Diplomová práce se zabývá analýzou zahraničně-kulturní a vzdělávací politiky SRN s důrazem na vzdělávací sektor ve vztahu k Rusku během třetí vlády Angely Merkelové. Pozornost je věnována především klíčovým změnám a definici normativních, institucionálních a koncepčních rovin. Úvodní část práce se věnuje základnímu uvedení do tématu, stanovení cílů, tezí a výzkumných otázek. Dále je zde popsána metodologie a kritické zhodnocení pramenů a literatury. První kapitola teoreticky vymezuje analytické koncepty soft-power, civilní mocnost, geo- ekonomická mocnost a "Wir müssen kleine Brötchen backen", které umožňují podrobněji popsat zkoumanou oblast. V této části je také definována zahraničně-kulturní politika a její hlavní instrumenty. Druhá kapitola představující empirickou část diplomové práce se podrobně věnuje vzdělávacímu sektoru zahraničně-kulturní a vzdělávací politiky SRN ve vztahu k Rusku v letech 2013 až 2017. Skrze klíčové programy a projekty jsou rozebírány cíle, tematické okruhy, programové, koncepční a částečně i finanční změny zkoumané politiky. Třetí kapitola se věnuje analýze a vyhodnocení těchto změn. Kromě toho je věnována pozornost i kontinuitě ve vybraných oblastech a efektivnosti autorem zavedeného konceptu "Wir müssen kleine Brötchen backen". Následuje závěr práce, který shrnuje...

The dissertation "Czech and Slovak Public Diplomacy after 1993: The Transformation of Czech Centres and Slovak Institutes" seeks to compare Czech and Slovak model of public and cultural diplomacy after the peaceful separation of Czechoslovakia in 1993. It seeks to investigate whether the two countries embarked on similar journeys in their foreign affairs and whether the public and cultural diplomacy is at the forefront of their international policies. The dissertation aims to establish whether to accept or reject the hypothesis that the same historical circumstances and transformational similarities inevitably lead to similarities of Czech and Slovak public and cultural diplomacy. The first chapter of the dissertation focuses on a theoretical interpretation of public and cultural diplomacy. The second chapter of the dissertation deals with both countries' historical experience and describes the model of public and cultural diplomacy in each country from year 1993 to now. This part of the dissertation delineates conceptual documentation and describes the institutional dimension of this issue. The third and fourth chapter of the dissertation then separately deal with Czech Centres and Slovak Institutes as the primary players in the cultural diplomacy abroad. The final and core chapter of the...

This doctoral thesis deals with fundamental changes in West German foreign cultural policy during the 1960s and 1970s. Its objective is not only to examine how and under what circumstances the first (West) German conception of foreign cultural policy was conceived or which institutions and individuals participated most actively in its formation, but also to assess the understanding and definitions of foreign cultural policy and its role in the overall foreign policy of the Federal Republic of Germany. Further, the topic is analysed within a broad historical and international context. The research primarily uses the methodology of political history but has also been inspired by cultural history and political science.

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Après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, la France, affaiblie politiquement et économiquement, développe une politique culturelle extérieure qui utilise les manifestations artistiques, et en particulier les tournées théâtrales, pour assurer le rayonnement de sa culture et de sa langue. Par l’intermédiaire de l’Association française d’action artistique (AFAA), elle envoie de par le monde ses plus grandes compagnies, la Comédie-Française, le Théâtre national populaire de Jean Vilar, et la Compagnie Renaud-Barrault qui devient théâtre national en 1959. Dans un monde façonné par la Guerre Froide, les tournées les plus prestigieuses ont lieu aux États-Unis, en Union Soviétique et en Amérique latine. Le but de cette thèse est de déterminer dans quelle mesure les compagnies théâtrales, instrumentalisées par la diplomatie culturelle française, utilisent aussi ces tournées pour leur propre statut dans le champ culturel français, pour leur économie, ou pour l’affermissement de leur propre identité. La première partie explore les origines et le développement du cadre politique et institutionnel qui a permis la naissance de tournées théâtrales subventionnées et fait du théâtre français un produit d’exportation. Le deuxième mouvement se concentre sur la caractérisation de ce théâtre envoyé à l’étranger, sur son économie et son répertoire. Le troisième temps analyse les différents impacts du déplacement du théâtre à l’étranger. Quelles sont les conséquences possibles de cette situation sur la représentation elle-même et les attentes du public étranger ? Au-delà de la question de la réception, c’est la dimension politique, l’impact esthétique et le rôle symbolique des tournées qui seront mis en lumière. / After World War II, a politically and economically weakened France develops a cultural foreign policy that uses artistic manifestations, and in particular theatrical tours, in order to ensure the influence of its culture and language. Thanks to the French Association for Artistic Action (AFAA), which was directly supported by the ministry of Foreign Affairs, France sends its greatest theatre companies all over the world, the Comédie-Française and the National Popular Theatre of Jean Vilar, as well as the Renaud-Barrault Company that becomes a national theatre in 1959. In a world shaped by the Cold War, the most prestigious tours take place in the United States, the Soviet Union, and Latin America. This thesis aims at determining to what extent these theatrical companies are not only exploited by the French government for cultural diplomacy, but manage themselves to benefit from the touring system, be that for their own status within the French cultural field, for their own economic solvency, or for the strengthening of their own identity. The first part explores the origins and development of the political and institutional frame that enabled the birth of this system of subsidized, international theatrical tours that made an export out of French theatre. The second part focuses on the characterization of French theatre abroad, on its economy and its repertory. The third section analyses the different impacts of the displacement of theatre abroad. What are the possible consequences on the performance itself and on the expectations of the international audience? Beyond the question of reception, the thesis will shed light on the political consequences, the aesthetic impact and the symbolic role of the tours.

S’inscrivant dans le courant historiographique de l’histoire culturelle des relations internationales, cette thèse interroge le rôle des échanges artistiques dans les relations diplomatiques franco-italiennes, du lendemain de la Seconde Guerre mondiale à la construction européenne. L’analyse des expositions réalisées par les services culturels des Affaires étrangères français et italien, respectivement en Italie et en France, met en évidence les rapports de force et les clés du rapprochement franco-italien après 1945. La reconstruction des identités nationales, leurs représentations et leurs circulations de part et d’autre des Alpes, sont ici interrogées au regard de l’élaboration d’une nouvelle forme de diplomatie culturelle dans l’Europe de la Guerre froide. Nous nous attachons, d’abord, à reconstruire l’héritage des politiques culturelles de l’entre-deux-guerres ainsi que la transformation des institutions, et des discours, de l’avant à l’après-guerre. Puis nous détaillons les expositions « militantes », objets de tensions et de forts enjeux géopolitiques sur la scène internationale de 1944 à 1948. Enfin, nous analysons pendant les années 1950 l’émergence de modèles récurrents et des typologies d’expositions qui répondent au besoin d’équilibre diplomatique poursuivi par les gouvernements français et italien dans la formation de l’Europe culturelle après 1945. / As part of the current historiography of the cultural studies of international relationships, this thesis questions the role of artistic exchanges in Franco-Italian diplomatic relations, from the aftermath of World War II to the beginnings of European construction. The analysis of exhibitions held by the Cultural Services of the French and Italian Ministries of Foreign Affairs, respectively in Italy and France, highlights the balance of power and the keys to the Franco-Italian reconciliation after 1945. The reconstruction of national identities, their representations and their circulations in both sides of the Alps are questioned in the particular context of the Cold War leading to the rise of a new form of European cultural diplomacy. We focus, firstly, on the modalities of institutional and ideological transition before and after World War II, introducing elements of interruptions and continuities. We then analyze the "militant" exhibitions, main focus of tensions and strong geopolitical issues in the international stage. Finally, we show the emergence of recurring patterns and exhibition typologies which address the need for diplomatic balance pursued by the French and Italian governments in the formation of cultural Europe after 1945. / Questa tesi si inserisce nel quadro storiografico della Storia culturale delle relazioni internazionali e interroga piùspecificatamente il ruolo degli scambi artistici nelle relazioni diplomatiche italo-francesi, dalla fine della Seconda Guerramondiale agli esordi della costruzione europea. L’analisi delle mostre realizzate dai servizi culturali dei ministeri degli AffariEsteri francese e italiano, rispettivamente in Italia e in Francia, mette in evidenza i giochi di potere e le chiavi dellariconciliazione italo-francese dopo il 1945. La ricostruzione delle identità nazionali, le loro rappresentazioni e le circolazionida una parte all’altra delle Alpi sono qui interrogate in funzione dell’elaborazione di una nuova forma di diplomazia culturalenell’Europa della Guerra fredda. Ci siamo prima impegnati a ricostruire la transizione istituzionale e ideologica dal periodofra le due guerre all’indomani del 1945, mostrandone i punti di rottura e di continuità. Poi, abbiamo esaminato le mostre“militanti”, oggetti di tensioni dai forti accenti geopolitici nello scenario internazionale dal 1944 al 1948. Infine, abbiamoanalizzato il sorgere di modelli ripetitivi e delle tipologie di mostre che rispondono al bisogno di equilibrio diplomaticoperseguito dai governi francese e italiano nell’ambito della formazione di un’Europa culturale dopo il 1945.

La stratégie culturelle est une composante essentielle de la stratégie globale de puissance d'un Etat au XXIe siècle. La France, puissance culturelle historique dotée d'un réseau diplomatique fort, structurant son action culturelle extérieure, voit une concurrence émerger sur la scène internationale. Pour garder son statut, elle défend la diversité culturelle, démarche complémentaire de celle d'exception culturelle, en conservant les acteurs traditionnels de l'influence. Or, dans une époque du tout numérique et de l'immédiateté, et de l'essor des acteurs privés, les codes de l'influence sont renouvelés, remettant en question la pertinence d'une action culturelle extérieure principalement publique. / In the 21st century, cultural strategy is a crucial component of a State’s overall strategies of power. France, a historically prominent cultural power whose strong diplomatic network structures its foreign cultural action, is being challenged by an emerging international rivalry. In order to maintain its status, France advocates for cultural diversity, as a process complementary to “cultural exception,” by retaining the traditional agents of influence. But in the age of the digital and of immediacy, and with the rise of private agents, the codes of influence are being renewed, which questions the suitability of a foreign cultural action that has largely remained publicly funded.

Scholars from various disciplines have demonstrated that popular culture factored significantly in Cold War contestation. As a pervasive form of cultural content and unifying medium for baby boomers worldwide, pop music played an important part in the power struggle between the era’s two adversarial camps. Historical studies of the past thirty years have identified initiatives of cultural diplomacy, from radio broadcasting to live concert tours, as key to disseminating Western music in Eastern Bloc societies. This project explains how cultural commerce across the divide of the Iron Curtain familiarized millions of music fans in the German Democratic Republic (GDR) with popular sounds from the United States, the United Kingdom, and other Western democracies. Detailing a process that affected all Bloc states in similar ways, it seeks to enrich the scholarly discourse on the role of pop culture in the twentieth century’s defining ideological conflict. Through analysis of previously unavailable or inaccessible sources, the dissertation reconstructs the economic development of a communist culture industry and measures the commercial significance of Western commodities in one Eastern Bloc marketplace. Drawing on untapped archival files, it traces the evolution of Deutsche Schallplatten (German Records) from a small private firm into a flagship enterprise on the GDR’s cultural circuit. It illuminates how dependency on technology and resources from capitalist countries prompted East Germany’s managers to prioritize the westward export of classical recordings for the purpose of earning hard currencies. Based on oral histories of contemporary witnesses, it documents how the Amiga label through the parent company’s business ties to capitalist partners advanced the import of Western jazz, blues, rock, pop, and dance music to exhaust the purchasing power of the home audience. Empirically evaluating formerly classified production data for a total of 143 million records, it reveals how the state-owned monopolist engineered a de facto takeover of the domestic marketplace by American, British, and West German performers to achieve high profitability. The dissertation argues that intensifying Westernization of its walled-in music market exemplified the GDR’s decision to concede the Cold War battle over cultural preferences and political loyalties of its citizens out of economic necessity.

對於一個國家而言，柔性權力的重要性和剛性權力同等重要。近年來，各國紛紛加強本國的柔性權力，以吸引外國公眾前來學習和認同本國的文化。美國學者奈伊，說明文化、政治價值觀和外交政策是國家所擁有的柔性權力的資源。因此，本文以柔性權力作為出發點，連接公眾外交與文化外交，進而探討俄羅斯從蘇聯時期到後蘇時期的對外文化政策之作為。 俄羅斯的對外文化政策從美蘇冷戰時期就已經開始，然而受限於意識型態的框架之下，兩國的文化交流深受到國家領導人外交政策風格的影響。普丁上任之後，俄羅斯開始積極向外拓展對外文化政策，其欲加強俄羅斯文化在世界上的影響力並且提高外國公眾對於俄羅斯文化價值的認同。俄羅斯於海外建立「俄羅斯世界基金會」和「俄羅斯合作」等文化推廣機構，以教授俄語和俄羅斯文化為主。希望讓外國公眾以不同的面向，瞭解俄羅斯。 本文的研究發現有下列幾點：第一、儘管俄羅斯近年來積極推廣俄羅斯文化在海外的發展，但是，俄羅斯的發展重心仍是以境外俄羅斯人為主。第二、俄羅斯國家內部的人權和官僚體系的議題和對外政策的實行方針，亦會影響俄羅斯柔性權力的發展。第三、俄羅斯的對外文化政策，與他國相比，仍然是以官方主導為主。因此，除了配合國家對外文化政策以外，俄羅斯應該要多增加非政府組織參與的比例和提昇國內相關文化產業的發展。 / For one country, soft power is as important as hard power. In these years, countries are enhancing its soft power to attract foreign public to learn to these countries’ culture and identify to their countries. American scholar, Joseph Nye , once indicated that culture, politic value and foreign policy are the resources of national soft power. Therefore, this paper discusses soft power, then connecting with public diplomacy and cultural diplomacy, and further probe into foreign cultural policy from Soviet Union era to Russian period . Russia’s foreign cultural policy started from the Cold War period, however , due to the ideology , the U.S-Soviet cultural exchange was deeply affected by the leaders of two countries. After the president Putin gained the power, Russia actively expanded its foreign cultural policy overseas, it wanted to strengthen the influence of Russian culture in the world and enhance the identity of Russian cultural values toward foreign public. The Russian government has established “Russkiy mir foundation ” and “Russotrudnichestvo” overseas to teach Russian language and Russian culture . By expanding the influence of Russian culture, foreign public is able to understand Russia from different aspects. The following are the research findings in my paper: First, the Russian government has actively developed Russian culture overseas in these years, but , the Russian government still focuses on compatriot . Second , the human rights and bureaucracy issue in Russia still deeply affect the development of soft power of Russia. Third, compared to other countries, Russian government plays an important role on foreign cultural policy. Therefore , besides its official policy, Russia should encourage on participation of NGOs and increase the development of the cultural industry.