@font-face { font-family: "Times"; }@font-face { font-family: "Cambria"; }p.MsoNormal, li.MsoNormal, div.MsoNormal { margin: 0in 0in 0.0001pt; font-size: 12pt; font-family: "Times New Roman"; }div.Section1 { page: Section1; } In October 2010 the Constitutional Council of France approved a law banning the burqa and niqab from all public places. Joining the ongoing scholarly discussion on veiling, this study seeks to understand the role the French press played in legitimating the ban, the first of its kind to be implemented in Europe. I argue that discourse in the press made the legislation appear reasonable and necessary because of its association with gender inequality and religious fundamentalism. This media narrative legitimated the legislation by presenting the veil as intolerable and “against public social order.” Made necessary by rapidly shifting demographics in contemporary France, this discourse was couched in a defensive employment of laïcité.

À la fin des années 1980, trois adolescentes d’origine musulmane ont été exclues de leur collège parce qu’elles refusaient d’enlever leur voile en classe. Ce « fait divers » aurait pu passer inaperçu s’il n’avait pas été étalé de manière spectaculaire sur la scène médiatique. Les raisons invoquées pour justifier cet engouement tiennent en un mot : faire respecter le principe de laïcité au sein de l’école républicaine. Mais très vite, le débat a pris d’autres proportions avec l’intervention d’une grande partie d’intellectuels et l’on apprend soudainement que, derrière le foulard, se cache la soumission de la femme, si ce n’est une volonté affichée de « communautarisme », voire d’« intégrisme religieux ». La nation serait alors en danger et l’on comprend que la question du foulard rebondisse en 1994, avec cette fois-ci une détermination de la part des militants laïcs de mettre en échec le droit en vigueur, formulé par le Conseil d’État en des termes limpides : le port d’un signe religieux par les élèves ne saurait, en lui-même, constituer un motif d’exclusion, sauf cas avéré de « port ostentatoire et revendicatif ». Reste que dans un mouvement d’éternel retour, le problème du foulard resurgit brutalement en 2003, se politise et s’achève par la promulgation en mars 2004 d’une loi interdisant le port du voile dans les établissements publics.Sur le fond, cette évolution a mis en exergue un aspect essentiel : la crainte des « immigrés » et d’un islam devenu trop visible. Elle a également permis d’opposer la laïcité à la liberté religieuse. Notre travail consiste justement à comprendre comment on en est arrivé à rendre antinomiques deux principes fondamentaux sur lesquels repose, entre autres, la notion de démocratie en République française. Cette interrogation est d’autant plus légitime que la polémique autour du foulard avait explicitement ignoré le point de vue des femmes voilées, passant ainsi à côté des différentes significations que ce bout d’étoffe pouvait contenir. De fait, si l’objectif de notre recherche est de passer au crible la position de ceux qui ont oeuvré à l’interdiction du foulard dans l’espace scolaire, il s’agit aussi de donner la parole à ces femmes qui n’ont pas eu droit de cité. Dans cette optique, notre souci premier est de connaître comment elles vivent leur voilement. Quel sens donnent-elles au port du voile ? Quel regard jettent-elles sur un débat qui semble mettre en cause leur liberté d’expression confessionnelle ? Ces questions sont à la base de notre problématique. / At the end of the 80s, three girls of Moslem origin were excluded from their middle school because they refused to remove their veil in class. This «news item» would have been able to pass unnoticed, had not it been spread in a spectacular way over the media scene. The reasons called to justify this craze like are the will to make respect the principle of secularism within the republican school. But, very fast, the debate took other proportions with the intervention of many intellectuals who thought that behind the scarf hides the submission of the woman, if it is not a will posted by «communitarism» even of « religious fundamentalism ».Then, the nation would be in danger and we can understand that the question of the scarf bounces in 1994, with this time a determination on behalf of laic activists to put in check the current law, formulated by the Council of State in crystal clear terms: the bearing of a religious sign by the pupils does not constitute in itself a motive for exclusion, except in cases of «ostentatious and claiming bearing» . But in a movement of eternal return, the bearing of the scarf reappears brutally in 2003, politicizes, and ends with the promulgation in March, 2004 of a law forbidding the wearing of the veil in public institutions. In fact, this evolution highlighted an essential aspect: the fear of the «immigrants» and the Islam become too visible. It also allowed to set secularism against the freedom of religion. Our work consists in understanding how we managed to make paradoxical these two fundamental principles on which the notion of democracy in French Republic, among others, rests. This interrogation is all the more justifiable since the debate around the scarf had explicitly ignored the point of view of the veiled women, so passing next to the various meanings which this end of fabric could contain. Actually, if the objective of our research is to examine closely the position of those who intervened for the ban on the scarf in the school space, it is also a question of giving the floor to these women who have not been established. So, our first questions are: how do they live their buckle ? What sense do they give to the wearing of the veil ? What glance do they throw on a debate which seems to question their confessional freedom of expression ? These questions are on the base of our research

The debate concerning face veiling has been brought in to view by several governments in Europe. Luca Mavelli studies the debate regarding the burqa using the concept of securitization and from that the objective of this study is to analyze the medial- and the political discourse in Sweden regarding the burqa. The formulated questions drawn from this is; who are the securitizing actors? According to the securitization actors, who can de defined as a referent object? Wherein is the threat according to the securitizing actors? Is it possible to recognize a difference between the medial and the political discourse? Furthermore the paper adopts the theoretical framework that is the concept of securitization, formulated by the Copenhagen School of security. The methodological foundation is based on a social constructivist approach and consequently uses Norman Faircloughs critical discourse analyzes as an analytical tool. Conclusions show that the two discourses often express similar results but a difference is apparent in how the debate is presented. Representatives of the political parties are defined as securitizing actors and to a certain degree so is the media. Furthermore, according to the securitizing actors the referent objects are Swedish traditions and culture, the threat lies in the values that are attached to the burqa.

Islamic terrorism has become a global problem which has resulted in human, social, political, and economic costs. Many Islamic terrorist organizations have focused their attacks on the West and its interests. They justify these acts by making reference to policies of the West, which they believe are inimical to Islam. France, a Western country, recently introduced a law which bans the Islamic face veil (the burqa) in public places in the country. This study examined the implications of this law. The research question focused on the perceived relationship between this law and increased acts of Islamic terrorism. The theoretical construct of this study was based off Huntington's clash of civilizations theory. Data were collected through in-depth, open ended interviews with 23 Muslim participants who were identified through a snowball sampling technique. These participants represented a variety of nations, including France. Data were inductively coded and then organized around key themes and ideas. Findings indicate that participants did not perceive a relationship between increased acts of Islamic terrorism and the burqa ban specifically, but they did feel the burqa ban undermines Islam. These findings were consistent with the study's theoretical construct as they revealed an underlying conflict between some Western countries and Islam. These findings contribute to positive social change as they highlight areas where policy makers have opportunities to build more culturally sensitive relations between the West and Islam, perhaps eventually serving to reduce future radicalization and religious extremism.

In 2011, France was the first European country to enforce the Concealment Act which statesthat any type of face concealing clothing in the public sphere is banned. France is a memberof the European Union, and the right to freedom of thought, religion and conscience is one ofthe significant fundamental human rights. Thus, questions arise whether this legislationinterferes with the religious liberty of Muslim women. This research is evaluating how thecontemporary ban is related to religious liberty when accounting for the historicalbackground. The research addresses the continuous attempt of France, especially afterIslamic terror attacks, to restrict the Islamic clothing and assimilate the French andwesternized identity to Muslim women. The principle of laicite and France’s historicalbackground shows the country's strong separation of religion and state.

No description available.

Cette thèse porte sur la construction médiatique de « l’affaire de la burqa » (2009-2010) et la problématisation scientifique de « l’affaire du foulard » (1989-2004) en France. Ces débats s’inscrivent dans une actualité marquée par l’émergence de projets d’interdiction du voile islamique dans les crèches (2008-2015), sorties scolaires (2007-2013), entreprises et universités (2013-2015). Des faits divers aux lois, les affaires du foulard et de la burqa mettent au jour la conversion des débats médiatiques en affaires nationales, nous informant alors sur la construction d’un agenda juridique autour des signes de l’islam. Au regard de ce contexte, ce travail interroge la manière dont la mise en visibilité médiatique accrue du voile participe à la reconfiguration des espaces publics. Dans une approche sémiotique en communication, appuyée sur les méthodes d’analyse de l’image et des discours, ce travail conjugue l’étude de « l’affaire de la burqa » dans la presse et « l’affaire du foulard » dans les revues en SHS. L’articulation des arènes médiatique et scientifique se fait dans une perspective de recherche « archéologique » consistant à lire l’actualité (« affaire de la burqa ») à la lumière d’un savoir scientifique sédimenté durant vingt ans de publication en SHS sur « l’affaire du foulard ». Cette étude démontre que « l’affaire du foulard » a inauguré une problématique au sujet de la visibilité islamique, tandis que « l’affaire de la burqa » a posé une question inédite sur la spatialité des signes de l’islam. Ce travail a mis au jour deux paradigmes d’analyse (visibilité-spatialité) devenus aujourd’hui centraux pour la recherche en SHS portant sur le voile ou le fait religieux islamique sous le prisme des médias. / This thesis focuses on the media construction of the "burqa affair" (2009-2010) and the scientific problematization of the "headscarf affair" (1989-2004) in France. These public debates are part of media and scientific current events marked by the emergence of many projects banning the Islamic veil in nurseries (2008-2015), school trips (2007-2013), enterprises and universities (2013-2015). From news stories to laws, headscarf and burqa affairs reveals the conversion of media controversies into national issues, informing us about building a legal agenda around the signs of Islam. Given this context, this work examines how the increased media setting of Islamic veils visibility takes part in the redefinition of public spaces. In a semiotics approach, based on methods of image and discourse analysis, this work combines the study of the "burqa affair" through the press and the "headscarf affair" through the Humanities and Social Sciences journals. The articulation of mediatic and scientific arenas is approached from an "archaeological" perspective consisting of reading recent news events ("burqa affair") in the light of a scientific-knowledge sedimented during twenty years of HSS publications on "headscarf affair". This study demonstrates that the "headscarf affair" has opened a problematic view in relation to the Islamic visibility, while the "burqa affair" has set a new question on the spatiality of the signs of Islam. This work has enable to update two analytical paradigms – visibility and spatiality – that became central to contemporary research in HSS regarding the issue of the veil or Islam through the prism of the media.

The Islamic minority in France today is experiencing adversity as the government of France passed legislation stating that all facial coverings will be henceforth illegal, restricting or prohibiting religious symbols in various public spaces. Some Islamic women feel as though this is a pointed attack on women of the Muslim faith for their choice to wear traditional clothing which covers the face and body. There have been outcries that this is a human rights violation and restriction of religious rights. This project is an examination of the effects of France’s “burqa ban” and restrictions on religious symbols on both Islamic men and women who live in France. The goal of this project is to speak directly to those affected by this legislation and to understand the perspective and opinions of French Muslims. Records such as documented personal testimonies, legal archives, and transcriptions of in-person interviews are utilized to study the perspective of this minority in response to the controversial legislation. Neglecting to pursue an understanding of another culture and belief system will only yield disharmony among groups, and this research aims to avoid this phenomenon. In collecting the data, I set a goal to have and later discuss a better understanding of this issue and the people affected by it.

A lei francesa que proíbe o uso dos véus integrais em espaços públicos, recentemente aprovada, suscitou polêmicas políticas e sociais. Tal lei invoca a necessidade de evitar rostos cobertos em espaços públicos e os defensores da medida frequentemente mencionam o papel da lei em promover a laicidade e a igualdade de gênero. Contudo, o consenso sobre essa questão está longe de ser atingido entre os diversos acadêmicos e políticos que a discutem. Muitos dos opositores da lei a veem como uma forma de promover o racismo e a segregação ao invés da justiça, da liberdade, da integração, da igualdade de gênero e da agência das mulheres. Considerando a posição de algumas teóricas feministas, pretendemos desenvolver uma reflexão associando o feminismo às teorias liberal, comunitarista e multiculturalista a fim de refletir sobre as dimensões políticas e ideológicas deste processo. Assim, abordaremos os conceitos de justiça, liberdade e igualdade, fundamentais para a compreensão desse debate. Desse modo, pretendemos discutir as motivações para a criação da lei, bem como as suas consequências na sociedade francesa. / The recent French law banning women from wearing full-cover veils in public spaces has raised controversy in different political and social scopes. The law mentions the necessity of avoiding hidden faces in public spaces and its defenders often mention the law’s role in promoting secularism and gender equality. However, several policy makers and scholars are far from reaching agreement around this issue. Much of the opponents of the law see in this measure a way of promoting racism and segregation instead of justice, freedom, integration, women’s agency and gender equality. Putting at the frontline the position of some feminist scholars, we intend to develop a debate among theoretical feminism liberalism, multiculturalism and communitarism in order to understand the political and ideological dimension of this process. We will be addressing important issues such as justice, freedom and gender equity, which are fundamental to understand this debate. Our aim is to discuss the motivations for creating the law as well as its consequences in French society.

A lei francesa que proíbe o uso dos véus integrais em espaços públicos, recentemente aprovada, suscitou polêmicas políticas e sociais. Tal lei invoca a necessidade de evitar rostos cobertos em espaços públicos e os defensores da medida frequentemente mencionam o papel da lei em promover a laicidade e a igualdade de gênero. Contudo, o consenso sobre essa questão está longe de ser atingido entre os diversos acadêmicos e políticos que a discutem. Muitos dos opositores da lei a veem como uma forma de promover o racismo e a segregação ao invés da justiça, da liberdade, da integração, da igualdade de gênero e da agência das mulheres. Considerando a posição de algumas teóricas feministas, pretendemos desenvolver uma reflexão associando o feminismo às teorias liberal, comunitarista e multiculturalista a fim de refletir sobre as dimensões políticas e ideológicas deste processo. Assim, abordaremos os conceitos de justiça, liberdade e igualdade, fundamentais para a compreensão desse debate. Desse modo, pretendemos discutir as motivações para a criação da lei, bem como as suas consequências na sociedade francesa. / The recent French law banning women from wearing full-cover veils in public spaces has raised controversy in different political and social scopes. The law mentions the necessity of avoiding hidden faces in public spaces and its defenders often mention the law’s role in promoting secularism and gender equality. However, several policy makers and scholars are far from reaching agreement around this issue. Much of the opponents of the law see in this measure a way of promoting racism and segregation instead of justice, freedom, integration, women’s agency and gender equality. Putting at the frontline the position of some feminist scholars, we intend to develop a debate among theoretical feminism liberalism, multiculturalism and communitarism in order to understand the political and ideological dimension of this process. We will be addressing important issues such as justice, freedom and gender equity, which are fundamental to understand this debate. Our aim is to discuss the motivations for creating the law as well as its consequences in French society.