It is assumed that democratic policing will help to improve the respect of human rights and democracy in a given country. Using secondary data, this study explores cross-nationally the interrelation between democratic policing practices (e.g., community policing) and democracy and human rights.The results show significant positive correlation between the practice of democratic policing and indicators of democracy and respect for human rights. The analysis strongly implies that scholars have underestimated the power of policing institutions in democratic societies.

This paper examines some causes of strain and frustration among police officers. Previous research suggests that police officers sufferfromthe lack of communication and support from their community. The failure of communication has caused turmoil in the past between communities and their police. A possible solution is community policing. Community policing is supposed to establish communication between the public and the police. Causes of strain and frustration among the police are discussed along with the possible benefits of community policing. Research has shown that community police officers suffer less strain and frustration than their brethren. On this premise a quantitative examination a police force in Northumbria, England was conducted. The quantitative analysis focuses on two groups; community police officers and police officers not involved in community policing.

A presente pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar as transformações na área da segurança e do controle social, tomando por objeto de estudo o policiamento comunitário em São Paulo. A pesquisa assume a premissa de que as transformações recentes na área da segurança e da justiça criminal estariam relacionadas a mudanças de ordem política, econômica e social, que teriam gerado uma nova cultura do controle que exige uma grande participação do Estado, através de medidas cada vez mais punitivas (estratégias punitivas), mas, ao mesmo tempo, reconhece a sua limitada capacidade de, sozinho, controlar o crime (estratégias adaptativas). A adoção do policiamento comunitário em São Paulo se enquadra no que David Garland (1999; 2008) define como estratégia adaptativa, na medida em que ela redistribuiu as responsabilidades do controle do crime para além da agência estatal (a polícia), e reforça as pré-condições individuais e comunitárias do autocontrole. A pesquisa defende que, na perspectiva policial, o policiamento comunitário além de uma estratégia adaptativa, apresenta-se como uma estratégia de aproximação entre polícia e comunidade para recuperar a imagem da instituição perante a população e fortalecê-la, ampliando assim o poder policial. Por outro lado, para as comunidades, compartilhar a responsabilidade pelo controle do crime refere-se também à possibilidade de controle externo das atividades policiais. O modelo de policiamento comunitário desenvolvido em São Paulo se enquadra naquele que Stenson (1993) define como modelo Social Imperialista, na qual a policia coloniza os saberes de outros organismos policiais, e a noção de responsabilização, elemento central das parcerias preventivas, está inscrita na coexistência de duas racionalidades: a racionalidade neoliberal, que se baseia em parcerias preventivas, e a racionalidade do governo social. / This research aims to analyze the changes in security and social control, taking as object of study community policing in Sao Paulo. The research takes the premise that the recent changes in security and criminal justice would be related to political, economic and social changes, which would have generated a new culture of control that requires a large participation of the State, through measures each more punitive (punitive strategies), but at the same time, recognizes its limited ability to, by itself, control the crime (adaptive strategies). The adoption of community policing in Sao Paulo fits in with what David Garland (1999, 2008) defines as an adaptive strategy, since it redistributes the responsibilities of crime control to beyond the state agency (the police), and reinforces the individual and community preconditions of self-control. The research argues that in police perspective, community policing is presented as a strategy of rapprochement between police and community to restore and strengthen the image of the institution, thereby extending the police power. On the other hand, for communities, to share responsibility for crime control refers to the possibility of controlling police activities (external control and accountability). The community policing model developed in São Paulo fits that defined by Stenson (1993) as social imperialist model, in which the police colonize the knowledge of other social agencies, and the notion of responsabilization, a core element of preventive partnerships, is entered in the coexistence of two rationales: the neoliberal, based on partnerships preventive and the social government.

A presente pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar as transformações na área da segurança e do controle social, tomando por objeto de estudo o policiamento comunitário em São Paulo. A pesquisa assume a premissa de que as transformações recentes na área da segurança e da justiça criminal estariam relacionadas a mudanças de ordem política, econômica e social, que teriam gerado uma nova cultura do controle que exige uma grande participação do Estado, através de medidas cada vez mais punitivas (estratégias punitivas), mas, ao mesmo tempo, reconhece a sua limitada capacidade de, sozinho, controlar o crime (estratégias adaptativas). A adoção do policiamento comunitário em São Paulo se enquadra no que David Garland (1999; 2008) define como estratégia adaptativa, na medida em que ela redistribuiu as responsabilidades do controle do crime para além da agência estatal (a polícia), e reforça as pré-condições individuais e comunitárias do autocontrole. A pesquisa defende que, na perspectiva policial, o policiamento comunitário além de uma estratégia adaptativa, apresenta-se como uma estratégia de aproximação entre polícia e comunidade para recuperar a imagem da instituição perante a população e fortalecê-la, ampliando assim o poder policial. Por outro lado, para as comunidades, compartilhar a responsabilidade pelo controle do crime refere-se também à possibilidade de controle externo das atividades policiais. O modelo de policiamento comunitário desenvolvido em São Paulo se enquadra naquele que Stenson (1993) define como modelo Social Imperialista, na qual a policia coloniza os saberes de outros organismos policiais, e a noção de responsabilização, elemento central das parcerias preventivas, está inscrita na coexistência de duas racionalidades: a racionalidade neoliberal, que se baseia em parcerias preventivas, e a racionalidade do governo social. / This research aims to analyze the changes in security and social control, taking as object of study community policing in Sao Paulo. The research takes the premise that the recent changes in security and criminal justice would be related to political, economic and social changes, which would have generated a new culture of control that requires a large participation of the State, through measures each more punitive (punitive strategies), but at the same time, recognizes its limited ability to, by itself, control the crime (adaptive strategies). The adoption of community policing in Sao Paulo fits in with what David Garland (1999, 2008) defines as an adaptive strategy, since it redistributes the responsibilities of crime control to beyond the state agency (the police), and reinforces the individual and community preconditions of self-control. The research argues that in police perspective, community policing is presented as a strategy of rapprochement between police and community to restore and strengthen the image of the institution, thereby extending the police power. On the other hand, for communities, to share responsibility for crime control refers to the possibility of controlling police activities (external control and accountability). The community policing model developed in São Paulo fits that defined by Stenson (1993) as social imperialist model, in which the police colonize the knowledge of other social agencies, and the notion of responsabilization, a core element of preventive partnerships, is entered in the coexistence of two rationales: the neoliberal, based on partnerships preventive and the social government.

Submitted by Angela Maria de Oliveira (amolivei@uepg.br) on 2018-06-26T13:24:19Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 811 bytes, checksum: e39d27027a6cc9cb039ad269a5db8e34 (MD5) Karoline Coelho de Andrade.pdf: 7349201 bytes, checksum: 2657e5ca4969dd513ee8b3dea23cd5e8 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-06-26T13:24:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 811 bytes, checksum: e39d27027a6cc9cb039ad269a5db8e34 (MD5) Karoline Coelho de Andrade.pdf: 7349201 bytes, checksum: 2657e5ca4969dd513ee8b3dea23cd5e8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-22 / O presente estudo teve como objetivo analisar os discursos e práticas que envolveram a implantação das Unidades Paraná Seguro, e a referente atuação policial, na cidade de Curitiba, durante os anos de 2012 a 2015. Para atingir este objetivo utilizou-se de uma metodologia qualitativa, por meio de um estudo de caso das UPS em Curitiba, pautada em pesquisa documental e bibliográfica. Foram mobilizados campos teóricos interdisciplinares, mas com um objeto de estudo em comum: a polícia. Em um primeiro momento, recorreu-se à análise histórica da polícia, tanto em seu desenvolvimento europeu, quanto brasileiro, como também às teorizações dos policing studies com o intuito de compreender a polícia, bem como a fim de descrever suas transformações ao longo do tempo. Em seguida, o trabalho voltou-se para análise empírica das Unidades Paraná Seguro para estabelecer seus contornos: além de analisar os discursos e práticas, também procurou-se examinar o contexto socioeconômico de Curitiba e, mais especificamente, dos bairros selecionados para implantação das Unidades. A partir dos dados colhidos e da compreensão atenta da polícia sob a perspectiva histórico-sociológica, pode-se perceber uma falta de correspondência entre o que as Unidades foram, a partir do trabalho policial realizado, e a maneira como é compreendida a polícia nesses dois campos de estudo. Assim, tanto a matriz histórica, quanto os policing studies compreendem a polícia em sua face tão somente repressiva – a polícia como instrumento do monopólio da força do Estado que foi embrutecida pelas características históricas do Brasil. Para realizar uma análise que pudesse compreendê-la da forma mais integral possível, recorreu-se à filosofia de Michel Foucault, formulando-se a hipótese de que as Unidades Paraná Seguro seriam, além de formas de atuação da polícia-repressão, também uma forma de mobilizar o aparelho policial no sentido de transfigurar a polícia em um agente bioeconômico da cidade. O programa foi dividido entre UPS-Segurança, encarregada dessa faceta repressiva, e UPS-Cidadania, como forma de permitir a inclusão da comunidade e de seu território nas veias do capitalismo cognitivo com a proposta de resolver problemas atinentes à vulnerabilidade social e de levar cidadania às comunidades. Em última instância, pode-se perceber que, além da atuação biopolítica da polícia, o programa procurou desenvolver uma forma específica de cidadania, a qual atribuímos o nome de cidadania governamentalizada, por tratar-se da inclusão da vida em novas formas de controle a partir do elemento econômico travestida de desenvolvimento da dimensão política, social e democrática da cidadania. / The present study aims to analyze the discourses and practices that involved the implementation of the Paraná Security Units and the related police action in the city of Curitiba, during the years of 2012 to 2015. For achieve this purpose a qualitative methodology was used through of a case study of UPS in Curitiba, based on documental and bibliographic research. Interdisciplinary theoretical fields were used with an object in common: the police. At first, we resorted to the historical analysis of the police, both in its European and Brazilian development. At second, we used the policing studies like a primary source to understand the police, as well as their transformations throughout the time. Next, the work turned to the empirical analysis of the Paraná Security Units to establish their contours: in addition to analyzing the discourses and practices, it was also sought to examine the socioeconomic context of Curitiba and, more specifically, the neighborhoods selected for the implementation of the Units. Starting from the data collected and the police's careful understanding of the historical-sociological perspective, one can perceive a lack of correspondence between what the Units were, based on the work performed, and the way police are understood in these two fields of study. Thus, both the historical matrix and policing studies understand the police on their only repressive side – the police as an instrument of the monopoly of the state force that has been brutalized by the historical characteristics of Brazil. To carry out an analysis that could comprehend it in the most integral way possible, one resorted to the philosophy of Michel Foucault, formulating the hypothesis that the Paraná Security Units would be, besides forms of action of the repressivepolice, also an instrument by which police become a bioeconomic agent of the city. The program was divided between UPS-Security, responsible for the repressive facet and UPS-Citizenship, to allow the inclusion of the community and its territory in the veins of cognitive capitalism with the proposal to resolve problems related to social vulnerability and to carry citizenship to communities. In the last instance, in addition to the biopolitical action of the police, the program tried to develop a specific form of citizenship, which we named governmentalized citizenship, to mean the inclusion of the life in new forms of control from the economic element, even if presented as a way of developing the political, social and democratic dimension of citizenship.

Masters in Public Administration - MPA / The Beginning of the paradigm shift in policing in the South African Police was first seen in 1993 when the concept of Community Policing was first introduced. The South African Police Service that was formed through the Police Act 68 of 1995 subsequently adopted Community Policing as a Corporate Strategy of the organisation. There is a question as to whether some of the efforts reflect the necessary elements of community policing or are merely reactions to a contemporary political thrust for police reform. This study seeks to critically analyse the challenges and contradictions in Community Policing in terms of strategy and organisation. Nyanga SAPS will be use as the case study. Nyanga is one of the Police Stations in the so-called Black Township that has been engulfed by Community-Police conflicts since the democratic dispensation came into existence in South Africa. The highest point of this animosity saw certain people within the community between 1998 and 1999 reporting criminal activities to Taxi Operators rather than to the police. This study will be approached through gap analysis. The author will first describe the desired state of affairs in terms where the SAPS should be, in relation to reform policies put in place by the government. This will be followed by the analysis of the present situation in Nyanga, which will highlight the shortcomings. Then the study will put forward recommendations which should address the identified shortcomings. Based on that, the strategy that should inform policing in the new millennium will be developed. The author will recommend an African approach to policing as it has become apparent that the policing approaches are different for different countries and different communities. The author will propose full participation of the public in policing, in terms of determining policing priorities in their areas.

Following the 1992 LA Riots, the LAPD underwent institutional reform, with Community-Policing as a lead programmatic effort to bridge tensions between the community and the LAPD. Conceptually, Community-Policing was designed to improve community relations and create shared responsibility. Following the early 90’s, several programming efforts were made to support the Community-Policing approach. Following the reform period, one must wonder whether Community-Policing proves effective. In order to assess the effects of community-policing, this paper is formatted as a Case Study, conducted in Watts, California. The Watts Case Study analyzes the effectiveness of Community-Policing, and how Community-Policing has shaped community-police relations over time.

The shootings and killings across the country of unarmed African American males by police officers, has become a topic of discussion. Previous research indicates that African American males, in comparison to other groups, are more likely to have adverse encounters with law enforcement officials. The purpose of this phenomenological study was to explore the experiences and perceptions of African American males in Prince Georges' County regarding encounters with the Prince Georges' County Police Department and how the relationship can improve. Max Weber's social action theory was used to examine perception and purposive sampling aided in gathering this information from a group of 10 African American male participants. Interviews were transcribed and then coded and analyzed using a modified Van Kaam procedure. Findings suggest most participants believe Prince Georges County police are doing a good job. The participants also noted specific strategies, including better utilization of seminars, meetings, and other collaborative efforts may improve police-community interactions and relations. The implications for positive social change include recommendations to law enforcement executives in the Prince Georges' County Police Department to utilize the insight gained through this study to better understand how they are perceived by the African American males in the county and strengthen outreach and collaboration efforts. Following these recommendations may improve the nature of police-community relations thereby advancing public safety within the county and with the African American community in particular.

The Will County community supports community policing efforts and wants their law enforcement agencies to be transparent, service-orientated, and committed to their diverse neighborhoods. The purpose of this phenomenological study was to explore current policing methods and tactics to improve community relationships within Will County, Illinois. Six different focus group studies were completed where 33 participants completed questionnaires and follow-up, in-depth interviews were conducted to gather data on personal police experiences and perceptions. The questionnaire responses were separated into three categories including Likert-scale response questions, dichotomous (yes and no answers), and ranking police tactics by levels of importance. Nine statistically data driven tables were generated into percentage totals that created comparisons of police methods, police tactics, and issues. The main policing tactics that Will County residents expected from their policing agencies were rapid response for service and police professionalism (appearance, conduct, communication skills). The participants expected that police agencies solve major crimes (high-profile murders, assaults, robberies). The lowest ranked police tactics discovered in all 4 subcategories surveyed were aggressive enforcement efforts (even for minor offenses) and traffic enforcement. The participants demonstrated support for community policing efforts that requires law enforcement agencies to work with their neighborhoods. The results of this study can be used to create a policing culture that incorporates traditional policing efforts and combines these efforts with the newer community policing methods that are positively impacting the Will County communities.

The current policy in New South Wales of referring to its law enforcement body as Police without reference to the word "force", is testimony to the re-emergence of the concept of community policing. This study deals with this phenomenon and the concept of discretion, which allows police to take action according to the dictates of a given situation rather than always act within the strict letter of the law. While the power of discretion should be used lawfully and ethically, political, legal and social acceptance of such an approach allows a more flexible strategy for coping with issues associated with deviant behaviour and social injustice. Therefore, the study present a holistic approach to a curriculum for police recruits. It deals with the linking of "reactive" and "proactive" policing strategies by means of discretion and in so doing enhances the police officer's ability to make a reasoned judgement in choosing between a number of alternatives according to the dictates of the situation. The proposed curriculum takes account of new policing strategies, students' needs and career aspirations, modem technology, effective teaching methods and the need for recruit training to be attuned to dynamic changes in social needs and demands. The study also emphasises the need for further research into the role of field training officers and the integration of field training with academy education as a vital component in the preparation of a police officer for the complex role ahead.