Scholars from various disciplines have demonstrated that popular culture factored significantly in Cold War contestation. As a pervasive form of cultural content and unifying medium for baby boomers worldwide, pop music played an important part in the power struggle between the era’s two adversarial camps. Historical studies of the past thirty years have identified initiatives of cultural diplomacy, from radio broadcasting to live concert tours, as key to disseminating Western music in Eastern Bloc societies. This project explains how cultural commerce across the divide of the Iron Curtain familiarized millions of music fans in the German Democratic Republic (GDR) with popular sounds from the United States, the United Kingdom, and other Western democracies. Detailing a process that affected all Bloc states in similar ways, it seeks to enrich the scholarly discourse on the role of pop culture in the twentieth century’s defining ideological conflict. Through analysis of previously unavailable or inaccessible sources, the dissertation reconstructs the economic development of a communist culture industry and measures the commercial significance of Western commodities in one Eastern Bloc marketplace. Drawing on untapped archival files, it traces the evolution of Deutsche Schallplatten (German Records) from a small private firm into a flagship enterprise on the GDR’s cultural circuit. It illuminates how dependency on technology and resources from capitalist countries prompted East Germany’s managers to prioritize the westward export of classical recordings for the purpose of earning hard currencies. Based on oral histories of contemporary witnesses, it documents how the Amiga label through the parent company’s business ties to capitalist partners advanced the import of Western jazz, blues, rock, pop, and dance music to exhaust the purchasing power of the home audience. Empirically evaluating formerly classified production data for a total of 143 million records, it reveals how the state-owned monopolist engineered a de facto takeover of the domestic marketplace by American, British, and West German performers to achieve high profitability. The dissertation argues that intensifying Westernization of its walled-in music market exemplified the GDR’s decision to concede the Cold War battle over cultural preferences and political loyalties of its citizens out of economic necessity.

對於一個國家而言，柔性權力的重要性和剛性權力同等重要。近年來，各國紛紛加強本國的柔性權力，以吸引外國公眾前來學習和認同本國的文化。美國學者奈伊，說明文化、政治價值觀和外交政策是國家所擁有的柔性權力的資源。因此，本文以柔性權力作為出發點，連接公眾外交與文化外交，進而探討俄羅斯從蘇聯時期到後蘇時期的對外文化政策之作為。 俄羅斯的對外文化政策從美蘇冷戰時期就已經開始，然而受限於意識型態的框架之下，兩國的文化交流深受到國家領導人外交政策風格的影響。普丁上任之後，俄羅斯開始積極向外拓展對外文化政策，其欲加強俄羅斯文化在世界上的影響力並且提高外國公眾對於俄羅斯文化價值的認同。俄羅斯於海外建立「俄羅斯世界基金會」和「俄羅斯合作」等文化推廣機構，以教授俄語和俄羅斯文化為主。希望讓外國公眾以不同的面向，瞭解俄羅斯。 本文的研究發現有下列幾點：第一、儘管俄羅斯近年來積極推廣俄羅斯文化在海外的發展，但是，俄羅斯的發展重心仍是以境外俄羅斯人為主。第二、俄羅斯國家內部的人權和官僚體系的議題和對外政策的實行方針，亦會影響俄羅斯柔性權力的發展。第三、俄羅斯的對外文化政策，與他國相比，仍然是以官方主導為主。因此，除了配合國家對外文化政策以外，俄羅斯應該要多增加非政府組織參與的比例和提昇國內相關文化產業的發展。 / For one country, soft power is as important as hard power. In these years, countries are enhancing its soft power to attract foreign public to learn to these countries’ culture and identify to their countries. American scholar, Joseph Nye , once indicated that culture, politic value and foreign policy are the resources of national soft power. Therefore, this paper discusses soft power, then connecting with public diplomacy and cultural diplomacy, and further probe into foreign cultural policy from Soviet Union era to Russian period . Russia’s foreign cultural policy started from the Cold War period, however , due to the ideology , the U.S-Soviet cultural exchange was deeply affected by the leaders of two countries. After the president Putin gained the power, Russia actively expanded its foreign cultural policy overseas, it wanted to strengthen the influence of Russian culture in the world and enhance the identity of Russian cultural values toward foreign public. The Russian government has established “Russkiy mir foundation ” and “Russotrudnichestvo” overseas to teach Russian language and Russian culture . By expanding the influence of Russian culture, foreign public is able to understand Russia from different aspects. The following are the research findings in my paper: First, the Russian government has actively developed Russian culture overseas in these years, but , the Russian government still focuses on compatriot . Second , the human rights and bureaucracy issue in Russia still deeply affect the development of soft power of Russia. Third, compared to other countries, Russian government plays an important role on foreign cultural policy. Therefore , besides its official policy, Russia should encourage on participation of NGOs and increase the development of the cultural industry.

因應時代的改變，構成國家實力的資源也跟著改變。不同於自然資源、軍事力量、經濟或科技實力等有形的力量，文化資源以價值觀念為核心，是經濟發展的要素之一，也是柔性權力發展的重要基礎。創意產業，是目前全球新興的產業，透過創意產業對於外交上的幫助能強化國家的柔性力量，為國家塑造良好形象，並促進國家經濟利益。 本文以「創意產業作為俄國一項柔性權力」的角度為出發點，思考電影與文化觀光中所體現出的俄國價值與俄國文化，結合文化創意產業創新的概念，如何提升並發揮作用影響國家品牌形象。 透過國家品牌指數及相關國際指標可以得知，俄國成功藉由電影與文化觀光對外國公眾展現文化吸引力，傳達文化精神並提升國家品牌形象。因此，本文研究發現有以下幾點：第一，俄國創意產業作為一種柔性權力，以俄羅斯文化為因子散播並影響著世界。第二，文化吸引力為俄羅斯重要資產。俄羅斯的電影及文化觀光的文化吸引力使得外國公眾能受到吸引而心生嚮往，產生認同感；第三，國家扮演創意產業發展的關鍵推手。藉由俄國政府的主導，使得俄國創意產業能順利與國際接軌，發揮柔性力量；第四，柔性權力可建構出國家品牌形象，讓外國公眾對於俄國的印象不再只有軍事與核武等剛性力量，俄羅斯文化在國際上也具有不容小覷的影響力。 / In respond to the era of changes, the resources that constitute a nation's strength change accordingly. Unlike tangible forces such as natural resources, military power, economic or scientific technological strength, etc., cultural resources have sense of value as its core, and is one of the elements in economic development and also the important basis for the development of soft power. The creative industry is currently an emerging industry around the globe. Through the creative industry, the diplomatic assistance can help strengthen the country's soft power by adding a good image of the country and promoting national economic interests. This paper uses the perspective of "Creative industry as one of Russia’s soft power" as the starting point to reflect on how Russian values and culture expressed in film and cultural tourism, combined with the concepts of the innovation in cultural creative industry, can enhance and influence its national brand image. Through Nation Brands Index and the relevant international indexes we can have learned that Russia successfully exhibits its cultural attraction to the foreign public through cinema and culture, conveys its cultural spirit and enhances its national brand image. Therefore, this paper is meant to study and discover the following: First, Russia’s creative industry is used as a soft power to spread Russian culture as a factor and influence the world; Secondly, cultural attraction is an important asset for Russian. The cultural attraction of Russian films and culture tourism can attract the foreign public and create a sense of longing and a sense of identity; Thirdly, the country plays a key force behind the development of the creative industry. Being led by the Russian government, the Russian creative industry can thereby successfully connect with its international counterparts and bring soft power into play; Fourthly, the soft power can construct a nation’s brand image. It gives the foreign public an impression of Russia not only about hard power like military and nuclear weapon etc.; Russian culture also has influences, which are not to be underestimated internationally.

Avec d’une part les bouleversements de l’ordre mondial après la chute du système bipolaire, avec d’autre part et de manière corrélative l’extension considérable des échanges internationaux, le développement sans précédent des moyens de communications et la mondialisation économique (touchant évidemment aussi le domaine culturel), la fin du XXe siècle a inauguré une nouvelle donne dans les relations culturelles internationales qui revêtent désormais une signification capitale et, jusque-là, inédite. Dans le nouveau contexte mondial les relations culturelles internationales se sont attribué de nouveaux enjeux : elles ont pour objet non seulement la diffusion de la culture nationale en direction de la communauté internationale, mais aussi une impérative, voire vitale résistance aux dangereuses conséquences de la mondialisation, grâce au développement du dialogue interculturel et à l'affirmation des différentes cultures. Sous l'influence de ces nouveaux enjeux, les États du monde ont été obligés de réviser leur conception de la politique culturelle internationale et de perfectionner leur diplomatie culturelle nationale.Cette thèse de doctorat a pour objet la politique culturelle internationale de la France et de la Russie, que l’auteur étudie à travers le prisme des relations culturelles intergouvernementales franco-russes de 1991 à 2004. L’étude du renouveau du système des relations culturelles bilatérales après l’effondrement de l’Union soviétique tend à répondre à trois séries de questions, sur le plan national, mais aussi sur le plan des relations bilatérales et multilatérales (russo-européennes) :• quelle place la politique culturelle internationale a-t-elle prise dans la nouvelle conception nationale de la politique étrangère en France et en Russie ? quels sont les objectifs et les priorités de la France et la Russie concernant les relations culturelles internationales ? et quels sont les instruments dont la France et la Russie se sont dotées pour leur réalisation dans le contexte actuel de la mondialisation ?• quelle place les relations culturelles bilatérales ont-t-elles prise respectivement dans la conception de la politique culturelle internationale des deux pays ? quels sont les objectifs et les moyens de coopération culturelle bilatérale ? quels sont les résultats du renouveau des relations culturelles bilatérales ? et, finalement, comment peut-on caractériser les relations culturelles contemporaines franco-russes ?• quels sont les enjeux des relations culturelles franco-russes en vue de l’évolution de la relation Russie/Union européenne élargie ? et quelles sont les éventuelles perspectives de leur développement ? / On the one hand, together with the global disruptions following the end of the bi-polar political system and on the other hand and in close correlation with the considerable extension of the international exchanges, the unprecedented development of the means of communication and the economic globalization (obviously with regard to the cultural field), the end of the 20th century has launched a new deal in international cultural relations which now take on a major meaning which has remained unprecedented. In this new global context, the international cultural relations have set themselves new goals: they now not only aim at the circulation of the national culture towards the international community but also appear as an urgent even vital resistance to the dangerous impact of globalization, thanks to the development of intercultural dialogue and the affirmation of the different cultures.Under the influence of these new objectives, the world states have been forced to review their conception of international cultural policies and improve their national cultural diplomacy.This thesis mainly deals with the international cultural policies of France and Russia and its author focuses on Franco-Russian intergovernmental cultural relations from 1991 until 2004. The study of the renewal of the bilateral cultural relations after the collapse of the Soviet Union aims at answering three sets of questions, from a national perspective but also on bilateral and multilateral relations (Russo-European that is)• What place have the international cultural policies of France and Russia held in the new national conception of foreign affairs in France and Russia? What are the objectives and priorities of France and Russia as regards to international cultural relations? And what are the instruments used by France and Russia for their achievement in the current global context?• What place have cultural bilateral relations taken respectively in the conception of the international cultural policies of both countries? What are the goals and means used in the cultural bilateral cooperation? What are the results of the renewal of bilateral cultural relations? And finally, how can we characterize the contemporary Franco-Russian cultural relations?• What is at stake in the Franco-Russian cultural relations with a view to the evolution of the relation between Russia and the extended European Union? And what are the potential perspectives in their development?

Cette thèse analyse les échanges artistiques entre la France et l’URSS durant l’entre-deux-guerres, leurs rouages et les avantages mutuels qu’ils présentent. Cette période connaît quatre phases successives, ce qui permet de découper la recherche en autant de parties. La première étudie la période d’avant la reconnaissance de l’URSS par la France et la mise en place des relations diplomatiques (avant 1924) ; la deuxième se penche sur les premiers liens officiels qui suivent ladite reconnaissance (1925-1928) ; la troisième s’intéresse aux années 1928-1934, période du « Grand Tournant » dans l’économie soviétique, et enfin la quatrième englobe les années qui suivent l’instauration du réalisme socialiste en 1934 et se termine avec la guerre. Notre projet tente d’évaluer la pertinence de l’approche stéréotypée portant sur le lien entre art et idéologie, de voir si la peinture soviétique, telle que présentée lors des expositions en France, était similaire à celle exposée en URSS et constituait un outil de propagande à part entière. Sous quelle forme l’art soviétique est-il présenté en France et quel est le rôle des instances dans la mise en place de ces manifestations ? Il s’agit d’étudier le rôle des acteurs de ces échanges : instances étatiques, associations, galeries, spécialistes d’art, intellectuels, collectionneurs ou enfin les artistes eux-mêmes. Nous nous intéressons également aux expositions d’artistes français et à l’organisation de leurs voyages en URSS. Ce travail montre que les maillons de la chaîne « politique-idéologie-finances » sont intimement liés entre eux et que l’argent a souvent un rôle décisif pour les instances soviétiques. / This dissertation focuses on artistic exchange between France and the USSR in the interwar period, its mechanisms and the benefits it presented. This period can be divided into four successive phases, accounting for the four parts this research falls into. The first part studies the years leading up to the recognition of the USSR by France and the setting up of diplomatic relations (prior to 1924); the second part deals with the first official links following the recognition (1925-1928); the third part focuses on the years 1928-1934, a period of economic change also known as « the Great Turn » in Soviet economy and the fourth and final part spans the years after socialist realism was established from 1934 on up to the outbreak of the war. This research questions the stereotypical approach to the link between art and ideology and asks whether Soviet painting, as shown during exhibitions in France, was similar to that shown in the USSR and whether it was, or not, a sheer tool for propaganda. Under what form was Soviet art presented in France and what role did authorities play in organizing artistic events? The role played by the actors of this exchange is studied: state authorities, associations, art galleries, art specialists, intellectuals, collectors, intellectuals, and last but not least the artists themselves. Also studied are the exhibitions of French artists and how their trips to the USSR were organized. This research shows that politics, ideology and money are tightly linked together and that money played a decisive role for Soviet authorities.

By examining the art exhibition Finsk bild (Finnish picture) that was held at Liljevalchs art gallery in Stockholm 1977-78, the aim of the essay is to investigate and highlight the discrepancy between the intention of the exhibition and how it was perceived by the critics. In the aftermath of the exhibition there were discussions about why the critics were so harsh, and also the way the critics described the art and artists in terms of the national has been questioned in recent years. The method that is being used is Mieke Bals semiotic exhibition analysis model, where the art exhibition is analyzed through the narratives that are constructed in the discourse of the practice of the exhibition. The results show that the framing of the exhibition was done according to a model of a national culture exchange, within far going traditions in the Nordic countries. Therefore, the art exhibited was received as “classic Finnish art”, but the art itself was of modern international character. The framing of the exhibition placed the art in the category of artefacts, which were starting to be an outdated way of perceiving art in the 1970´s. / Uppsatsen undersöker och synliggör konflikten mellan intentionen och mottagandet av konstutställningen Finsk bild som visades på Liljevalchs 1977–1978. Mottagandet av den här utställningen har uppmärksammats i efterhand, men någon djupare vetenskaplig analys har inte gjorts. Metoden som använts till undersökningen är en utställningsanalys enligt Mieke Bals semiotiska modell, där utställningspraktiken undersöks genom diskurser som var förhärskande på det finska och svenska konstfältet. Resultatet visar att en representationsutställning som Finsk bild, var diskursivt inramad i nationella termer av finskhet, vilket därmed ställde förväntningar på konsten som visades. Konsten som visades var dock inte ”nationell finsk konst” i klassisk mening, utan konst som till sitt uttryck följde en allmän konstutveckling i spåren av västerländsk modernitet. Traditionell politisk praktik av konstutbyte hade satt ramarna för utställningen, men konstbegreppet och konsttolkningen hade delvis ersatts av nya. Konst som bärare av det nationella, förutsätter att konstverk ses som artefakter snarare än konstverk.

No description available.

Pour respecter les droits d’auteur, la version électronique de cette thèse a été dépouillée de certains documents visuels. La version intégrale de la thèse a été déposée à la Division de la gestion des documents et des archives. / Notre recherche doctorale porte sur la critique d’art latino-américaniste. Cette génération de critiques d’art est née à la fin des années 1960. Elle a atteint son apogée dans la seconde moitié de la décennie suivante et a connu un déclin progressif au cours des années 1980 et de la première moitié des années 1990. Le latino-américanisme est un type de continentalisme, c’est-à-dire un mouvement de promotion de l’identité historique, politique et culturelle des pays d’Amérique latine en vue de la protection d’intérêts communs dans le cadre des relations internationales. Dans la seconde moitié du 20e siècle, il est d’ailleurs indissociable de la guerre froide, des mouvements anticolonialistes et anti-impérialistes et des utopies révolutionnaires largement disséminées dans les milieux artistiques et intellectuels d’Amérique latine. En effet, la critique d’art latino-américaniste s’est caractérisée principalement par son engagement dans le débat sur la spécificité de l’art latino-américain, son histoire et ses aspirations théoriques, esthétiques et politiques pour l’avenir. Nous éloignant de l’histoire des idées au profit du cadre plus large de l’histoire sociale, dans cette thèse doctorale nous nous intéressons particulièrement à la constitution et à la progressive consolidation des réseaux de sociabilité intellectuelle qui ont créé les conditions de possibilité pour le développement de ce projet critique. Il s’agit de la multiplication des espaces de rencontre et de débat en Amérique latine, ainsi qu’au sein d’institutions culturelles internationales et d’organisations multilatérales, avec notamment la réalisation de projets éditoriaux et muséologiques collectifs ayant fortement favorisé l’intégration culturelle latino-américaine. L’analyse de ces espaces et de ces projets est au cœur de nos réflexions. / This doctoral research focuses on the Latin Americanist art criticism. This generation of art critics originated in the late 1960s. It peaked in the second half of the following decade and experienced a gradual decline during the 1980s and first half of the 1990s. Latin Americanism is a type of continentalism, a movement for the promotion of the historical, political and cultural identity of the countries of Latin America with the aim of protecting common interests within international relations. In the second half of the 20th century, it was strongly linked to the Cold War, anti-colonialist and anti-imperialist movements and revolutionary utopias widely disseminated in artistic and intellectual circles in Latin America. Furthermore, Latin American art criticism was characterized mainly by its engagement in the debate on the specificity of Latin American art, its history and its theoretical, aesthetic and political aspirations for the future. Moving away from the history of ideas in favour of the broader framework of social history, this doctoral thesis is particularly interested in the constitution and the progressive consolidation of the networks of intellectual sociability which created the conditions of possibility for the development of this critical project. This involves the multiplication of meeting and debate spaces in Latin America, as well as within international cultural institutions and multilateral organizations, with the realization of collective editorial and museological projects that have strongly favoured the integration of Latin American cultures. The analysis of these spaces and these projects is at the heart of our reflections.

A partir del análisis de los orígenes y de la creación de la Universidad Internacional Menéndez Pelayo (UIMP) y del Festival Internacional de Santander (FIS), se profundiza en el conocimiento de la historia de ambas instituciones durante el primer franquismo y la relación que en ellas hubo entre política, ciencia, cultura e identidad nacional, a la vez que se demuestra el papel primordial de legitimación política internacional que la dictadura del general Franco asignó a la cultura con el fin de combatir el aislamiento diplomático que sobre España pesaba entre los ecuadores de las décadas cuarenta y cincuenta del pasado siglo. Asimismo, otros aspectos abordados en este trabajo son los referidos a la historia de los cursos de español para extranjeros y la historia de los festivales de música, relativas ambas a nuestro país, así como a la aproximación histórica a la vida cultural de Santander en la inmediata posguerra civil. / From the analysis of the origins and creation of the International University Menéndez Pelayo (UIMP) and the International Festival of Santander (FIS), it delves into the knowledge of the history of both institutions during the early Franco and the relationship that they were between politics, science, culture and national identity, as well as demonstrated the essential role of international political legitimacy to the dictatorship of General Franco assigned to culture in order to combat the diplomatic isolation of Spain weighed between equators decades of the forties and fifties of last century. Also, other issues addressed in this paper are those related to the history of Spanish courses for foreigners and the history of music festivals, both concerning our country, and the historical approach to the cultural life of Santander in the immediate post-Civil War.

The Fourth Republic fell sort of expectations of French nation. The institutional system based on predominance of political parties could guarantee neither inner stability nor the return of France to the world political power. Weaknesses of French governments and their inability to cope with the serious political and economic issues resulted in collapse of the Fourth Republic in spring 1958. Some months later a new political system was established. It enabled to give France back its grandeur and independence. The first decade of the Fifth Republic, closely connected with the personality of President Charles de Gaulle, was greatly affected by the Algerian War of Independence in consequence of which all social and political spheres of the country were impacted. The Evian Agreements of March 1962 established an independent Algeria and enabled Charles de Gaulle to carry out his own political conception, including greater openness to the Soviet Union and its satellites. Czechoslovak-French diplomatic and cultural relations in the years 1948-1968 correspond to large extent extent to the evolution of international policy with its alternation of easing and tightening of the geopolitical tension and they also reflect the changes in domectic political situation in both countries. Since 1948 the Czechoslovak...