Cette thèse porte sur les propositions de revenu universel remplaçant les seules prestations sociales sous condition de ressource dans le système social français (RSA et éventuellement APL). Dans une première partie, nous nous demandons si l’automatisation des emplois et le souhait de désaliéner le travail justifient la mise en œuvre d’un revenu universel. Dans une deuxième partie, nous présentons les intérêts d’un revenu universel dans la politique macroéconomique et fiscale : pour compenser les effets anti-redistributifs d’une hausse de la fiscalité sur la consommation ou écologique, pour concilier austérité salariale et relance keynésienne, etc. Dans une troisième partie, nous nous intéressons aux réformes socio-fiscales permettant d’introduire un revenu universel et à leurs enjeux politiques et techniques : enjeu de la suppression des dépenses fiscales sur l’impôt sur le revenu, de l’individualisation du système socio-fiscal, possibilité d’intégrer les APL au revenu universel, conséquences pour l’allocataire du RSA et l’efficacité des services sociaux, pour le prélèvement à la source, etc. Dans la quatrième partie, nous formulons une proposition de réforme fiscale introduisant un revenu universel, que nous simulons sur un échantillon de 821 812 individus représentatifs de la population française afin de mettre en évidence ses effets redistributifs. Nous nous demandons dans quelle mesure le revenu universel pourrait remplacer les exonérations de cotisation sur les emplois à bas salaire. La dernière partie, plus sociologique, tente de poser les termes du débat sur les enjeux du revenu universel dans l’intégration par le travail et l’exclusion sociale. / This thesis focuses on proposals of basic income in lieu of means-tested cash transfers in the French welfare system. The first part questions whether job automation and a call for unalienating work can justify establishing a basic income. The second part presents the benefits of basic income for fiscal or macroeconomic policies, notably to compensate the anti-redistributive consequences of consumption or ecological taxes, and to conciliate wage wage-competitiveness with demand policies. The third part presents the characteristics of fiscal reforms that include a basic income and examines the specific case of the French socio-fiscal system: consequences of the removal of fiscal expenses on the income tax, individualization of the social and fiscal system, replacement of tax expenditures, consequences for the beneficiaries of means-tested transfers, on tax deduction at source, etc. In the fourth part, we formulate a proposal of fiscal reform that introduces a basic income, and we stimulate its redistributive consequences on a sample of 821,815 individuals representative of population in France. We investigate to what extent a basic income could replace subsidies on low-paid jobs. In the last part, we present key elements in the more sociological debate on the impact of basic income onto work incentives and social exclusion.

The following article aims to give an overview about the compatibility between the social security benefits provided by the State, which are free and are not conditional to the development of an activity, with the salary, which has its Foundation, inescapably, in the development of an activity, either of labour, civil service or professional nature. To do this, the author will attempt to make a transition between the radical incompatibility that seems to exist between the two concepts towards a possible compatibility through certain mechanisms of adjustment. / El presente artículo pretende brindar una visión sobre la compatibilidad que existe entre las prestaciones de seguridad social que brinda el Estado, que son gratuitas y no se encuentran condicionadas al desarrollo de una actividad, con el salario, el cual tiene su fundamento, ineludiblemente, en el desarrollo de una actividad ya sea de naturaleza laboral, funcionarial o profesional. Para ello, el autor se intentará realizar una transición entre la incompatibilidad radical que parece existir entre ambos conceptos hacia una posible compatibilidad a través de ciertos mecanismos de ajuste.

This dissertation is concerned with a fundamental problem at the heart of Arendt’s The Human Condition—namely, ‘the problem of idleness’. This problem is related to the three types of human Arendt identifies as correlated to dominant activities in one’s life, animal laborans, homo faber, and the acting person. It explores Arendt’s predictions of an oncoming automation crisis, and the possibility of a corresponding crisis in the production—consumption cycle. The problem of idleness can be understood as the claim that if people are provided freedom from job-holding so that they may pursue other activities, they would likely turn to consumption to occupy their time. I claim that this problem of idleness is important in any consideration of an oncoming automation crisis, especially in relation to Universal Basic Income (UBI) as a solution to such a crisis. I claim that there is a hole in the UBI literature concerning this problem of idleness, and if left unaddressed it would result in both an ineffective UBI, and in a crisis of meaning for the general populace. This dissertation demonstrates what the problem of idleness is, why it is important, and what possible solutions exist. This contributes to the UBI literature by diagnosing and attempting to solve a gap in the literature which I argue would cause practical challenges in the implementation and stability of a UBI system. I also contribute to the Arendtian literature by problematizing traditional readings of Arendt, and offering a reappraisal of her thought on Marx, art, and the social.

A globalizing world is replete with the vulnerable, who are experiencing economic poverty, medical maltreatment, political persecution, and/or cultural misrecognition. The vulnerable are under systematic oppression and domination. Although the wealth of humankind increases continuously, many are excluded from any benefit of this increased wealth. While human beings have achieved significant progress in medical technology, uncountable numbers of people are exposed to a shortage of appropriate medical care. Despite continued expansion of democracy around the globe, the powerless majority and minorities are experiencing ignorance of their differences, culturally and/or politically. This dissertation searches for a viable human rights scheme that will effectively address the systematic oppression and domination of the vulnerable. By addressing oppression and domination of the vulnerable, I focus on overcoming several dichotomies: a dichotomy between transcendence and immanence within human beings, a dichotomy between equality and difference among human beings, and a dichotomy between individual differences and group differences. Those dichotomies have been detrimental to addressing systematic oppression and domination of the vulnerable. With relation to the dichotomy between transcendence and immanence within human beings, I frame the vulnerable as concrete others who have both transcendental dimensions and immanent dimensions. In terms of the dichotomy between equality and difference, my proposal is equality that substantially promotes difference, that is, capability equality and least-gap equality. With regard to the dichotomy between individual difference and group difference, my proposal is multiculturalism based on social individuality. These proposals for overcoming aforementioned dichotomies converge on social multiculturalism. I have argued that equality between groups and equality within groups can best address oppression and domination of concrete others. Specifically, reconfigured basic income guarantee, which includes basic income, public education, public healthcare, and linguistic diversity, is a concrete form of equality within groups that is conducive to promoting equality between groups. Therefore, I think that social multiculturalism based on the reconfigured basic income guarantee is a new, viable version of addressing oppression and domination of the vulnerable.

The present paper will analyze, in the first place, the state of reconciliation of work, personal and family life, pointing those deficiencies that are presented, and the obstacles on the development of this right. Additionally, it will analyze if the establishment of a basic income could be an incentive to this reconciliation or, to the contrary, it could have an adverse effect, this seen from a gender perspective. / El presente estudio analizará, en primer lugar, el estado de la conciliación de la vida personal, familiar y laboral, señalando aquellas carencias que presenta y los obstáculos del desarrollo de este derecho. Adicionalmente, se analizará si el establecimiento de una renta básica puede ser un incentivo a la conciliación, o en cambio sería perjudicial, esto último visto desde la perspectiva del género.

Submitted by isabela.moljf@hotmail.com (isabela.moljf@hotmail.com) on 2016-08-09T12:52:32Z No. of bitstreams: 1 brunogoulartcunha.pdf: 863127 bytes, checksum: 3eaad549fbab09cacbe1874143d29da5 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-08-09T14:39:35Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 brunogoulartcunha.pdf: 863127 bytes, checksum: 3eaad549fbab09cacbe1874143d29da5 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-08-09T14:40:50Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 brunogoulartcunha.pdf: 863127 bytes, checksum: 3eaad549fbab09cacbe1874143d29da5 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-09T14:40:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 brunogoulartcunha.pdf: 863127 bytes, checksum: 3eaad549fbab09cacbe1874143d29da5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-04-14 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / A presente dissertação volta-se a tratar de uma das mais conhecidas proposições do filósofo e economista belga Philippe Van Parijs: a ideia de que a comunidade política, sobretudo em nome da liberdade, mas também no da igualdade, deve distribuir a todos os seus membros uma determinada quantia em dinheiro e com certa periodicidade, sem exigir contrapartida e comprovação de renda. Um direito, ou benefício estritamente individual, a que ele deu nome de renda básica de cidadania. O objetivo deste trabalho não é discorrer sobre os aspectos econômicos, políticos e sociológicos, pertinentes ao tema. Mas sim, avaliar algo anterior, o argumento principal de que se vale Van Parijs para defender sua proposta: a ideia de justiça. O objetivo é, para ser mais claro, analisar a citada inovação tendo-se como parâmetro a tradição de se pensar sobre justiça e distribuição. A pretensão é aferir se a ideia de justiça distributiva é efetivamente capaz de fundamentar aquele modelo tão amplo de distribuição de bens, tal como o filósofo afirma ser possível. No primeiro capítulo o esforço estará em retratar a mencionada “tradição”, em evidenciar o que se quer dizer quando se utiliza esta expressão, que pode soar ambígua ou imprecisa. A meta é demonstrar que existem motivos para se buscar a história do tema e que, apesar das mudanças de sentido e de significado, é possível se falar em um “conteúdo mínimo” para o termo justiça distributiva, extraído do conceito original criado por Aristóteles e do conceito moderno fixado por John Rawls. Defende-se que a expressão justiça distributiva aparece sempre relacionada à ideia de proporcionalidade. O segundo capítulo estará voltado a apresentar a teoria da justiça concebida pelo filósofo belga: suas bases, os princípios que lhe dão forma, a posição que ela ocupa em meio às demais teorias e o sistema no qual ela seria plenamente aplicável. Por fim, o terceiro capítulo trará a forma em si pela qual a distribuição ganha corpo nesta teoria: a renda básica. A intenção é descrevê-la em pormenores. / This study focuses on one of the best known propositions by Belgian philosopher and economist Philippe Van Parijs: the idea that the political community, especially in the name of freedom, but also of equality, must distribute to all its members a certain amount of money, with some frequency, without requiring consideration and proof of income. A right, or strictly individual benefit, called basic income. The objective of this study is not to talk about the economic, political and sociological aspects that are relevant to the topic. Rather, it seeks to review something previous, the main argument that Van Parijs leverages to defend his proposal: the idea of justice. To make it clearer, the goal is to review the aforementioned innovation by taking the tradition of thinking about justice and distribution as a parameter. The intention is to assess whether the idea of distributive justice is effectively able to support that broad model of distribution of property, as the philosopher claims to be possible. In the first chapter the effort is to portray the aforementioned "tradition" and prove what is meant when this expression is used, which may sound ambiguous or uncertain. The goal is to demonstrate that there are grounds to pursue the history of this topic and that, despite changes in meaning, it is possible to speak of a "minimum content" for the term distributive justice, as extracted from the original concept created by Aristotle and the modern concept set by John Rawls. It is argued that the expression distributive justice has always been related to the idea of proportionality. The second chapter presents the theory of justice as designed by the Belgian philosopher: its foundations, the principles that shape it, the position it occupies among other theories, and the system in which it would be fully applicable. Finally, the third chapter will present the form itself through which distribution is embodied in this theory: the basic income. The intention is to describe it in detail.

This diploma thesis deals with the concept of (unconditional) basic income as a policy instrument and the conditions, costs and possible consequences of its full or partial implementation in the Czech Republic. The first aim of the diploma thesis is to describe this concept, which is still rather unknow in the Czech Republic, and put it into the context of Public and Social Policy. The diploma thesis decribes its alternative models, which are - in certain extent - interchangeable with it as well as the praxis of the basic income in the world The author tries to identify the main problems within the system of today's social policy and with respect to them put forward the main reason for the implementation of the basic income in the Czech Republic. Finally, some models and ways of implementation are presented as well as the estimation of the costs and possible consequences of their implementation. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

The aim of this thesis is to record The historical development of political and political science concept of Universal Basic Income, it tries to map from its beginnings to the present. This thesis will handle the Universal Basic Income as that described by Thomas More and by Johannes Ludovicus Vives. Thesis will focus on their later critics from series of economic and philosophical thinkers and political scientists. UBI will build on these theorists modern ideas which will then be compared with previous authors. This thesis will show the development and deepening of ideas of Universal Basic Income through comparison of the concept of individual authors.

This study is based on interviews with local business owners in the Brazilian municipality of Maricá, Rio deJaneiro, conducted in November 2021. The municipality receives royalties from the rich oil reserves that werefound in the bottom of the pre-salt area of the Atlantic Ocean, and has implemented a basic income programcalled Renda Básica de Cidadania (RBC). The RBC benefit is paid through a social digital currency via the localcommunity bank, which is a model developed by the Conjunto Palmeiras in Fortaleza that has spread throughoutBrazil as the ‘Palmas model’. The Palmas model does not include a basic income but uses community banks todevelop a ‘solidarity economy’ with a local social currency, whose circulation is restricted to within thecommunity. This thesis discusses how the RBC interacts with the Palmas model and considers potentialproblems and solutions arising in the case of Maricá in relation to local economic development, political trustand political participation. The study uses previous research about basic income, social currencies, solidarityeconomies, political trust and political participation to look at how public institutions and civil society interactwith the local market in Maricá. The study also investigates how this relationship is affected by the basic incomeprogram and by the move toward a solidarity economy with a local social currency.The study finds that the business owners who were interviewed participated in the implementation of the RBCthrough their usage of the social currency Mumbuca. They have accepted the social currency and the use ofMumbuca is well consolidated and normalized as a currency among the local business owners interviewed.They do not participate in any more active way in the community bank, but the study shows that through theiruse of the currency they are important actors for the consolidation of a solidarity economy in the municipality ofMaricá. The study shows that the respondents did not see the RBC as a basic income, but as a cash-transfer tothe poor. The majority of respondents believed that the implementation of the RBC and the social currency hadcontributed to the local economic development of the municipality, but that the main factor in the localeconomic development was the wealth of the municipality. The study shows that the respondents' level of trusttoward public institutions was considerably high.

In a prospective post-work society, a select group of citizens participate in a cross-temporal project. As we follow along their journeys, questions arise. How does time move when it is no longer a commodity? What is design in the age of rampant robotics? How do we define creativity? What is wasted potential, and is it possible to be a failure? Most importantly, can fiction teach us anything about reality?