilma Rousseff (2011-2016). Was there a difference in policy orientation between the two governments in relation to the issue? What were the specific characteristics of each, and what are the reasons for university internationalization in these countries? To answer such questions, a comparative and qualitative approach was used, based on the analysis of content and speeches of official statements by presidents, documents, speeches and government programs and interviews with exponents of the area both in Brazil and in BRICS´ member countries. We analyzed i) the politics and actions of university internationalization of Brazil with historical retrospective and in the periods of the governments of Lula and Dilma; ii) the actions developed with BRICS member countries both in Lula's government and in Dilma's government; iii) the Lula and Dilma governments and their university internationalization policy and actions towards BRICS member countries. As results we identified 1) discrepancies between visions and actions of university internationalization despite the party sequence in government, confirming the research hypothesis "the policy of internationalization of higher education was different in the Lula government and the Dilma government" in relation to the countries members of BRICS; 2) differentiation between the two governments as to the type of relationship whether or not reciprocity with such countries; 3) distinction between the two governments on the initiative to create a unified policy of internationalization of higher education with BRICS member countries. The conclusion of the thesis points to the differences between the two governments of the same party in relation to the topic of university internationalization, indicating that the presence of the same party in the government for the creation of state policy is not enough. In order to solve the dilemma between a state and government policy and to insert itself strategically on the international scene, Brazil would need its political elite to transcend conjunctural rivalries and choose education and the level of knowledge creation as non-interchangeable currencies.

This thesis deals with economic, political and social aspects of Brazil. The first chapter characterizes Brazil as one of the developing centres of the world economy with emphasis on its geographical and demographic situation and on the political development from the period of colonization to the new millenium. It offers detailed analysis of the social problem as well. The second chapter is basically oriented to the characteristics of the brazil economy. It focuses especially on the structural reforms effectuated in the nineties and on the "Real Plan". The next part of the chapter deals with the description of che basic economic profile and the financial sphere of the country and offers the evaluation of the economic development in the 2007. At the end the "Growth Acceleration Program" is presented. The last chapter analyses actual situation of the brazil foreign trade and of the investment sphere, the most perspective sectors for investments, but it points out potential risks for the investors as well. In the end this chapter tries to define perspectives of the next development of the brazil economy and it's future role in the world economy.

Cette thèse tente d’analyser qualitativement et quantitativement les impacts, parfois déstabilisateurs, de l’excès de liquidité mondiale sur les prix des actifs des marchés émergents. Cet excès de liquidité mondiale s’est notamment matérialisé par un essor des investissements de portefeuille vers les marchés émergents, essor dont l’étude est devenue un thème central que ce soit pour les décideurs politiques ou pour l’industrie de la gestion d’actifs. A ce titre, nous nous proposons de contourner les faiblesses des données de la Balance des Paiements en construisant un indicateur non-retardé et à haute fréquence des flux de portefeuille, et ce, grâce aux données EPFR. La dynamique de recherche de rendement induite par la mise en place de politiques monétaires non conventionnelles par les principales banques centrales des marchés développés a eu pour effet une forte inflation des prix des actifs, au premier rang desquels figurent les marchés d’actions émergents, marchés sur lesquels de potentielles bulles ont pu faire leur apparition dans la période qualifiée de « Nouvelle Normale ». / This thesis aims to qualitatively and quantitatively analyse the sometimes destabilising impacts of global excess liquidity on emerging markets asset prices. This global excess liquidity has particularly manifested in a rise in portfolio capital flows towards emerging markets. The study of this rise has become a central topic both for policymakers and asset managers. As such, we propose to circumvent the Balance of Payments weaknesses by building a non-lagging and high frequency indicator of portfolio capital flows using the data provided by EPFR. The search for yield trend caused by the unconventional monetary policies undertaken by the main developed markets central banks has caused significant inflation in asset prices, most prominently in emerging equity markets, where potential bubbles have appeared during the so-called “New Normal” period.

The purpose of this essay is to explain Chinas growing presence in Africa through a case study regarding the relationship with South Africa and highlight the specific features of this Chinese presence. In order to achieve the essays goal two theoretical perspectives will be applied to examine the data. These two theoretical perspective is the theory of imperialism defined by Johan Galtung and Rational Choice theory defined by Vivien Lowndes, et al. Through a textual analysis of the sources used, the essay has found that Chinese finance projects in Africa that are commercially viable and mutually beneficial for the African countries still somehow have an negative impact on the African countries development. The textual analysis also account for the motives and reasons behind Chinese presence on the continent as lack of resources as the main reason for China and the lack of a developed society for the African countries. The essay examine as well the consequence with the Chineses expansion on the continent for the African sovereignty and their development in the future.

South Africa is in need of foreign direct investment (FDI) to increase economic growth and alleviate unemployment and poverty. To succeed in obtaining this FDI, South Africa must compete with the rest of the world for the available FDI. The global economic outlook is currently still uncertain and the growth of advanced economies are slowing down while Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa continue to grow at a steady pace. South Africa, as part of Sub-Saharan Africa, should take advantage of this growth on the African continent as well as internationally. Although studies have been performed to ascertain the tax policies of countries, the role of taxation applied by countries and the effects of taxation on FDI, there have been few studies on the tax policies specifically in respect of withholding taxes on interest. The new South African withholding tax on interest, applicable to South African source interest payments to non-residents, has been proposed to be included in terms of sections 49A to 49H in the Income Tax Act (58 of 1962) and will become effective from 1 January 2015. These sections have been introduced to align the said withholding tax and the section 10(1)(h) interest exemption, applicable to normal income tax in respect of non-residents, to the withholding taxes on interest and interest exemptions applied globally. Attention should be focused on whether the aforementioned global alignment will be achieved with the introduction of this legislation as South Africa had previously applied a similar legislation called non-residents’ tax on interest (NRTI) which appeared to be unsuccessful. Determining whether this legislation has been aligned with global practice will provide useful insight into whether this new legislation will promote, stagnate or be indifferent to FDI in South Africa, while at the same time not eroding the tax base with overly generous exemptions. This study reviews and compares the taxes implemented globally specifically in relation to withholding taxes on interest in a selection of countries, namely the developing countries Brazil, Russia, India, China, Mozambique and Namibia and the developed countries Germany and Denmark. Other determinants which will also have an impact on the comparisons of these withholding taxes are, for example, normal and withholding tax interest exemptions and repo rates – all of which have been incorporated into this comparative study. Based on the literature reviewed and the comparative analysis, the study concludes that the South African withholding tax on interest is effectively designed to keep attracting foreign lending in order to remain competitive in international markets. It is further shown that the South African legislation in respect of the section 10(1)(h) blanket interest exemption is aligned to that of global practice. / MCom (South African and International Taxation), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

South Africa is in need of foreign direct investment (FDI) to increase economic growth and alleviate unemployment and poverty. To succeed in obtaining this FDI, South Africa must compete with the rest of the world for the available FDI. The global economic outlook is currently still uncertain and the growth of advanced economies are slowing down while Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa continue to grow at a steady pace. South Africa, as part of Sub-Saharan Africa, should take advantage of this growth on the African continent as well as internationally. Although studies have been performed to ascertain the tax policies of countries, the role of taxation applied by countries and the effects of taxation on FDI, there have been few studies on the tax policies specifically in respect of withholding taxes on interest. The new South African withholding tax on interest, applicable to South African source interest payments to non-residents, has been proposed to be included in terms of sections 49A to 49H in the Income Tax Act (58 of 1962) and will become effective from 1 January 2015. These sections have been introduced to align the said withholding tax and the section 10(1)(h) interest exemption, applicable to normal income tax in respect of non-residents, to the withholding taxes on interest and interest exemptions applied globally. Attention should be focused on whether the aforementioned global alignment will be achieved with the introduction of this legislation as South Africa had previously applied a similar legislation called non-residents’ tax on interest (NRTI) which appeared to be unsuccessful. Determining whether this legislation has been aligned with global practice will provide useful insight into whether this new legislation will promote, stagnate or be indifferent to FDI in South Africa, while at the same time not eroding the tax base with overly generous exemptions. This study reviews and compares the taxes implemented globally specifically in relation to withholding taxes on interest in a selection of countries, namely the developing countries Brazil, Russia, India, China, Mozambique and Namibia and the developed countries Germany and Denmark. Other determinants which will also have an impact on the comparisons of these withholding taxes are, for example, normal and withholding tax interest exemptions and repo rates – all of which have been incorporated into this comparative study. Based on the literature reviewed and the comparative analysis, the study concludes that the South African withholding tax on interest is effectively designed to keep attracting foreign lending in order to remain competitive in international markets. It is further shown that the South African legislation in respect of the section 10(1)(h) blanket interest exemption is aligned to that of global practice. / MCom (South African and International Taxation), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014