Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-05-19T11:57:28Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcelo Johny Maciel.pdf: 18646890 bytes, checksum: 126b949772cbc562a2db4563168038c0 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-19T11:57:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcelo Johny Maciel.pdf: 18646890 bytes, checksum: 126b949772cbc562a2db4563168038c0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-04-06 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This monograph paper was developed from a methodology basis of Social Sciences, with emphasis in political Sciences and added to the contributions of history, anthropology and literature. The main objective is to present the most important aspects of the War of Contestado within a linear process to the formation of the first refuge which took place in the region, considering the social and symbolic elements important in the consolidation of the political leaderships manifested in this conflictive period. The War of Contestado unlikely the other conflicts which are generally remembered by the male engagement in the resistance role, represents the normality with the youth and of the women participation. Despite the effort of the State in silencing the individuals who featured the fight in defense of the legitimacy of the land, the result was proportional to the oppression which the countrymen suffered, developed different ways of the strategies through the collective awareness. The formation of the Contestado took place in large scale by the forced migration of the “gaúchos” – countrymen from the State of Rio Grande do Sul – who were expelled from their homeland by the State in different moments. The Contestado was in the beginning a commercial post between Sao Paulo and Rio Grande do Sul State, afterwards the conflicts involving the “gauchos”, many people searched for this region to restart their lives believing that they would have a distance from the State. Regarding the Republic and the project of modernization applied in the mid-south states with the railway tracks, areas such as the Contestado turned out to be valuable for the important market, becoming the desire between the States of Santa Catarina and Parana. The dispute between these states affected directly the countrymen who recovered rapidly all the resources acquired in other conflicts and started to resist all the interests of the capital. This dispute for the space regarded by the countrymen as sacred, qualified the women as reference in refuges due to the possession of the best resources. Among all, Maria Rosa had an important role of absolute leadership in the acutest moment of the war. In order to have a better understanding of how this process happened, it was necessary a rigorous documentation analysis and with the support of the literature it was possible to understand that the process which led to Maria Rosa to the power comes from a very recent history; the female role in the Farroupilha and in the Rio Grande do Sul Federalist Revolution both contribute meaningfully to break the idea of the Contestado was an exception and this was the main objective of this research / Esta monografia foi desenvolvida a partir da base metodológica das Ciências Sociais, com ênfase nas Ciências políticas e somada as contribuições da história, antropologia e da literatura. Busca-se com isso apresentar os aspectos mais importantes da Guerra do Contestado dentro de um processo linear até a formação dos primeiros redutos na região, considerando os elementos sociais e simbólicos importantes na consolidação das lideranças políticas manifestadas no período conflituoso. A Guerra do Contestado diferentemente de outros conflitos que são costumeiramente lembrados pelo engajamento masculino no papel de resistência representa a normalidade com a inclusão infanto-juvenil e das mulheres. Apesar do esforço do Estado em silenciar os sujeitos que protagonizaram uma luta em defesa da legitimidade da terra, o resultado foi proporcional à opressão que os sertanejos sofreram, desenvolveram diferentes formas de estratégias através da consciência coletiva. A formação do Contestado ocorreu em larga escala pela migração forçada dos gaúchos que foram expulsos de sua terra de origem pelo Estado em diferentes momentos. O Contestado era a princípio um entreposto entre São Paulo e Rio Grande do Sul, depois dos conflitos envolvendo os gaúchos, muitos recorreram a região para recomeçarem suas vidas acreditando que teriam um distanciamento do Estado. A partir da República e do projeto de modernização aplicado no centro-sul com a malha ferroviária, áreas como do Contestado passaram a ter um valor de mercado importante, sendo objeto de desejo entre os estados de Santa Catarina e Paraná. A disputa entre os Estados afetou diretamente os sertanejos que resgataram rapidamente recursos adquiridos em outros conflitos e passaram a resistir aos interesses do capital. Esta disputa pelo espaço considerado pelos sertanejos como sagrado, credenciou as mulheres como referência nos redutos por disporem de maiores recursos. Dentre todas Maria Rosa desempenhou o papel de liderança absoluta no momento mais agudo da Guerra. Para entender melhor como ocorreu este processo foi preciso uma análise documental rigorosa e com apoio da literatura foi possível compreender que o processo que levou Maria Rosa ao poder advém de uma história recente; o papel feminino na Farroupilha e na Revolução Federalista no Rio Grande do Sul contribuem significativamente para romper com a ideia de que o Contestado foi uma exceção e este foi o objetivo central da pesquisa

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T18:10:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Diogenes Jose Pasqualini.pdf: 2280193 bytes, checksum: 304a1d8389dda4bd15f2fd2abe98cf6d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-02-02 / The current mayor of Sao Paulo, Gilberto Kassab, was elected deputy mayor in José Serra's government in 2004. When Serra left office to become Governor of the State of São Paulo, he assumed command of the administrative municipality. He gained notoriety by presenting a controversial proposal, which became a law in São Paulo, law n. 14.233 of 2006. It became known as "Clean City Law", and determines the use of the urban landscape in the county. Upon gaining a place and providing guidelines for the media, the "Clean City Project," he gained prominence in the media, and political force, and as a politician with a modest political career, (he had been a city councilman and deputy), he went on to be elected mayor of the largest city in Latin America. He won the elections in 2008 by defeating the two candidates who were considered, up until that time, more "experienced" in politics: former Sao Paulo Governor Geraldo Alckmin and the former mayor of São Paulo, Marta Suplicy. The hypothesis argued here is that this Law gave rise to the political marketing strategy used in the election of Gilberto Kassab for the post of Mayor of Sao Paulo. The proposed "clean the city" of its visible pollution became a powerful metaphor. The cleaning concept embodied the ideal city to live in, free of problems, more humane, safe, an orderly city, free of its ills. To investigate the effect of this Law and its effect on voters the metaphorical theory Corpomídia will be used (Katz & Greiner), which expands the understanding of the relationship between the body, through its mediation and how the massification of a proposal for cleaning captured people around an idea / O atual prefeito de São Paulo, Gilberto Kassab, foi eleito vice-prefeito na chapa de José Serra, em 2004. Quando Serra deixou o cargo, para ser governador do Estado de São Paulo, Kassab assumiu o comando administrativo do município. Ganhou notoriedade ao apresentar uma proposta polêmica, que dispõe sobre os usos da paisagem urbana no município, que foi transformada na Lei n. 14.223 de 2006 e que tornou-se conhecida como Lei Cidade Limpa . Antes de virar Lei, ainda enquanto Projeto Cidade Limpa , conseguiu pautar os meios de comunicação, fazendo com que Gilberto Kassab ganhasse destaque na mídia, força política e, de um político de carreira modesta (tinha sido vereador e deputado), conseguisse ser eleito prefeito da maior cidade da América Latina. Kassab venceu as eleições em 2008 ao derrotar dois candidatos considerados, até então, mais experientes na esfera política: o ex-governador de São Paulo Geraldo Alckmin e a ex-prefeita da capital paulista Marta Suplicy. A hipótese aqui defendida é a de que a estratégia de marketing político responsável por sua eleição foi construída a partir dessa Lei. A proposta de limpar a cidade da sua poluição visual transformou-se em uma metáfora poderosa. O conceito de limpeza corporificou a cidade ideal para se viver, livre de todos os problemas, mais humana, segura, uma cidade em ordem, limpa de seus males. Para investigar a ação dessa Lei e sua ação metafórica sobre os eleitores será empregada a Teoria Corpomídia (Katz & Greiner), que amplia o entendimento da relação entre corpo e a sua mediação com o meio e como a massificação de uma proposta de limpeza capturou as pessoas em torno de uma ideia

This diploma thesis focuses on relations between a candidate and a political party and how these relations are influenced by political marketing and media. Political party TOP 09 and its leader Karel Schwarzenberg are studied during the political campaign preceding Czech legislative election in May 2010. The study is based on TOP 09's documents and interviews of Karel Schwarzenberg in Czech media. Theoretical part of this thesis is dedicated to concepts of political marketing, influence of media and models of communication. Content analysis compares themes and ways to speak about them used by the party and by Schwarzenberg. Qualitative analysis asks if the party can make use of Schwrazenberg for its own campaign and how strength and what sort of are relations between TOP 09 and its leader.

Submitted by Cássia Santos (cassia.bcufg@gmail.com) on 2014-08-28T14:19:20Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Dissertacao Nelsimar Jose Naves.pdf: 12781992 bytes, checksum: 1fa81a0044b0badd34075c8cbb9e41c6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-28T14:19:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Dissertacao Nelsimar Jose Naves.pdf: 12781992 bytes, checksum: 1fa81a0044b0badd34075c8cbb9e41c6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-06-27 / The present research is based on an investigation around the History and Memory of the Educational Institutions. The study was developed from the following problem: how to get up and settles the Simon Bolivar in Corumbaíba, from 1956 to 1974? The time frame chosen was between the years of 1956, at which time began the process of institutionalization of Simon Bolivar, Gymnasium and 1974, the year in which this school is separated from the National Campaign to Free Educacional, passing then to have officially as sponsor, the municipality of Corumbaíba. The overall objective of the research is to understand the historical aspects that led to the emergence and the consolidation of the Simon Bolivar Gymnasium , establishing an analysis around what this school represents in the history of the city of Corumbaíba-GO, and in memory of those who, in one way or another, she retained some binding. Specifically, this research seeks to make a historical approach of Simon Bolivar, Gymnasium during the timeframe proposed by the contextualization with the political and socio-cultural reality of Corumbaíba, deepening the discussion around the possible relationships of power that permeated the reality of this school, as well as analyze what proposed at the time, around the expansion of secondary education in the State of Goiás and in Brazil; search still, establish a discussion about the role of the Municipal Sector of National Campaign to Free Educacional (CNEG) and as the scene of his influence, next to Gymnasium Management Simon Bolivar; In addition to establishing the analysis about the memories built over the years, this school and its founder, through the available documentation and interviews. The hypothesis proposed is that the creation of Simon Bolivar and Gymnasium the way he was organizing has a close relationship with the struggle for political hegemony in Corumbaíba. In this way, the history and the memory of this school is mainly from such events and experiences. / A presente pesquisa é pautada em uma investigação em torno da História e Memória das Instituições Escolares. O estudo se desenvolveu a partir do seguinte problema de pesquisa: como se constitui e se estabelece o Ginásio Simon Bolívar em Corumbaíba, no período de 1956 a 1974? O recorte temporal escolhido foi entre os anos de 1956, momento em que se iniciou o processo de institucionalização do Ginásio Simon Bolívar, e 1974, ano em que essa escola se desvinculou da Campanha Nacional de Educandários Gratuitos, passando então a ter oficialmente como mantenedora, a Prefeitura Municipal de Corumbaíba. O objetivo geral da pesquisa é o de compreender os aspectos históricos que levaram ao surgimento e à consolidação do Ginásio Simon Bolívar, estabelecendo uma análise em torno do que essa escola representa na história do município de Corumbaíba - GO, e na memória das pessoas que, de um modo ou de outro, com ela mantiveram alguma vinculação. Especificamente, esta pesquisa procura fazer uma abordagem histórica do Ginásio Simon Bolívar, no período do recorte temporal proposto, estabelecendo a contextualização com a realidade política e sócio cultural de Corumbaíba, aprofundando a discussão em torno das possíveis relações de poder que permeavam a realidade dessa instituição escolar, além de analisar o que se propunha à época, em torno da expansão do ensino secundário no estado de Goiás e no Brasil; busca ainda, estabelecer uma discussão acerca da atuação do Setor Municipal da Campanha Nacional de Educandários Gratuitos (CNEG), tendo como palco de sua influência, a gestão junto ao Ginásio Simon Bolívar; além de estabelecer a análise sobre as memórias construídas ao longo dos anos, em torno dessa escola e de seu fundador, através da documentação disponível e de entrevistas. A hipótese proposta é a de que a criação do Ginásio Simon Bolívar e a maneira como ele foi se organizando tenha uma relação íntima com a luta por hegemonia política em Corumbaíba. Desse modo, a história e a memória dessa instituição escolar manifesta-se principalmente a partir de tais eventos e experiências.

Submitted by Sandra Pereira (srpereira@ufrrj.br) on 2016-10-03T17:26:35Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2011 - Adriana Gallotti Studart.pdf: 5477496 bytes, checksum: 8ffde9ac7ac95870e0b166e4c1357723 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-03T17:26:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2011 - Adriana Gallotti Studart.pdf: 5477496 bytes, checksum: 8ffde9ac7ac95870e0b166e4c1357723 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-03-03 / This paper deals with the hygienic and sanitary issues in campaign activities of the Brazilian Army. In these situations, large number of people may be exposed to serious health risks, even before entering combat. Therefore, the objective of this study was to investigate the practices to be implemented to enhance biosecurity related to water supply, food service and waste management in the campaign. To this end, it was raised the processes and issues of interest to health by non-participant observation of four campaign activities conducted at the Military Academy of Agulhas Negras (AMAN), from June to November 2010. A specific checklist was developed and implemented in the first three activities were subsequently produced a Manual of Good Practice. In order to validate this document, an instruction was given on topics related to the military involved. Subsequently, a new application of the checklist was performed in a final activity to compare the results. In parallel, were analyzed for microbiological and physical-chemical water consumption in all the activities together. Furthermore, it was evaluated the cleanliness of water tanks by aerobic mesophilic count and the presence or absence of coliform bacteria. Tabulated the results confirmed the trend of improvement in the overall situation of biosecurity. It was concluded therefore that the application of good practices, consolidated in the proposed manual, can increase levels of biosecurity of troops on campaign in the Brazilian Army. / O presente trabalho trata das quest?es higi?nico-sanit?rias nas atividades de campanha do Ex?rcito Brasileiro. Nessas situa??es, grandes efetivos podem estar expostos a s?rios riscos ? sa?de, antes mesmo das atividades b?licas em si. Por essa raz?o, o objetivo deste estudo foi investigar as pr?ticas a serem implementadas para se aumentar a biosseguran?a relacionada ao suprimento de ?gua, servi?o de alimenta??o e gest?o de res?duos em campanha. Para tal, foram levantados os processos e assuntos de interesse sanit?rio pela observa??o n?o-participante de quatro atividades de campanha realizadas na Academia Militar das Agulhas Negras (AMAN), de junho a novembro de 2010. Uma lista de verifica??o espec?fica foi elaborada e aplicada nas tr?s primeiras atividades sendo, posteriormente, produzido um Manual de Boas Pr?ticas. No sentido de validar este documento, uma instru??o sobre assuntos correlatos foi ministrada aos militares envolvidos. Posteriormente, uma nova aplica??o da lista de verifica??o foi realizada em uma ?ltima atividade para comparar os resultados. Paralelamente, foram realizadas an?lises microbiol?gicas e f?sico-qu?micas da ?gua de consumo de todas as atividades acompanhadas. Al?m disso, foi avaliada a higieniza??o dos reservat?rios de ?gua atrav?s da contagem de mes?filos aer?bios e da presen?a ou aus?ncia de bact?rias do grupo coliforme. Tabulados os resultados, confirmou-se a tend?ncia de melhoria na situa??o geral de biosseguran?a. Concluiu-se, portanto, que a aplica??o das boas pr?ticas, consolidadas no Manual proposto, ? capaz de aumentar os n?veis de biosseguran?a de uma tropa em campanha no ?mbito do Ex?rcito Brasileiro.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T18:17:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tatiana Gianordoli Teixeira.pdf: 675197 bytes, checksum: 59475c2090458a93d791ef5412d30b6f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-12-08 / This thesis is dedicated to investigate the source of electoral behavior, one being rational, logical and ideological and the other manifested mainly in the television, toward the seduction of the voter rather than his honest belief. To explain how such behavior, which sometimes seem to escape of what we call rationality, this research argues that elections are rather than be an area of dispute by ideas is a space of actors, working on the basis of a series manipulation tactics aiming the power and domination. We, therefore, have as problem the question: What is the origin of the nature of the speeches used in political campaigns and the communicational efficacy of them? As hypothesis, we propose: the strategies adopted by politicians during the election period, and aspects about the election campaigns carried on television, can be understood in its fundaments from existing information about animal behavior, studied in Ethology - the biology of behavior and the Biosemiotic, in order to understand the specific features of the electoral moment and its relation to our evolution history. We point out that the proposed hypothesis is not reductionist (in the sense to propose only biological explanations) but tries to capture the evolutional complexity contained in the transition from the biological to the psychosocial. The political discourse in the Free Advertising Electoral Period offers a broad field of investigation due to its language to an elaborate work of marketing or conviction. The bridges between the searched authors and our natural context wanted to consider the connection between electoral campaign and animal nature. Within the Program in Communication and Semiotics, this study, combining the social and biological areas, is based on Darwinian evolutionary theory and science of communication, in order to be inserted in the research line of Culture and Media Environment. This thesis took theoretical and practical methodology to test its hypothesis, revealing that the understanding of communication processes of political campaigns, is based on inheritance ethological typical of higher primates. This is because the most primitive component of human beings, the ethological origin, considers the views and strategies of domination in ethological niche occupied by politicians, related to the limbic complex, common to all mammals, rather than the neocortical behavior assigned exclusively to the human species. In the discussions, found the communication processes in political media and the explicit communication behavior, in the figure of candidates as well as the implicit ones, belonging to the agents of political marketing / Esta tese está dedicada à investigar a origem de comportamentos eleitorais, um dos quais tem caráter racional, lógico e ideológico e outro, manifesto principalmente na comunicação televisiva, voltado para a sedução do eleitor e não ao seu convencimento honesto. Para explicar como tais comportamentos,que, por vezes, parecem fugir ao que denominamos de racionalidade humana, esta pesquisa defende que as eleições, antes de serem um espaço da disputa pelas idéias, são um espaço dos atores, funcionando, ainda, com base em uma série de táticas de manipulação, objetivando o poder e a dominação. Temos assim, como problema, a pergunta: qual a origem da natureza dos discursos utilizados nas campanhas políticas e da eficácia comunicacional dos mesmos? Como Hipótese, propomos: as estratégias adotadas pelos políticos, por ocasião do período eleitoral, e os aspectos acerca das campanhas eleitorais veiculadas na televisão, podem ser compreendidas em seus fundamentos a partir das informações existentes sobre o comportamento animal, estudadas na Etologia - biologia do comportamento e a Biosemiótica, de forma a compreendermos as características especificas do momento eleitoral e sua relação com a história da nossa evolução. Frisamos que a hipótese proposta não tem caráter reducionista (no sentido de propor explicações somente biológicas) mas sim tenta captar a complexidade evolutiva contida na transição do biológico ao psicossocial. O discurso político no Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral oferece um campo amplo de investigação em função de sua linguagem obedecer a um elaborado trabalho de marketing, ou seja, de convencimento. As pontes buscadas entre os autores estudados e nosso contexto singular, pretenderam equacionar a conexão entre campanha eleitoral e natureza animal. Dentro do Programa de Comunicação e Semiótica, este estudo, que reúne as áreas social e biológica, se apóia na teoria evolutiva darwinista e nas ciências da comunicação, para, se inserir na linha de pesquisa Cultura e Ambientes Midiáticos. Esta tese adotou metodologia teórico prática para testar sua hipótese, revelando que a compreensão dos processos comunicacionais, em particular, das campanhas políticas, é sempre apoiada na herança etológica típica de primata superior. Isto porque, a componente mais primitiva do ser humano, de origem etológica, enaltece as exibições e estratégias de dominação nos nichos etológicos ocupados pelos políticos, em lugar do comportamento neocortial atribuído à espécie. Em suas discussões, encontrou os processos de comunicação na mídia política e os comportamentos comunicacionais explícitos, na figura dos candidatos, assim como aqueles implícitos, pertencentes à atuação dos agentes de marketing político

Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2017-04-19T13:42:18Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Débora de Lima Velho Junges_.pdf: 2121896 bytes, checksum: 8dd2c6b16aeb8c2f81a64929adaf8938 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-19T13:42:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Débora de Lima Velho Junges_.pdf: 2121896 bytes, checksum: 8dd2c6b16aeb8c2f81a64929adaf8938 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-02-17 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / A Tese tem como objetivo analisar como a escola e, em particular, a matemática escolar, operavam como parte dos processos de subjetivação de escolares descendentes de imigrantes alemães no Rio Grande do Sul, no período da Campanha de Nacionalização. De modo mais específico, identifica, nas enunciações dos entrevistados, rituais escolares que operavam como tática de manifestação da verdade de que “os alemães são superiores” e analisa esses rituais. Discute, também, os rituais da matemática escolar nos quais a tática da manifestação da verdade operava, analisando os jogos de linguagem matemáticos que estavam presentes nesses rituais, como eram ensinados e que conhecimentos matemáticos eram transmitidos. As ferramentas teóricas do estudo estão vinculadas às teorizações de Michel Foucault e de Ludwig Wittgenstein. O material de pesquisa consiste em narrativas de sete pessoas que estudaram em escolas da imigração alemã no Rio Grande do Sul, no período da Campanha de Nacionalização. Os principais resultados da investigação apontam que o Deutschtum operava na vida dos imigrantes alemães e seus descendentes, subjetivando-os de modo a se perceberem como colonos na qual a descendência alemã era priorizada. Foram identificados três rituais escolares que operaram em favor do discurso de manutenção do Deutschtum e como uma tática de manifestação da verdade de que os alemães eram “indivíduos superiores”. Sobre a matemática escolar, constatou-se que para os familiares dos participantes da pesquisa era importante que seus filhos dominassem as regras e os jogos de linguagem da matemática escolar, para, com isso “honrar” sua descendência alemã e preservar o Deutschtum. Também foi possível identificar dois rituais da matemática escolar que operavam como forma de reforçar a manifestação da verdade de que os “alemães eram superiores”. O primeiro ritual tratou da realização de exercícios nas aulas de matemática e se observou que as listas de exercícios eram extensas e apresentavam questões que os professores esperavam/exigiam que os alunos aplicassem as mesmas regras gramaticais e os mesmos jogos de linguagem ensinados na explicação e nos exemplos apresentados, os quais eram marcados pelo formalismo e pela abstração da matemática escolar. Apropriar-se dos jogos de linguagem da matemática escolar era valorizado tanto pelos professores, quanto pelos familiares, conduzindo os escolares a considerar que saber a matemática escolar era condição necessária para que fossem identificados como “bons alemães”. O segundo ritual da matemática escolar se centrou na prática de realização de contas consideradas “difíceis”. Aqueles alunos que as realizavam corretamente eram posicionados como inteligentes e exemplos a serem seguidos; eram reconhecidos como “alemães de verdade”, uma vez que consideravam a matemática como uma disciplina de difícil aprendizagem. Esses resultados oferecem elementos que permitem inferir que, nas formas de vida da imigração alemã no Rio Grande do Sul, no período da Campanha de Nacionalização, era assumida como uma verdade que os descendentes alemães eram “indivíduos superiores”, sendo a matemática escolar utilizada para reforçar tal manifestação. / The thesis aims to analyze how the school and, in particular, the school mathematics, operated as part of the process of subjectivation of students who was descendants of German immigrants in the estate of Rio Grande do Sul (far South of Brazil) during the happening of what was called “Campaign of Nationalization”. Specifically, identifies, in the talk of respondents, school rituals which operated as a tactic of manifestation of the truth that "the Germans are superior" and analyzes these rituals. Discusses also the rituals of school mathematics in which the tactics of the manifestation of truth operated by analyzing the mathematical language games that were present in these rituals, the way they were taught and that math skills were transmitted. The theoretical tools of the study are linked to the theorizing of Michel Foucault and Ludwig Wittgenstein. The research material consists of narrations of seven people who have studied in schools of German immigration in Rio Grande do Sul, in the period of the Campaign of Nationalization. The main results of the investigation indicate that the Deutschtum operated in the lives of German immigrants and their descendants, making them to perceive themselves above all as German settlers. Were identified three school rituals that operated in favour of the maintenance of Deutschtum and as a tactic for manifestation of the truth that the Germans were "superior individuals". About the mathematics, it was found that for the families of the participants of the survey it was important that his children dominate the rules and language games of the school mathematics to "honor" their German ancestry and preserve the Deutschtum. It was also possible to identify two rituals of school mathematics which operated as a way of strengthening the manifestation of the truth that the "Germans were superior." The first ritual was about making exercise in mathematic class and was noted that the lists of exercises were extensive and proposed questions that teachers expected/required that students apply the same grammatical rules and the same language games taught in the explanation and the examples presented, which were marked by the formalism and abstraction of school mathematics. Take ownership of the school mathematics language games was valued by both the teachers and the family, leading schoolchildren to consider that knowing the school mathematics was a necessary condition to be identified as "good Germans". The second rite of school mathematics focused on practice of realization of accounts considered "difficult". Those students that answered correctly, were placed as smart and examples to be followed; they were recognized as "real Germans", once mathematics were considered as a discipline of hard learning. These results provide elements that allow to infer that, in the form of life of German immigration in Rio Grande do Sul, during the period of the Campaign of Nationalization, was assumed to be a fact that the Germans were "superior individuals", being the school mathematics used to reinforce such manifestation.

This thesis takes a conversation-analytic approach examining the pragmatic functions of the linguistic marker "first (off/of all)" in second-pair-part (i.e., responsive) position relative to questions. Using data from question-answer sequences in the 2015-2016 U.S. Presidential Republican primary debates, I propose six claims regarding the composition, position, and action of what is referred to as the practice of "First"-prefacing. Analysis reveals that "First"-prefacing projects the displacement of a response (conforming or non-conforming) to a question. In projecting the displacement of a response, "First"-prefacing does two things: (1) it projects that the unit(s) of talk to come immediately next will be something other than a response, and thus this "first" matter should not be heard as being designedly "responsive" to the question; and (2) it claims that a conditionally relevant response to the question is forthcoming after the "first" matter is resolved. Debaters largely used "First"-prefacing to temporarily "get out from under" a question's conditional relevancies in order to "reach back" beyond the question and perform actions more properly sequentially fitted to earlier portions of the debate (e.g., defend themselves, make additional comments, counter-criticize other debaters). The more general function of "First"-prefacing as a misplacement marker is discussed, and its existence in ordinary conversation is briefly demonstrated.

L’objectif général de cette thèse est d’étudier la prise de décision des individus en situation de catastrophe naturelle, en l’occurrence d’origine volcanique, et d’aboutir à des applications possibles, notamment à une amélioration de la prise de décision des populations exposées. Nous nous sommes intéressés à l’incertitude, dimension essentielle des situations de catastrophe naturelle, qui présente un impact important sur les émotions et la prise de décision des individus. D’une part, l’incertitude situationnelle est déterminante quant aux émotions prospectives comme la peur, et, d’autre part, l’incertitude des conséquences influence l’utilisation des heuristiques émotionnelles (émotions comme éléments pertinents à la décision) dans la prise de décision (système 1). Ce travail de thèse a été traité selon trois axes complémentaires. Dans le premier axe, intitulé Incertitude situationnelle, effet de cadrage et prise de décision, nous avons montré que la simple exposition à l’incertitude situationnelle impliquerait une absence d’effet de cadrage, qui, selon les travaux précédents, pourrait provenir d’une augmentation du traitement systématique (système 2), liée au processus de régulation fronto-amygdalienne. Dans le second axe, Incertitude des conséquences, information à la population et prise de décision, nous avons mis en évidence le fait qu’une réduction de l’incertitude des conséquences dans l’information donnée à la population permettait, dans certains cas précis, d’aboutir à de meilleures prises de décision. L’effet obtenu n’a néanmoins été identifié que dans les situations impliquant de fortes émotions anticipatoires (domicile, dilemmes moraux), situations fréquentes au cours des catastrophes naturelles. Enfin, dans le troisième axe, Création d’une base de stimuli pour l’étude du comportement humain face aux risques naturels, nous avons présenté la construction et la validation d’une base d’images liées aux catastrophes naturelles et au volcanisme, nommée « Natural Disasters Picture System » (NDPS). / The overall aim of this thesis is to examine the decision-making of individuals at risk of natural disaster, specifically related to volcanism, and to achieve potential applications, notably to improve the decision-making of individuals at risk. We focused on the uncertainty, an essential aspect of natural disaster events, which greatly impacts individuals’ emotions and decision-making. On the one hand, the situational uncertainty is an essential component for prospective emotions such as fear, and on the other hand, the uncertainty of consequences determines the use of affect heuristics (emotions used as relevant aspects of the decision) in decision-making (system 1). This doctoral thesis followed three complementary axes. In the first axis, namely Situational Uncertainty, Framing Effect and Decision-Making, we exhibited that the mere exposure to situational uncertainty could negate the framing effect, which could be explained, based on previous works, by an increase of systematic processing (system 2), stemming from the processes of the fronto-amygdala regulation. In the second axis, Uncertainty of Consequences, Information to Population and Decision-Making, we have evidenced that a reduction of the uncertainty of consequences applied to the information to population could improve, under certain circumstances, the individuals’ decisions. This effect was only identified in situations of highly charged anticipatory emotions (home environment, moral dilemmas), which are frequently encountered situations during natural disasters. Lastly, in the third axis, Creation of a Stimuli Dataset for the Study of the Human Behavior Facing Natural Hazard, we detailed the conception and validation of an image dataset dedicated to natural disasters and volcanism, named “Natural Disasters Picture System” (NDPS).

<p>In the 1930s the Swedish homes were modernized through a series of social reforms. As a result of this, time was expected to be released from the housewife’s daily domestic duties and the question was what to do with this time. In this dissertation the concept of time is used in the sense of free time as time for free thinking. The time issue during the thirties is an underlying question throughout the study. The magazine Morgonbris (1904-), a political campaign journal published by the social democratic women’s association (in Swedish: Socialdemokratiska kvinnoförbundet, SSKF) was the public arena for political issues of this kind.</p><p>The aim of the study is to scrutinize the magazine, its shape (typography and layout) and content, the editors´ journalism as well as the relationship to the SSKF and the circle of readers during the decade, in order to describe the dramatic changes of this political and public arena with special focus on the editorship of Kaj Andersson (1931-1936).</p><p>Methodologically this study draws on Hannah Arendt’s “storytelling” or “fragmented historiography”. Theoretically the concepts “public sphere” and “proletarian experiences” are adopted and Jürgen Habermas, Oscar Negt & Alexander Kluge as well as Pierre Bourdieu, are referred to. The gender perspectives of Joan F. Scott and Yvonne Hirdman are also adopted.</p><p>Kaj Andersson’s ”active journalism” in Morgonbris exhibits two distinguishing characteristics during the thirties, it was clearly socialist and critical towards nazism and fascism and it was the most salient vehicle of modernity within the Swedish press at the time. She re-styled the magazine, gave it a new outfit and introduced a new kind of modern, photojournalism. The result was an economic upswing for the magazine. The heritage of Ellen Key´s aesthetics came forward in a consumer campaign, “The best of the industry to the needs of the homes” (Fabrikernas bästa till hemmens behov), which bears similarities to the “Better Homes of America” campaign, launched in the 1920s in the USA. The political path in both campaigns coincided partly with the agenda of Alva Myrdal. Also the “Housewife Holiday” campaign that Kaj Andersson initiated in Morgonbris was in line with the modernization of women’s life throughout the country. The exhausted housewives’ yearning for rest and temporary release from domestic duties was reflected in several articles, in which their grass-root initiatives were acknowledged as political action.</p><p>Until Kaj Anderson left Morgonbris, after several schisms with the committee about her creative – her backbiters would say self-indulgent – style to run the editorial office, she balanced on the border between commercialism and socialism. Her background in the party press, the social democratic newspaper Social Demokraten, influenced her ideas, but her initiatives to turn to the fields of production and consumption also drove a wedge into the field of journalism, as an involuntary beginning to separate it from the field of politics.</p>