La thèse explore les liens entre l'autonomisation des femmes et la transition économique. Elle examine la manière dont l'augmentation du nombre de femmes travaillant dans le secteur public ou privé peut contribuer à résoudre certains problèmes persistants de transition dans les pays émergents, comme un faible niveau de productivité, d'innovation et de développement humain. La thèse est composée de trois chapitres qui s'appuient sur les modèles économiques de l'égalité entre les sexes et de la transition. Le premier chapitre explore la relation entre la composition hommes-­femmes des entreprises et l'implication des entreprises en question dans des activités d'innovation en Europe de l'Est et en Asie centrale. Le deuxième chapitre établit l'analyse des performances des entreprises, et cherche à déterminer si les PME dirigées par des femmes se comportent différemment de celles dirigées par des hommes dans les pays de l'Europe de l'Est, d'Asie centrale et Russie. Ce chapitre examine en particulier les activités qui permettent d'améliorer la compétitivité des entreprises: l'acquisition de services de développement commercial et l'investissement dans la formation sur le terrain. Enfin, dans le dernier chapitre, j'examine les liens entre le nombre de femmes dans les assemblées législatives des États de l'Inde et l'amélioration de la condition des femmes dans leur famille, mesurée par leur âge lors de leur premier mariage et de leur première maternité. Dans ces trois chapitres, je conclus que l'augmentation de la participation des femmes à tous les niveaux des secteurs public et privé a un effet positif sur les résultats obtenus au niveau de l'entreprise et des personnes. / The thesis addresses the links between women's empowerment and economic transition. It examines the ways in which more women working in the public and private sectors could address the persistent problems of transition and emerging economies, such as poor human capital base and low levels of productivity and innovation. The thesis has three chapters which build on the economic models of gender equality and transition. The first chapter explores the relationship between the gender composition of a firm and the firm's involvement in innovation activities in Eastern Europe and Central Asia. The second chapter extends the analysis of firm performance, and investigates whether SMEs owned by women perform differently from SMEs owned by men in Eastern Europe, Central Asia and Russia. In particular, the chapter examines activities which enhance firm competitiveness: acquisition of business development services and investment in on-the-job training. Finally, in the last chapter, I examine the relationship between the number of women in state legislative assemblies in lndia and better family outcomes for women as measured by age at first marriage and childbearing. Throughout the three chapters, I conclude that an increasing participation of women at all levels in the private and public sectors is positively associated with better firm-level and individual outcomes.

Participant à une certaine opacité dans son étude générale, la civilisation nomade des steppes Eurasiatiques fut longtemps considérée comme apolitique et symboliquement ancrée dans la barbarie. Cependant, cette dernière demeure un sanctuaire d’investigation scientifique à l’intérieur duquel le politique s’est considérablement manifesté par la création de nombreuses confédérations tribales. Opérant son entrée dans l’histoire de l’humanité en tant qu’élément perturbateur des sociétés sédentaires, les peuples de la Haute Asie ont ainsi participé, durant près de deux mille ans, à la chute, au bouleversement ou au renouveau des plus grandes civilisations. La création et l’expansion de l’empire gengiskhanide, dès le début du XIIIème siècle a permis de démontrer la faculté pour ces populations de pasteurs nomades d’opérer d’importantes modifications au sein même de leur morphologie sociale, et ce pour les besoins du politique et de la guerre vers l’extérieure. Cependant examinée de l’intérieur, cette civilisation atypique n’en reste pas moins problématique, notamment du fait de son actualisation culturelle. Cette dernière, accomplie au travers de concepts socio culturels alliant pensée animiste, spiritualité chamanique et utilisation de représentations sociales à aspects zoomorphiques, ne semble rentrer dans aucune grille de lecture impériale. La symbolique du loup est ainsi devenue omniprésente dans l’évolution de la morphologie tribale altaïque, participant à une unification massive des tribus turco-mongoles sous l’hégémonie hiérocratique de Gengis Khan. Devenu progressivement élément mythologique attracteur, l’animal carnassier s’est ainsi frayé une place de choix au sein de la mentalité collective nomade, participant directement au chamboulement de la morphologie tribale, pour les besoins du politique et de l’expansion de la civilisation des steppes en terres sédentaires. Au delà de la simple utilisation lycanthropique de l’ancêtre clanique, sa symbolique, réutilisée habilement par Gengis Khan, est en mesure de démontrer à la fois le dynamisme politique à apposer aux sociétés considérées à tort comme «primitives», tout comme l’instauration d’une identité sociale et d’une idéologie guerrière prédatrices. Etablissant de ce fait l’entité nomade comme antagonique mais complémentaire avec la pensée et l’histoire humaine sédentaire. / Participating in a certain opacity in it’s general study, the nomadic civilization of Eurasian steppe was long regarded as non-political and symbolically rooted in barbary. However, the latter remains a sanctuary of scientific investigation within which the political has significantly expressed itself by the creation of many Tribal confederations. It’s entry operates in the history of mankind as a disruptive element of sedentary societies. People of High Asia participated for almost two thousand years to the collapse, disruption or renewal of the world’s greatest civilizations. From the beginning of the 13th century the creation and expansion of the gengiskhanid empire enabled the demonstration of the faculty of these nomad pastors. They operated major changes in their social morphology for the political needs and because of the war outside. Examined from the interior, this atypical civilization remains questions. This is a result of cultural updating. The latter, accomplished through social and cultural concepts combining animist thinking, shamanist spirituality and the utilisation of social representations with zoomorphic aspects doesn’t fit any imperial cases studies. The symbolic representation of the wolf became ubiquitous in the development of the Tribal-Altaic morphology and participation of a massive unification of Turko-Mongolian clans under the hierocratic hegemony of Gengis Khan. The carnivorous animal had progressively became administred as an attraction mythological element and cleared the way to the Tribal collective mentality. This participating directly to the disruption of Tribal morphology for the political needs and expansion of the steppe civilization in settled population territories. Beyond the single lycanthropic utilization of the Tribal ancestor, its symbolism skillfully reused by Gengis Khan demonstrates simultaneously the political dynamism to pin on societes mistakenly considered as « primitive », and the establishment of a predatory social identity and war-making ideology created de facto the nomadic identity as an antagonist but complementary to the social wores and history of human sedentary. / Судалгааны хувьд ерөнхийдөө зарим тайлбарлахад амаргүй байдлыг хуваалцахад, Евро- Азийн тал нутгийн соёлыг урт хугацааны туршид зэрлэг бүдүүлэг байдалтай байсан хэмээн үздэг. Гэсэн хэдий ч сүүлд оршин байсан ариун дагшин газраас шинжлэх ухааны судалгаа авч үзвэл олон овог аймгийн нэгтгэн байгуулсан улс төрийн байдал нь нэлээд тод томруун харуулж өгдөг байна. Хүн төрлөгтөний түүхийн хувьд авч үзвэл уналт, өөрчлөлтийн зөрчилдөөн эсвэл илүү том нөлөө бүхий соёл иргэншлээр шинэчлэл явагдсан байдал зэргээр сууршмал нийгмийн хөгжил нь төв азийн нүүдэлчин улс орнуудын оролцоо нөлөөгөөр 2000 орчим жил тасалдсан. Улс төрийн болон гадагш хандсан дайны шаардлагаар Чингис хааны эзэнт гүрний байгуулалт болон тэлэлт нь 13-р зууны эхэн үед нийгмийн бүтцэд чухал өөрчөлтүүдийг бий болгоход малчин нүүдэлчид их нөлөө үүрэг гүйцэтгэсэн гэдгийг илэрхий харуулж өгдөг. Гэвч дотоод байдлыг нь ухан авч үзвэл энэхүү өвөрмөц соёл багагүй асуудалтай байсан бөгөөд дашрамд дурдахад соёлын өөрчлөлтийн нөлөө ч бас илэрхий байв. Энэхүү нийгэм соёлын үзэл баримтлалыг нь өргөнөөр авч үзвэл сүнслэгжүүлсэн үзэл санаа, бөөгийн сүнслэг үзэл болон амьтны сүнстэй холбосон үзэл санаан дээр тулгуурласан нийгмийн төлөөллийг ашигласан зэрэг нь эзэнт гүрний утга зохиолын хүрээнд оруулсан байдаг. Чингис хааны доор Түрэг-монголчуудын овгуудын өргөнөөр нэгтгэсэн байдлыг хамруулан Алтайн овгийн хэл зүйн хувьсал өөрчлөлтөнд чонын билиг тэмдгийн талаар хаа сайгүй дурдагдсан байдаг. Бодлогын зорилгоор болон соёлын алхамын тэлэлтүүд сууршиж, нүүдэлчдийн ерөнхий сэтгэлгээнд үлгэр домгийн хэлбэрүүд аажмаар багасаж махчин амьтны талаарх сэдэв түгэж эхлэсэн бөгөөд овгийн хэл зүйд шууд өөрчлөлтөнд нөлөө үзүүлэв. Эртний отог аймгийн энгийн бэлэг тэмдэг болсон чонын утгыг Чингис Хаанаар дамжуулан цааш улс төрийн хүч, итгэл үнэмшлийг харуулах арга замаар ухаалгаар дахин ашиглагдаж ирсэн байдал нь хэсэг бүлгийнхний дүгнэлтэнд буруугаар тайлбарлагдах шалтгаан болсон бөгөөд балар эртний дайтан эзлэн түрэмгийлэгч хэмээн тэд авч үзэх болсон бөгөөд нүүдэлчдийн энэхүү байдлыг хувиа хичээсэн байдлаар оршин тогтнож байсан хэдий ч сууршмал соёлын үзэл баримтлал холбоотой зүйлс бас байсан байна хэмээн үзжээ.

In simultaneously pursuing commercial and social goals, specialist microfinance organisations (MFOs) are leading examples of social enterprises working in development. Yet evidence of the feasibility of such ‘double bottom line’ management is limited. The thesis takes a comparative case study approach to investigating the dynamics of a social enterprise model of microfinance, with particular emphasis on its role in promoting employment related goals. Case study material consists primarily of the experience of two Central Asian MFOs that participated in an action research project ‘Microfinance for Decent Work’ implemented by the International Labour Organisation (ILO). Data was obtained through participant observation, staff interviews, client level surveys, and it also includes reflective practice arising from my participation in the ILO project as a consultant to both MFOs between 2008 and 2012. The findings are mixed. One of the MFOs was more strongly internally motivated to achieve social goals, and was more successful in implementing social performance management initiatives. The other was motivated more by the goal to demonstrate social performance to external stakeholders, and was less responsive to the evidence generated. The thesis also illustrates both path dependence in the evolution of social performance management, and the limited capacity of external agencies such as the ILO to influence the institutionalisation of development management within MFOs.

L'Asie centrale joua un rôle important dans les réseaux des échanges d'idées, de connaissances et de biens entre l'Orient et l'Occident. Les recherches archéologiques récentes montrent que la formation de ces réseaux remonte à l'âge du Bronze, et que la région du Xinjiang est au centre de ces problématiques. Le début des interactions directes est dû à la diffusion de la culture de Qiemu'erqieke de la région de l'Altaï, qui établit les premiers contacts avec les cultures du Corridor du Hexi dans Xinjiang oriental. L'expansion progressive de la culture d'Andronovo de l'Asie centrale occidentale maintint ces relations et acheva la formation de nouveaux itinéraires de contacts entre l'Asie centrale et le Corridor du Hexi. Ces derniers traversent la région du Xinjiang. Ce nouveau réseau de la communication est connu plus tard, pendant les périodes historiques, sous le nom de la «Route de la soie». / Beginning in the third century BC, the biggest trade network in world history developed within only a few centuries. The Xinjiang region plays an important role of crossroad for transportation and exchanges of peoples, goods, and ideas between China and the rest of Eurasia. Archaeological records show that these cultural phenomena from East and West bear witness to repeated material and technological exchanges, as well as interethnic marriages. Meanwhile, the Eurasian Steppe Cultures developed metallurgy, horse­breeding and wheeled transportation, earlier than the human groups of the Chinese Central Plain. Through these early contacts, some advanced technologies were also absorbed by the Central Plain Cultures, becoming, a few centuries later, important features for the development of Chinese culture. The Early East-West exchanges and communications between human groups belonging to different cultures laid the foundations for the subsequent "Silk Roads".

This thesis analyses local forms of civil society practised in contemporary Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan and provides a common thread on which to base a Central Asian understanding of civil society. I look to find out factors and constituents, which on the surface might be different from a classical liberal concept of civil society. The thesis applies a wider anthropological framework, which sees civil society as a broad network of social relationships, including traditional forms of associational life that can be relatively independent of the state. The study draws upon a multi-locale ethnography in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan including in-depth and focus group interviews, participant observations, case studies, and archival research. I have investigated associations whose activities are concerned with reciprocal relations within society based on community solidarity, self-help, and mutual trust. These include professional associations, trade unions, ethno-cultural associations, religious organisations, courtyard clubs, the traditional Uzbek neighbourhood institution of mahalla, and informal practices of gap and khashar. While arguing that the meaning of civil society depends on context, the study has found that traditional elements of the preserved social fabric in Central Asian societies are reflected in today's networks of individuals. The thesis has generated knowledge on how local forms of associational life define the civil sphere by shaping social organisation, solidarity and mobilisation. Through empirical understanding of the public space, formal and informal networks that bond people together, we can locate wider ethnographic differences between not only the original and Central Asian concepts of civil society but also between two local cultures of Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan.

This thesis analyses tha impact of the Xinjiang Problem on the foreign policy of China. Because of its strategic location and natural resources, Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region has great importance for China. this thesis argues that Chinese foreign policy towards Central Asian region has been shaped by security considerations of China related to the Xinjiang Problem. the Xinjiang Problem shapes China&#039 / s foreign relaitons wsth Central Asian States, Russia, the U.S. and Turkey becouse this problem has became important element of China&#039 / s territorial integrity as well ass its strategy of stabilizing Central Asian region.

This dissertation aims to uncover the main parameters, the decisive dynamics within Kyrgyz politics not only through an examination of the socio-political context of post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan, but also through an analysis of the events that came to be known as the &lsquo / Tulip Revolution&rsquo / . It examines the general and immediate contexts, course of events, dynamics and implications of the &lsquo / Tulip Revolution&rsquo / in order to understand what kind of dynamics account for the continuing instability in Kyrgyzstan in its aftermath. Despite a variety of factors can be considered as relevant, this study argues that the continuity in the decisive role of informal dynamics in shaping Kyrgyz politics accounts for the continuing instability in Kyrgyz politics. Bases of the informal dynamics are embedded in Kyrgyzstan&rsquo / s historical context and they are strengthened by its transitional context / they played decisive roles in shaping the course of events during the &lsquo / Tulip Revolution&rsquo / and their decisive role remained as such in its aftermath. Not only various developments in Bakiev era, but also the events that led to the end of it provide reinforcing evidence for such continuity. Hence, the &lsquo / Tulip Revolution&rsquo / did not bring about an &lsquo / impetus for democratization&rsquo / , but indicated to an &lsquo / impetus for the decisive role of informal dynamics&rsquo / in shaping Kyrgyz politics, which paves the way for the persistent instability in the country.

經濟是習近平發展「中國夢」不可或缺的重要支柱，中國在經濟高速發展下，能源消耗量持續激增，缺乏能源將對經濟與社會發展產生負面影響，對外依存度日益擴大，增加石油及天然氣進口，是解決中國能源短缺問題的主要方法。 就中國能源安全而言，外部面臨海外能源來源受周邊地緣政治影響，內部存在能源結構上過度依賴煤炭等問題，而鄰接中國的中亞地區為新興能源中心，與中亞的能源合作能夠減少能源輸入風險、改善能源結構，有助中國克服能源安全的窘境。中亞的豐富能源不僅受到周邊大國的覬覦，也使中亞國家內部生成尋租與貪腐、制度弱化、資金錯配、阻礙長期發展等資源詛咒現象。本論文透過觀察中國與中亞間雙邊貿易、直接投資與大型投資與合約的變化，從國際政治經濟學的視角，分析獲得中國正運用經濟資源在中亞發揮政治影響力，逐步實踐具體的能源戰略。中國藉地緣經濟進入中亞，掌握經濟互補的競爭優勢，以提供中亞國家發展所需資金與基礎建設，並排除區域發展障礙，增進彼此能源合作的機會，達成鞏固中國能源安全的戰略目的。 / A strong economy is the rock of XI Jingpi’s “Chinese Dream”; however, because of the dramatically increasing energy consumption with rapid economic growth, energy deficiency leads to negative economic and societal effects in China. Therefore, in light of aggravated overdependence on energy imports, the major solution for the shortage would be searching for more energy accesses, especially for oil and natural gas. China faces several energy security problems. For example, domestically, China heavily depends on coal as thermal resources. Externally, energy accesses significantly are affected by geopolitics. However, Central Asia, a new but major center of natural resources, not just a neighbor of China, but also a crucial partner in energy cooperation capable of reducing China’s risks of importing resources from other routes, changing Chinese energy structure at present, and finally helping China overcomes the problem of energy security. Abundant resources is not just a blessing making other countries jealous, resources also becomes a curse resulting from rent-seeking, corruption, financial dislocation, etc. in Central Asian countries, and these issues hinder the long-term development in the region. From the international political economy perspective, I observe the change of bilateral trade, foreign direct investment, and major investment contracts between China and Central Asian countries to analyze if China gradually practices its energy strategy through imposing political influence in Central Asia via economic leverages. I find that China encourages energy cooperation with Central Asian countries by taking the advantage of geography and financing investment of infrastructure which both creates a promising environment of development.

中共隨經濟的高度發展對能源的消耗也愈來愈高，其能源產量除了煤炭之外，其他如石油、天然氣等石化燃料都面臨不足，已經無法靠自有石油資源來因應高消耗量，也造成日漸依賴進口的能源，而其能源進口地區主要是在中東，但是中東地區政局不穩定，且這條海上運輸線需經過索馬利亞和亞丁灣，沿線海盜猖獗，麻六甲的航道又比較狹長，若航運通道遭受阻斷，將足以對中共能源供應穩定帶來衝擊。 而中共於2009年12月啟動了第一條跨國天然氣管道—中亞天然氣管道(閥門)，該管道西起土庫曼穿越烏茲別克中部和哈薩克南部地區，經新疆霍爾果斯口岸入境;這等於打通了中共和中亞地區各國的進口原油的通道。截至2014年4月中旬，從新疆霍爾果斯口岸入境的中亞天然氣管道，已累計向中共輸送天然氣達到500億立方米。 然而新疆維吾爾自治區位於中共西北部地處，自古以來就是中共向西開放的重要門戶，有長達5,600公里的邊境線，惟新疆少數民族乃未停息的宗教不安問題，一直是北京及中亞最可能的潛在引爆點。為維持中共新疆地區社會穩定、經濟健康發展、民族團結、邊防鞏固及維護和保持新疆社會大局穩定，因此中共對新疆境內分離份子的態度（新疆境內有42﹪維吾爾族人），自然是中共關切所在。因此中共於新疆地區執行各項維穩及反恐任務，來抑制少數伊斯蘭教激進份子的東突厥斯坦獨立運動思潮，來達到其穩定內部社會秩序、並藉由與國際間的反恐合作持續在反恐建設上加強作為，鞏固政權及確保經由陸路運輸的石油氣管道安全，是當前對新疆最重要及緊迫的任務;其發展對中共的能源安全戰略、擴大與中亞、南亞的能源合作、保持邊疆穩定具有十分重要價值，使得新疆作為中共石油資源戰略接替區的戰略地位更加明朗。 / While energy consumption rises significantly with the rapid economic growth, China becomes self-insufficient in all kinds of fossil fuel, such as oil and natural gas, except coal, and depends more and more on imported resources, accordingly. China exports its energy resources from the Middle East mostly, however, stable supply from this area cannot be promised. First of all, many oil-producing countries in the Middle East suffer from regime transitions; secondly, the problem of pirate in the offshore Somalia and the Gulf of Aden cannot be overcome, and it would be highly inconvenient if the sea lines through the Strait of Malacca were interrupted. Therefore, China began to construct the first gas interstate pipeline in Central Asia, which starts from Turkmenistan, central Uzbekistan, southern Kazakhstan, and enters China through the border city in Xinjian Uyghur Autonomous region, Horgos. Until mid-April 2014, this pipeline has delivered 50 billion cbm natural from Central Asia to China. However, this region, located in the Northwest China with 5,600 borderline, has been a disturbing issue for China because of conflict among ethnic and religious minorities and Chinese people. In order to maintain the stability in the economy, society and diverse ethnics in the border, China practices several policies, such as stabilization and counter-terrorism, to suppress the independence activity by Islamic extremists in Uyghuristan. Additionally, is important for China to secure the pipeline through Central Asia and the local governance by counter-terrorism with international cooperation. Therefore, Xinjian has strategic value for China regarding energy security, not just for the resource access to Central Asia, but also for the cooperation in South Asia. Central Asia, energy security, land pipeline, stabilization in Xinjian

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