The aim of this diploma paper is to analyse and define the nature of secret exercise of public authority and to asses this phenomena in respect of the fundamental principles of the democratic rule of law. Any secrecy in exercising public authority is in fact a clear contradiction to a natural concept of the human rights and fundamental freedoms. Therefore the republic, as a public institution, should not have too many secrets to hide away from the people if its own principles are not to be completely disgraced. Secrecy in exercising public authority is a specific feature often related to the areas such as securing the sovereignity and territorial integrity of the Czech Republic, protecting its democratic foundations, protection of the lives and health of the population as well as the right to own the property. This is in full accordance with the constitutional duty of the state. Limited access to the information has a unique and 84 inevitable role in these areas and it is clearly mentioned in the Charter of Fundamental Rights and Freedoms, the European Convention of Human Rights and Freedoms and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. The question of choice between the security and the liberty has been recently heavily discussed by the people as a natural follow up to the...

The subject of web server security is vast, and it is becoming bigger as time passes by. Every year, researches, both private and public, are adding to the number of possible threats to the security of web servers, and coming up with possible solutions to them. A number of these solutions are considered to be expensive, complex, and incredibly time-consuming, while not able to create the perfect web to challenge any breach to the server security. In the study that follows, an attempt will be made to check whether a particular firewall can ensure a strong security measure and deal with some security breaches or severe threat to an existing web server. The research conducted has been done with the CSF Firewall, which provides a suit of scripts that ensure a portal’s security through a number of channels. The experiments conducted under the research provided extremely valuable insights about the application in hand, and the number of ways the CSF Firewall can help in safety of a portal against Secured Shell (SSH) attacks, dedicated to break the security of it, in its initial stages. It further goes to show how simple it is to actually detect the prospective attacks, and subsequently stop the Denial of Service (DoS) attacks, as well as the port scans made to the server, with the intent of breaching the security, by finding out an open port. By blocking the IP Addresses of the attackers dedicated to such an act, preventing them from creating nuisance, the CSF Firewall has been able to keep alien intrusions away from the server. It also aids in creating a secure zone for the server, to continue smoothly, while alerting the server administrators of the same, and gives them an opportunity to check those threatening IPs, and the time of attack, makes sure that the server administrators stay alert in the future, and is able to keep an eye on such attacks. In doing this, the experiment adds valuable data in the effective nature of the CSF Firewall.

There is currently no satisfactory account of how judges of the Supreme Court of India and High Courts in the states are appointed, transferred, impeached or employed postretirement. For a higher judiciary commanding immense public attention, enjoying wide constitutional powers of judicial review, this is a conspicuous gulf in academic literature. This thesis intends to bridge this gulf by providing such an account. Part I extracts the Constituent Assembly Debates pertaining to these four facets of judicial functioning, describes key developments over time and analyses the extant processes in operation today. On this basis it makes three arguments: first, appointments to the higher judiciary and transfer of judges between High Courts follow processes that are indefensible as a matter of constitutional law; second, impeachment operates in an excessively slow and inefficacious manner; third, the pervasiveness of post-retirement employment of judges in government-appointed positions demonstrates inadequate attention to institutional design. Most crucially, each of these four aspects gives rise to significant concerns pertaining to judicial independence, accountability or both. This is not a peculiarly Indian problem— in several countries, the values of judicial independence and accountability have been deemed to be in tension, often irreconcilably. Part II tackles this widely articulated tension by providing a conceptual framework to understand these concepts. Its main argument is that both judicial independence and accountability are necessary for 'an effective judiciary'. Whether indeed the processes governing the four selected facets of judicial functioning in India lead to an effective judiciary is assessed in Part III. Where they are found lacking, appropriate reform is suggested. Such reform is intended to ensure that the selected processes operate in a manner that is justifiable in terms of judicial independence and accountability in principle and is efficacious in practice.

This thesis examines the ministry of John Fletcher (1729-85), vicar of Madeley, Shropshire (vic. 1760-85) as a case study on the Church of England and Methodism in the eighteenth century. Studies of Fletcher have tended to focus either on his contribution to Methodist theology or on his designation as Wesley's successor as the leader of the Methodists. The parish of Madeley has been, for the most part, peripheral to Fletcher studies. The present thesis, however, has aimed to examine Fletcher in his parochial context; to study both what the parish tells us about Fletcher, but also what Fletcher tells us about the parish, and more specifically, about the church in the eighteenth century in a local context. The main argument of this thesis is that Fletcher's ministry at Madeley was representative of a variation of a pro-Anglican Methodism--localized, centred upon the parish church, and rooted in the Doctrines and Liturgy of the Church of England. Three recent publications have provided a triad for understanding Fletcher: (1) in his industrial context; (2) in his theological context; and (3), in his relationship with leaders in the Evangelical Revival. This thesis has sought to examine a fourth component: Fletcher's work as an ordained clergyman of the Church of England, that is, in his ecclesial and ministerial context. The main body of the thesis focuses on two primary aspects of Fletcher's parish ministry: his stated duties and his diligence in carrying out other responsibilities and meeting other needs which arose, including addressing the various tensions which developed during his incumbency. Fletcher's background and his call to parochial ministry as well as the religious history of Madeley are outlined first (Chapter 1). There are three chapters which examine his performance of stated duties: worship services and preaching (Chapter 2); pastoral care andeducation (Chapter 5); and confrontation of erroneous doctrine (Chapter 6). Fletcher's ministry also included a scheme of church extension, represented primarily by his development of religious societies on which other aspects of his parochial duty built (Chapter 3). His evangelicalism and commitment to his parish simultaneously raised tensions between Fletcher and his parishioners (provoked by his 'enthusiasm' or zeal), and between Fletcher and John Wesley, whose variations of Methodism had similar aims, but different models of practice. A chapter is devoted specifically to these issues (Chapter 4).Fletcher's chapel meetings formed an auxiliary arm of the church, operating as outposts throughout his parish. His parishioners considered his ministerial model a 'Methodist' one even though it was not technically part of Wesley's Connexion (other than the fact that his itinerants were guests in the parish). In all, it is the conclusion of this thesis that Fletcher's pastoral ministry represents some of the best work of Anglicanism in the eighteenth century, demonstrating that despite the manifest challenges of industrializing society, residual dissent, and competition from the church's rivals, the Establishment was not incapable of competing in the religious marketplace.

Ziel dieser Arbeit war es, die Ökostabilität und Leistungsfähigkeit von verschiedenen Winterroggen- und Winterweizensorten unter differenzierten Umweltbedingungen in der Region Brandenburg zu analysieren. Im Rahmen dieser Arbeit wurden methodische Verfahren aufgezeigt und diskutiert, welche die Sortenauswahl und -empfehlung anhand eines optimierten Bewertungsschemas unterstützen können. Des Weiteren wurden spezielle Aspekte zu klimatischen Veränderungen und zur Sortenwahl auf landwirtschaftlichen Betrieben in der Region Nordostdeutschland erfasst. Auf Basis von mehrortigen und -jährigen Ergebnissen aus Sortenversuchen in Brandenburg und unter Nutzung biostatistischer Parameter wurden verschiedene Roggen- und Weizensorten analysiert. Die Bewertung zur Ertragsfähigkeit und -stabilität umfasste neben der deskriptiven Statistik und Varianzanalyse folgende Parameter: Ökovalenz, Ökoregression und Floating Checks. Zusätzlich erfolgte die Prüfung der Sortenreaktion auf verschiedene Witterungsbedingungen anhand der klimatischen Wasserbilanz. Die Ergebnisse der Sortenversuche zeigten, dass sich die Hybridsorten von Winterroggen im Vergleich der Sortentypen als deutlich ertragsfähiger und tendenziell ertragsstabiler erwiesen, vor allem auch unter trockenen Witterungsbedingungen. Beim Winterweizen erreichten die A-Sorten tendenziell stabilere Erträge, wobei die Unterschiede zwischen den Sorten innerhalb der jeweiligen Qualitätsgruppen gering ausfielen. In Ergänzung zur Auswertung der experimentellen Daten aus den Sortenversuchen wurde eine begleitende empirische Studie zur Sortenwahl in Nordostdeutschland in Form von Experteninterviews und einer Praxisumfrage bei landwirtschaftlichen Betrieben durchgeführt. Dabei wurde auch auf Zusammenhänge zwischen Sortenwahl und Witterungseffekten im Zeichen des Klimawandels eingegangen. / The object of this study was to analyse the eco-stability and capacity of different winter rye and winter wheat varieties under differentiated environmental conditions in the Brandenburg region. This paper shows and discusses a methodical procedure to support the selection and recommendation of varieties with an optimised assessment pattern. Then the paper covers special aspects on climatic changes and the selection of varieties on agricultural operations in the north-eastern region of Germany. Based on results from variety trials at multiple environments in Brandenburg and using bio statistical parameters, different varieties of rye and wheat were analysed. The evaluation of yield capacity and stability includes following parameters: eco-valence, eco-regression and floating checks. Then different impact factors on variability of yield were estimated, and the reaction of varieties to different weather conditions was analysed according to the climatic water balance. The results of the different tests showed that the yield performance is determined by different environmental factors and by variety. Of winter rye the hybrid varieties compared to other variety types were considerably more capable of yield and in tendency more stable in yield, especially also under dry weather conditions. Of winter wheat the A-varieties in tendency realized more stable yields while there was little difference between the varieties of the different quality groups. The experimental data base was supplemented by an empiric study on the selection of varieties in the German region of Brandenburg which includes interviews with experts as well as a polling of the standard practice in agricultural operations. Under the empiric study the interviewed farmers said when selecting varieties they would pay particular attention to yield safety, dryness tolerance and yield capacity.

Partout où l'homme est libre, il se croit dans les fers. Tel est le paradoxe démocratique qui ouvre à l'individu moderne un espace important de liberté, tout en lui conférant en parallèle le sentiment d'en être privé. A la séparation traditionnelle des pouvoirs, se superpose désormais celle des acteurs, organisés en société politique et civile. C'est dans la patrie des Lumières que ces notions chemineront le plus singulièrement. Historiquement confondues, elles vont progressivement se détacher l'une de l'autre, pour aujourd'hui s'opposer. Il est vrai que d'importantes secousses traversent la société politique et la mettent en difficulté. Il convient néanmoins, de s'interroger sur leur nature afin de déterminer si elles constituent le fondement d'une crise ou celui d'une mutation. Le recours politique a une société civile ainsi idéalisée remet en cause le lien essentiel qui agrège l'individu à l’Etat, à travers la citoyenneté. Conjugué à la montée de l'individualisme, comment alors restaurer le lien social dans lequel s'inscrit toute société ? La diversité de ces questions illustre l'intérêt de cette recherche qui permet d'une part,d'aborder les préoccupations actuelles à la lumière des sources de notre organisation politique et, d'autre part, d'observer les enjeux contenus dans les changements de comportement des différents protagonistes. Cette étude n'a pas la prétention de dresser un programme de travail dont le risque serait de déboucher sur une synthèse encore très prématurée. Nous nous sommes fixés pour objectif, moins d'apporter des réponses objectives ou de faire valoir des certitudes sur l'intégralité de ces thèmes, que de rassembler les principaux points de repère et de les organiser pour soumettre la problématique d'ensemble au débat. / Everywhere man is free, he fells in chains. Such is the democratic paradox which gives the modern individual both a large space of freedom and the feeling to be deprived of any. On top of the traditional separation of powe rs or Checks and Balances now lies the one of actors, organized within a Political and Civil Society. It is in the homeland of Enlightenment that these notions are so singular.. Historically merged, they progressively broke apart and are now opposed to each other. It is true that the Political Society is going through important jolts, putting it in a difficult situation. However, one needs to specify the nature of these changes in order to determine if they are the symptoms of a crisis or the ones of a transformation. The political recourse to a Civil Society indeed idealized questions the essential link between theState and the individual, in other words citizenship. Combined with the rise of individualism, how can we reinstate the Social Link so essential in every society? The diversity of these questions illustrates the interest of this research. It analyzes both current issues by the light ofthe sources of our political organization and the stakes of the behavioral changes of our system’s protagonists. This research does not aim at building a work plan whose risk would be to result to definite conclusion. Its goal is certainly not to bring objective answers or certitudesto all these issues but to gather the main landmarks and to organize them to subject our problematic to the debate.

Esta tese volta-se à análise crítica da garantia institucional de independência do Ministério Público brasileiro sob dois aspectos: de um lado, a sua independência em relação às esferas organizacionais dos poderes clássicos do Estado; e, de outro, os limites da independência funcional que visa a assegurar, para os seus membros, o livre desenvolvimento das funções institucionais. Sob o influxo do processo de reconhecimento universal dos direitos humanos a partir da Declaração de 1948, o valor da dignidade da pessoa humana representa o fundamento central do Estado Democrático de Direito da Constituição Federal de 1988, constituindo a fonte jurídica do vasto conjunto de direitos fundamentais dela constante. A proteção dos direitos fundamentais da pessoa humana é indissociável de um regime político democrático, que não pode prescindir de um sistema eficaz de controle do exercício do poder político para a persecução de tal desiderato. Daí a importância da efetividade dos mecanismos de controle recíproco entre os órgãos estatais, no comando do princípio fundamental projetado por Montesquieu que, atualmente, não mais se reduz à formula tríplice de distribuição das funções legislativa, executiva e judicial. É nesse contexto que se pretende introduzir a análise da garantia institucional de independência do Ministério Público, à luz, especificamente, de determinadas funções que lhe foram atribuídas para o controle de decisões de outros órgãos estatais, sobretudo do Executivo, envolvendo a tutela dos direitos fundamentais de proteção da dignidade da pessoa humana. A hipótese é a da existência de aspectos organizacionais condicionando o funcionamento do Ministério Público em dissonância de sua plena afirmação como novo ator político; quais sejam: a) a ausência de limites precisos à garantia de independência funcional no desenvolvimento de suas atividades; b) um sistema autocrático de gestão orientando as decisões sobre todas as políticas institucionais; c) a manutenção dos vínculos que prendem a instituição ao Executivo do Estado, concebido como o ramo hegemônico do regime político brasileiro. O trabalho pretende investigar as causas das incorreções, correlacioná-las e apontar os seus equívocos, para a identificação dos pontos relevantes sujeitos a uma pronta alteração de cunho organizacional, de modo a serem reproduzidos no funcionamento do Ministério Público brasileiro os valores republicanos e democráticos que devem informar um regime político como Estado Democrático de Direito. / This thesis offers a critical analysis of the institutional guarantee of independence of the Brazilian Public Attorney\'s Office regarding two aspects: on one hand, its independence concerning the organizational spheres of the classical branches of the State; on the other hand, the limits of the functional independence that aims at securing free development of the institutional functions to the members of the Public Attorney\'s Office. Due to the process of universal acknowledgement of human rights since the Declaration of 1948, the value of a human being\'s dignity represents the central basis of the Democratic Rule of Law of the 1 988 Federal Constitution, establishing a legal source for the vast set of fundamental rights contained in it. The protection of the fundamental rights of a human being is intrinsic to a democratic political system, which cannot dispense with an efficient procedure to control the use of political power for pursuing such desideratum. Hence the importance of the efficiency of the mechanisms of checks and balances among state agencies, in carrying out the fundamental principle proposed by Montesquieu that is no longer limited nowadays to the triple distribution formula of legislative, executive and judiciary functions. It\'s in this context that the present work intends to introduce the analysis of the institutional guarantee of independence of the Public Attorney\'s Office, specifically examining certain functions attributed to it for the control over decisions by other state agencies, particularly in the executive branch, that involve the safeguarding of the fundamental rights of protection of a human being\'s dignity. The hypothesis is the existence of organizational aspects stipulating the operation of the Public Attorney\'s Office in discordance with its full role as new political agent, such as: a) absence of precise limits to guarantee functional independence in the development of its activities; b) an autocratic ruling system guiding decisions on all institutional policies; c) maintenance of the bonds linking the institution to the executive branch, which is conceived as the hegemonic branch of Brazil\'s political system. This work intends to investigate the causes of those problems, correlate them and pinpoint mistakes, in order to identify the relevant points that would be subject to a swift alteration in terms of organization, so the republican, democratic values that ought to conduct a political regime as a Democratic Rule of Law may be reproduced in the operations of the Brazilian Public Attorney\'s Office.

一九九八年台北市市長選舉中，影響選舉結果最大的是外省籍選民及新黨選民「分裂投票」現象。大量新黨選民在市長選舉中一面倒地投票給國民黨候選人馬英九，不過市議員、立法委員仍舊投給新黨則是導致這種現象出現的主因。常態下，擁有高滿意度的在位者，常能連任。而在任內施政滿意度常常保持在七成以上的市長陳水扁落選，是相當令人意外的。筆者認為這種現象值得作有系統的分析。 本文利用政治大學選舉研究中心的抽樣調查面訪資料，針對一九九八年台北市選舉中選民分裂投票的行為進行深入分析。本文歸納影響選民分裂投票的六個模型，利用六個模型經過對數成敗比模型的比較，在控制人口基本背景因素之後（性別、年齡、教育程度及籍貫），發現模型影響選民分裂投票的情況：一是政黨認同強度減弱的政黨解組作用導致選民分裂投票。雖然政黨認同在模型中具有明顯的影響力，但台北市近年來並未有政黨解組的趨勢，因此政黨認同減弱並非分裂投票的主因。二為選民的省籍，尤其是外省籍選民分裂投票行為相當明顯，其中年輕世代比年紀大的世代更形嚴重。第三則是統獨議題及相關的中國人/台灣人認同。研究結果發現統獨議題對選民分裂投票不具顯著影響力，但中國人/台灣人則對於市長與立法委員之間的分裂投票有明顯影響力；第四是候選人形象中的裙帶效應並不顯著，對分裂投票與否之間不具明顯差異。五為選民分立制衡觀念。在相同層級的市府及議會之間選民具有分立制衡的觀念，想藉政黨之間相互制衡的方式保護民眾的最大福祉，故採取分裂投票的行為。中央及地方制衡的觀念則不具影響力。第六則為新黨的選民策略投票是影響選民分裂投票的重要因素。新黨選民對於尋求連任的民進黨市長候選人陳水扁相當反感，且新黨市長候選人王建□當選機會不大的情況下，選擇轉投給國民黨馬英九之策略投票，並進而形成分裂投票。從六個模型最後推論的結果，真正決定選民分裂與否最重要的因素是選民的省籍背景導致的情感反應及新黨選民的策略投票。而這兩者的關聯又非常密切。 / Split ticket voting by New Party identifiers and Mainlanders had a crucial influence on the outcome of the 1998 Taipei City mayoral election. Large numbers of voters who identified themselves as New Party supporters voted for the KMT mayoral candidate. However, in the concurrent Legislative Yuan and City Council elections, they voted for New Party candidates. Normally, an incumbent with extremely high approval ratings will win re-election easily, but in this case Chen Shui-bian lost the mayoral race. This surprising result is worth researching. This thesis uses face-to-face interview data collected after the 1998 election. To analyze split ticket voting behavior, we consider six different logit models. After controlling basic demographic variables, including sex, age, education, and ethnic background, it is possible to discover what influences split ticket voting. First, weakening party identification can induce a dealignment process. This, in turn, gives rise to split ticket voting. In the data, the intensity of party identification has an obvious effect on split ticket voting. However, there has been no dealignment. Thus, weakening party identification is not the main reason for split ticket voting. The second factor is ethnic background. Mainlanders, especially young and middle aged voters, are more likely to split their tickets. Third, the related questions of unification or independence and Taiwanese or Chinese identification also have influence. The effect of the unification/independence position is not significant, but the respondents’ ethnic identity is. A fourth finding is that there is no significant coattail effect influencing split ticket voting. Fifth, many voters wish to balance the parties against each other, and so they split their votes. However, this only holds for offices at the same level (mayor and city council) and not for different levels (local and national). Sixth, strategic voting by New Party supporters was very important. New Party supporters were very opposed to Chen Shui-bian, and the New Party nominee did not have much chance of winning. As a result, many split their votes, voting strategically for the KMT mayoral candidate. After examining the six models, we find that the most important factors influencing split ticket voting are ethnic background and strategic voting by New Party supporters. These two factors are intimately connected, of course.

A tese aborda o chamado poder de guerra nos Estados Unidos da América buscando compreender a dinâmica institucional da decisão sobre a utilização das forças armadas no exterior à luz das regras constitucionais e da experiência histórica daquele país. A controvérsia basicamente estabelecida é sobre quem, afinal, seria o soberano dos poderes de guerra, ou seja, se o Poder Legislativo ou o Poder Executivo possuiriam o poder de levar o país à guerra. Com esse objetivo, a tese analisa a denominada Cláusula da Guerra que assegura ao Congresso o poder de declarar a guerra, e também a Cláusula do Comandante-em-Chefe, que dá ao presidente o comando das forças militares do país. Nossa hipótese principal de trabalho assevera de que há, à luz do intento original, uma prevalência dos poderes de guerra do presidente dos Estados Unidos, representado, por sua vez, em seu controle da soberania sobre a decisão da guerra, que desafia a Constituição e seu sistema de checks and balances levando a uma hipertrofia do Poder Executivo. No esforço de compreender essa inflexão realizamos uma análise da decisão da Guerra da Coreia em 1950. A Coreia é compreendida como um caso paradigmático que expressa a institucionalização dos poderes de guerra do presidente, com a autonomização da Cláusula do Comandante-em-Chefe em relação à Cláusula da Guerra. Constatamos que a dinâmica de decisão encontrada na Guerra da Coreia faz parte de um processo ainda em andamento de fortalecimento do poder presidencial, prejudicando o cumprimento da Cláusula da Guerra. Constatamos que a dinâmica de decisão encontrada na Guerra da Coreia faz parte de um processo ainda em andamento de fortalecimento do poder presidencial, prejudicando o cumprimento da Cláusula da Guerra. Outra hipótese da tese é a de que decisões para o uso da força originadas de organizações multilaterais como o Conselho de Segurança da ONU e a OTAN têm favorecido a prevalência do poder de guerra do presidente dos Estados Unidos, uma vez que elas têm sido interpretadas como substitutas de decisões de autorização que teriam que ser tomadas apenas pelo Congresso. / This thesis addresses the so-called war power in the United States, seeking to understand the institutional dynamics of the decision on the use of armed forces abroad in the light of the constitutional provisions and the historical experience of the country. The established controversy is on who, after all, is invested by the sovereign powers of war, ie, whether it is the legislature or the executive who would possess the power to take the country to war. With this objective, this thesis analyzes the so-called War Clause which ensures to Congress the power to declare war, and also the Commander in Chief Clause, which gives the President the command of the military forces of the country. Our working hypothesis asserts that there is, in the light of the original intent, a prevalence of war powers of the President of the United States, represented by its turn, in its sovereign control over the decision of war that defies the Constitution and its system of checks and balances, leading to the hypertrophy of the Executive Branch. In an effort to understand this shift we conducted a study about the decision of the Korean War in 1950. Korea is understood as a paradigmatic case that expresses the institutionalization of the war powers of the president, with the empowerment of the Commander in Chief Clause vis-à-vis the War Clause. We observe that the dynamics of the decision found in the Korean War is part of a still ongoing process of strengthening of presidential power, hampering the use of the War Clause. Another hypothesis of the thesis is that the decisions to use force originating from multilateral organizations such as the UN Security Council and NATO have favored the prevalence of the power of war of the President of the United States, as they have been interpreted as a substitute for authorization decisions that would have to be taken only by Congress.

A tese aborda o chamado poder de guerra nos Estados Unidos da América buscando compreender a dinâmica institucional da decisão sobre a utilização das forças armadas no exterior à luz das regras constitucionais e da experiência histórica daquele país. A controvérsia basicamente estabelecida é sobre quem, afinal, seria o soberano dos poderes de guerra, ou seja, se o Poder Legislativo ou o Poder Executivo possuiriam o poder de levar o país à guerra. Com esse objetivo, a tese analisa a denominada Cláusula da Guerra que assegura ao Congresso o poder de declarar a guerra, e também a Cláusula do Comandante-em-Chefe, que dá ao presidente o comando das forças militares do país. Nossa hipótese principal de trabalho assevera de que há, à luz do intento original, uma prevalência dos poderes de guerra do presidente dos Estados Unidos, representado, por sua vez, em seu controle da soberania sobre a decisão da guerra, que desafia a Constituição e seu sistema de checks and balances levando a uma hipertrofia do Poder Executivo. No esforço de compreender essa inflexão realizamos uma análise da decisão da Guerra da Coreia em 1950. A Coreia é compreendida como um caso paradigmático que expressa a institucionalização dos poderes de guerra do presidente, com a autonomização da Cláusula do Comandante-em-Chefe em relação à Cláusula da Guerra. Constatamos que a dinâmica de decisão encontrada na Guerra da Coreia faz parte de um processo ainda em andamento de fortalecimento do poder presidencial, prejudicando o cumprimento da Cláusula da Guerra. Constatamos que a dinâmica de decisão encontrada na Guerra da Coreia faz parte de um processo ainda em andamento de fortalecimento do poder presidencial, prejudicando o cumprimento da Cláusula da Guerra. Outra hipótese da tese é a de que decisões para o uso da força originadas de organizações multilaterais como o Conselho de Segurança da ONU e a OTAN têm favorecido a prevalência do poder de guerra do presidente dos Estados Unidos, uma vez que elas têm sido interpretadas como substitutas de decisões de autorização que teriam que ser tomadas apenas pelo Congresso. / This thesis addresses the so-called war power in the United States, seeking to understand the institutional dynamics of the decision on the use of armed forces abroad in the light of the constitutional provisions and the historical experience of the country. The established controversy is on who, after all, is invested by the sovereign powers of war, ie, whether it is the legislature or the executive who would possess the power to take the country to war. With this objective, this thesis analyzes the so-called War Clause which ensures to Congress the power to declare war, and also the Commander in Chief Clause, which gives the President the command of the military forces of the country. Our working hypothesis asserts that there is, in the light of the original intent, a prevalence of war powers of the President of the United States, represented by its turn, in its sovereign control over the decision of war that defies the Constitution and its system of checks and balances, leading to the hypertrophy of the Executive Branch. In an effort to understand this shift we conducted a study about the decision of the Korean War in 1950. Korea is understood as a paradigmatic case that expresses the institutionalization of the war powers of the president, with the empowerment of the Commander in Chief Clause vis-à-vis the War Clause. We observe that the dynamics of the decision found in the Korean War is part of a still ongoing process of strengthening of presidential power, hampering the use of the War Clause. Another hypothesis of the thesis is that the decisions to use force originating from multilateral organizations such as the UN Security Council and NATO have favored the prevalence of the power of war of the President of the United States, as they have been interpreted as a substitute for authorization decisions that would have to be taken only by Congress.