Thèse numérisée par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

O objetivo desta tese é analisar a concepção de poder no reinado do rei Luís IX (1214-1270), sob a perspectiva do serviço, de acordo com os escritos franciscanos. O governo de Luís IX representou o apogeu das monarquias regionais, o fortalecimento dos reinos locais e a ligação com a Igreja. Assim, a pesquisa baseia-se em documentos produzidos no século XIII: os sermões produzidos pelo frei Boaventura de Bagnoregio (1217-1274) e pelo frei Eustáquio de Arras (1266(?)-1291(?)). Além disso, utilizamos um ofício litúrgico produzido em Paris por um franciscano anônimo, no século XIV. Tomamos como premissa a devoção de Luís IX e sua grande proximidade com a Ordem Franciscana. Esses dois franciscanos remetem a duas concepções complementares de poder. Entendido como modelo pastoral pela teologia política medieval, o governo dos homens baseava-se na concepção de serviço, associada a Luís IX para a construção do modelo do rei franciscano. / The main goal of this thesis is to investigate the conception of power during Louis 9th (1214-1270) regime, on the perspective of the ministry, and according to the Franciscan texts. Louis 9th government represented the apogee of the local monarchies, the strengthening of the independent kingdoms, and the connection between them and the Church. For, the research is based on sources written in the 13th century: those are the sermons of Saint Bonaventure of Bagnoregio (1217-1274) and Eustache d´Arras (ca.1266-ca.1291). Besides, weve been served of a liturgical officium appeared in Paris, in the 14th century, written by an anonymous friar. We part of the assumption of Louis devotion, as well as his closeness towards the Franciscan Order. These two friars represent two complementary conceptions of power. Known as a pastoral model by the medieval Political Theology, the men´s government was seat in a ministry way, bounded to Louis 9thin order to elaborate the Franciscan rex.

O objetivo desta tese é analisar a concepção de poder no reinado do rei Luís IX (1214-1270), sob a perspectiva do serviço, de acordo com os escritos franciscanos. O governo de Luís IX representou o apogeu das monarquias regionais, o fortalecimento dos reinos locais e a ligação com a Igreja. Assim, a pesquisa baseia-se em documentos produzidos no século XIII: os sermões produzidos pelo frei Boaventura de Bagnoregio (1217-1274) e pelo frei Eustáquio de Arras (1266(?)-1291(?)). Além disso, utilizamos um ofício litúrgico produzido em Paris por um franciscano anônimo, no século XIV. Tomamos como premissa a devoção de Luís IX e sua grande proximidade com a Ordem Franciscana. Esses dois franciscanos remetem a duas concepções complementares de poder. Entendido como modelo pastoral pela teologia política medieval, o governo dos homens baseava-se na concepção de serviço, associada a Luís IX para a construção do modelo do rei franciscano. / The main goal of this thesis is to investigate the conception of power during Louis 9th (1214-1270) regime, on the perspective of the ministry, and according to the Franciscan texts. Louis 9th government represented the apogee of the local monarchies, the strengthening of the independent kingdoms, and the connection between them and the Church. For, the research is based on sources written in the 13th century: those are the sermons of Saint Bonaventure of Bagnoregio (1217-1274) and Eustache d´Arras (ca.1266-ca.1291). Besides, weve been served of a liturgical officium appeared in Paris, in the 14th century, written by an anonymous friar. We part of the assumption of Louis devotion, as well as his closeness towards the Franciscan Order. These two friars represent two complementary conceptions of power. Known as a pastoral model by the medieval Political Theology, the men´s government was seat in a ministry way, bounded to Louis 9thin order to elaborate the Franciscan rex.

Orientador: Alexandre Soares Carneiro / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-23T00:00:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maerki_Thiago_M.pdf: 1616067 bytes, checksum: bbf1766d5d4d8f0c4d65216a0767d576 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: A Legenda Maior, escrita por São Boaventura no século XIII, ocupa um lugar central dentre as hagiografias medievais que narram à vida de São Francisco de Assis e foi por muito tempo considerado a biografia oficial do fundador, responsável, pois, pela visão do santo mantida até o século XIX, quando estudos inovadores foram iniciados por Paul Sabatier. Apesar disso, são poucos os trabalhos que se dedicam à análise literária do texto hagiográfico boaventuriano, mais explorado pela História e pela Filosofia, ciências que não deixaram de apresentar recortes importantes sobre a obra. A primeira nos dá suporte para entender o conturbado momento interno da Ordem dos Frades Menores, o qual influenciou decisivamente a construção da narrativa; a segunda nos ajuda a compreender o pensamento místico do autor, influenciado, sobretudo, por Santo Agostinho e a pensar as Vidas de santos enquanto adoção de um "modo de vida" moldado pela ascese. Nesse sentido, procuramos analisar a personagem santoral à luz do pensamento de Pierre Hadot, principalmente no que diz respeito à associação entre "vida filosófica" e "vida cristã". Através de uma leitura interdisciplinar, desvendamos uma maneira específica de organização da narrativa, em que a construção da vida de Francisco é espelhada na teoria mística de Boaventura, narrando o itinerário da personagem em sete degraus de ascensão, partindo das criaturas até chegar à união com o criador, quando ocorre a estigmatização do santo. Para finalizar, analisamos os conceitos de figura, sermo humilis e gloria passionis, largamente explorados por Erich Auerbach, como recursos retórico-literários importantes para a economia da narrativa e para a construção da personagem Francisco / Abstract: Legenda Maior, written by St. Bonaventure in the thirteenth century, occupies a central place among the medieval hagiographies that tell the life of St. Francis of Assisi and was considered for a long time the official biography of the founder, responsible, therefore, for the saint's image kept until the nineteenth century, when innovative studies were started by Paul Sabatier. However, not many papers focus on the literary analysis of Bonaventure's hagiographic text, more explored by History and Philosophy, sciences that presented important views on this book. The former helps us understand the troubled internal situation of the Order of Friars Minor, which strongly influenced the construction of the narrative; the latter lets us know the author's mystical thought, especially influenced by St. Augustine, and consider the saints' Lives as the choice of a "way of life" shaped by asceticism. In this sense, we sought to analyze the holy personage from the perspective of Pierre Hadot's thought, especially with regard to the association between "philosophical life" and "Christian life." With an interdisciplinary approach, we reveal a specific way to organize the narrative in which the construction of Francis' life follows Bonaventure's mystical theory, narrating the character's journey in seven levels of ascension, starting from creatures to eventually attain union with the creator, when the saint's stigmatization occurs. Finally, we analyze the concepts of figura, sermo humilis and gloria passionis, widely examined by Erich Auerbach as important rhetorical and literary devices for narrative economy and for the construction of the figure of Francis / Mestrado / Teoria e Critica Literaria / Mestre em Teoria e História Literária

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:31:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao integral.pdf: 1828407 bytes, checksum: 5ae4f33e879a658e67f1ba3bedfa29f0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005-05-13 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Abstract The purpose of this work is to study the formation of analytical psychology in Brazil. To this end, a social approach in the history of psychology was used seeking to place people and facts in a general context once history is inserted in a certain time and place. Three figures considered pioneers in this field in the country were identified Nise da Silveira, Pethö Sándor and Leon Bonaventure whose personal and professional paths are addressed. At the same time, also noted, are the possible related broader events and situations that may be related to their being responsible for their role as pioneers. In mapping the contributions made by these professionals in the field of analytical psychology, one perceives the development of a creative work not limited to the dissemination of Carl Gustav Jung s concepts, but to the proposition of their own methods and techniques. Furthermore, particularly in the work of the two first pioneers researched, one observes the collaboration toward the birth of a Brazilian analytical psychology. / O objetivo deste trabalho é o estudo da constituição da psicologia analítica no Brasil. Para esse fim, utilizou-se a abordagem social em história da psicologia buscando situar personagens e fatos no contexto geral, na medida em que se entende que a história está inserida em determinado tempo e lugar. Foram identificados três personagens considerados pioneiros da disciplina no país Nise da Silveira, Pethö Sándor e Leon Bonaventure, cujos percursos pessoais e profissionais são abordados, ao mesmo tempo em que são apontados eventos e situações mais amplos que podem estar relacionadas ao processo que levou tais pessoas a assumirem o papel de pioneiros. Ao mapear-se a contribuição desses profissionais, para o campo da psicologia analítica, percebe-se o desenvolvimento de um trabalho criativo que não se limita à disseminação, no país, dos conceitos de Carl Gustav Jung, propondo métodos e técnicas próprias. Além disso, particularmente na obra dos dois primeiros pioneiros pesquisados, observa-se a colaboração para a constituição de uma psicologia analítica brasileira.

Cette étude souhaite contribuer à une meilleure connaissance et compréhension de l’idée de simplicité divine, qui signifie l’absence en Dieu de toute composition. Pièce centrale de la pensée théologique médiévale, elle fut redécouverte il y a 35 ans par des philosophes de tendance analytique, qui en contestèrent la cohérence. Elle est depuis lors l’objet d’un débat philosophique fourni, mais le détour par l’histoire de la philosophie est nécessaire pour dégager le réseau de concepts, d’arguments et de problèmes qui lui donne sens. Après avoir étudié la première élaboration de cette idée dans les textes antiques et patristiques, puis son traitement par Pierre Lombard à la veille du IVe concile de Latran de 1215, qui intègre pour la première fois la simplicité divine dans une profession de foi authentique du magistère, nous nous concentrons sur les œuvres de Bonaventure de Bagnoregio et de Thomas d’Aquin, qui accordent à cet attribut divin un rôle fondateur dans leur étude du mystère de Dieu. L’idée de simplicité divine s’y trouve sans cesse prise dans la dialectique de la ressemblance et de la dissemblance entre Créateur et créature. Tandis que Thomas associe de façon unilatérale la simplicité absolue à la transcendance de l’incréé, Bonaventure propose également des similitudes créées de la simplicité divine qui en favorisent l’intuition. Loin d’apparaître comme incohérente, l’idée de simplicité divine est un outil puissant pour ouvrir notre intelligence à un plan de réalité supérieur, certes mystérieux, mais néanmoins lumineux. / This study seeks to contribute to a better understanding and comprehension of the idea of divine simplicity, which means the absence in God of any composition. Cornerstone of medieval theological thinking, divine simplicity was rediscovered 35 years ago by philosophers of analytical leanings, who challenged its coherence. It has since formed the subject of abundant philosophical debate, however, the detour via the history of philosophy is necessary in order to draw out the network of concepts, arguments and issues, from where divine simplicity derives its meaning. After the study of the first development of this idea in ancient and patristic texts, and its treatment by Peter Lombard on the eve of the 4th Council of Lateran in 1215, which integrates for the first time divine simplicity in a genuin profession of faith of the magisterium, we shall focus on the works of Bonaventure of Bagnoregio and Thomas Aquinas, who grant this divine attribute a founding role in the study of the mystery of God. The idea of divine simplicity keeps being comprised in the dialectics of similarity and dissimilarity between Creator and creature. While Aquinas associates in an unilateral way absolute simplicity and transcendence of the uncreated, Bonaventure offers also created resemblances of divine simplicity which favour its intuition. Far from appearing incoherent, the idea of divine simplicity is a powerful means to open our minds to a level of superior reality, indeed mysterious, but nevertheless radiant.

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The justification of property ownership based on individual subjective rights is tightly bound to humanist moral perspectives. God is left out as irrelevant to the just grounds of ownership, which is established primarily on the basis of human self-referential, moral capacity. This thesis aims at developing an alternative justification, both for property as an institution and as a private holding, with a view to bringing God back into the centre stage and thereby placing property ownership on the objective concept of right. A tradition hitherto generally left unnoticed, yet uncovered here as the source of inspiration, vests the whole project with a moral-teleological tone. The tradition, enunciated by St. Augustine and developed by St. Bonaventure and John Wyclif, invites us to see property from the perspective of a moral end: it ought to be used for the love of God and neighbours, and as such it can be owned only by the just. In spite of important insights into the moral nature of property, the Augustinian thesis not only fails to spell out what ‘use for love’ means but also suffers from elitism. Nor does it offer an adequate justification of private property. Such weaknesses call for revision. When we reinterpret the Augustinian thesis through the concept of the divine imperative of service coupled with a proper understanding of human work, property acquires a distinctive justification. Property, as an institution, is justified as a requisite for carrying out God’s redemptive work towards the world. From this general justification ensues the particular justification. We hold property as specifically ‘mine,’ since each person’s ordained mission to participate in God’s work requires a uniquely personal material means, although the recognition and fulfilment of individual mission still demands communal efforts. The duty to carry out the God-commanded mission at first allows us to possess private property only in a non-proprietorial and non-exclusive manner. Yet in the prevailing condition of economic scarcity and human greed, civil jurisdiction must provide a structure of rights to enforce property institution. As God’s invitation for the transformation of the world is a universal command, everybody should have a minimum of property, and yet in differentiation of the scope and kinds commensurate with the particularities of individual mission.