The purpose of this research is to examine China’s emerging role in peacebuilding. With a fast-growing economy, China is becoming very influential and has increased its political leverage in conflict-affected countries. At the same time, China’s foreign policy and strategy are evolving and Beijing is becoming more proactive in engaging and intervening on peacebuilding efforts. China has developed a unique peacebuilding approach, one that is based on economic growth as way to alleviate poverty and social unrest. China could contribute to bringing these alternative and complementary perspectives to the Peacebuilding debate and open this field to non-Western understandings. This research is going to examine China’s approach, its origins in China’s domestic situation and how China is exporting this model at the international level. Some of the aspects that will be analyse include: general aspects of the Chinese civilisation, philosophy and history, the domestic situation as well as on the ways that China handles its domestic conflicts in Xinjiang and Tibet; and some of the particularities and characteristics of Chinese foreign policy that shape the way it exports peacebuilding policies to the international arena. The intervention of China in the conflict of Kachin, Myanmar will illustrate how Chinese peacebuilding is evolving and moving away from its Westphalian principles of non-interference. China has thus become a key actor in supporting peace and stability and it should be part of any debate around peacebuilding moving forward based on shared interests in, and concern to promote peace and stability.

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Submitted by ANA TEREZA LOPES MARRA DE SOUSA null (anatereza_lms@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-04-25T22:01:56Z No. of bitstreams: 1 tese.pdf: 2479015 bytes, checksum: 84a1c1718528ac991d045d1dff08c859 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Felipe Augusto Arakaki (arakaki@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-04-28T12:03:44Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 sousa_atlm_dr_mar.pdf: 2479015 bytes, checksum: 84a1c1718528ac991d045d1dff08c859 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T12:03:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 sousa_atlm_dr_mar.pdf: 2479015 bytes, checksum: 84a1c1718528ac991d045d1dff08c859 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-17 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Partindo-se da constatação do adensamento das relações entre Brasil e China na década de 2000 e da crescente importância que elas apresentam principalmente para o Brasil, nesta tese o nosso objetivo é compreender se as relações do Brasil com a China fortaleceram o projeto brasileiro de inserção internacional. O trabalho analisa tal questão desde a normalização das relações entre os países, em 1974, contudo focará maiores esforços no período 2004-2012, que é a época em que as relações entre os países, dada sua intensificação, tornam-se mais relevantes no conjunto da política externa brasileira. Ênfase é dada na nossa análise as relações bilaterais e multilaterais relacionadas a matérias econômicas e políticas em que os países participaram conjuntamente. / The starting point of this work is the intensification of relations between Brazil and China in the 2000s and the growing importance they have mostly for Brazil. In this thesis we intend to understand if the relations of Brazil with China have strengthened the brazilian project of international insertion. The work will examine this issue since the normalization of relations between the countries in 1974, however will focus in the period 2004-2012, which is the season that the relations between the countries have intensified and become more relevant to brazilian foreign policy. We will emphasize the analysis of bilateral and multilateral relations in which countries have participated together .

China is becoming an increasingly important actor in international political and economic relations. The pace of Chinese economic growth triggers a progressively growing demand for natural resources. After launching the "open-door" policy in the Chinese modern history (which attracted the important sources of capital inflows), the Chinese government introduced a "go-out" strategy for the Chinese companies to integrate them into the global structures. This strategy has its direct impacts on developing countries, where the Chinese presence is apparent the most. China is cooperating with all of the developing regions; however, sixty-year long cooperation with Africa is outstanding in many ways. In this continent China has to encounter other traditional actors -- European Union above all, as Africa constitutes a centrepiece in European development cooperation policy. The aim of this master thesis is to describe the shape and evolution of long-term Sino-African relations into today's "strategic partnership", which is being regarded as "rediscovered" in this thesis, and to conclude with the implications for the EU policy. To achieve this, the thesis is divided into three chapters. First chapter deals with the theoretical basis for the shape of Sino-African relations, in broad terms of Chinese foreign policy towards developing countries. The second chapter looks onto actual, mainly economic and developmental, impacts of the Chinese "go-out" strategy on Africa. The thesis indicates the approach of the European Union to the rediscovered partnership.

能源問題是當今世界經濟發展中最引人關注的一個重大問題，能源問題的核心是解決能源供求穩定和安全問題，如何保障一個國家的能源安全是今后長時期內各國能源外交工作的重點。在全球化過程中，各國的能源安全問題仍將是一個相互依存、相互促進的體系，沒有一個國家能夠脫離其他國家和地區的能源安全而保証自身的安全，加強雙邊和多邊的能源對話與合作將是開展能源外交的重要議題。俄羅斯是世界能源大國，它的能源戰略對未來國際能源安全和中俄能源合作將具有重要影響。 俄羅斯作為世界能源大國，在國際能源領域具有獨特地位。它使俄羅斯在諸多國際問題上擁有了更多的發言權，特別是在后蘇聯空間和東北亞地區。同時，地緣政治問題是各國的政治和經濟實力生存和發展空間的問題。能源地緣政治的核心問題是各國掌控政治經濟發展所需要的能源資源的能力。世界各國競相發展經濟，各國加強對能源的爭奪，世界能源價格上漲，世界能源市場格局的變動，這些因素極大地提高了俄羅斯的能源國際影響力，促進了俄羅斯經濟增長的能源化趨向。中俄近年來政治關系穩固發展，加之地理位置相鄰，資源互補，按理說雙方的能源合作應卓有成效，但現實表明，雙方進展緩慢，結果不能讓人滿意。本文就是從中國近年來的能源安全局勢、俄羅斯的能源外交、整個東北亞的能源需求困境及近年來世界能源局勢的發展等中俄能源合作的背景因素出發，論述了中俄能源合作的現狀與動力因素接著,即而深入分析了影響中俄能源合作的俄國內因素，外部影響因素以及中國自身的問題。 最后，基於對雙方能源合作的有利條件與不利條件的分析，論文從兩國戰 略關系的高度，雙方民間交往的基礎，兩國能能源外交及構建地區能源合作機制通的可能性等因素出發，初步提出中國為中俄能源合作而採取的對策思路。 筆者認為隻有克服雙邊合作的不利因素，發揮雙方的有利條件，兩國的能源合作就定能邁向一個新的台階。 關鍵詞 : 能源外交, 俄羅斯能源戰略, 俄中能源合作, 能源安全. / Since 1993, China has become an importer of oil; the oil consumption has been growing.At the same time, China couldn’t increase the oil production, as the result, the lack of oil supplying has continuously increased. If we analyze from the point of international resource consumption, China comes to be the key country between those, who will struggle for the energy resources in the future. Since 1993, energy factor has been implemented to the consideration in the Chinese diplomacy. China has started to pay more and more attention to the energy factor while dealing with its international affairs. In 21 century, the oil price has been increasingly rising, that has become a serious danger for Chinese economy. The sudden lack of energy resources will be the great threat for fast developing Chinese economy. Also, been increasing its military power, China needs to create strategic oil stocks in order to move effectively its military forces. If we consider from strategic point of view, China is in the center of Asia, with Pacific Ocean on its East Coast, bordering with Pakistan on the South, China has very favorable geographical strategic advantages. China needs to use its strategic position for early planning strategy in its “non-blood war” for oil resources. Otherwise, China will face containment from the other countries. The purpose of this study is thus to investigate the following issues based upon the date for the influence of energy factor on Chinese foreign policy and intentions during the period of 1993-2003: 1.Understanding the trends for the future growth of energy demand in China. 2.Investigating what kind of measures can be applying by Chinese government in the face of these trends. 3. Figuring out how big the role of energy factor in the Chinese foreign policy implementation. Keywords: Chinese foreign policy, oil, energy security.

O artigo analisa o padrão de votação e de proposição de resoluções da China no Conselho de Segurança das nações Unidas, com o objetivo verificar se o aumento das capacidades de poder deste país tem levado a alterações do seu comportamento neste órgão. / This article analyses the patterns of China\'s voting and submissions of draft resolution IN the Security Council, in order to see if China\'s increasing power capabilities has influenced its behavior on this board.

O artigo analisa o padrão de votação e de proposição de resoluções da China no Conselho de Segurança das nações Unidas, com o objetivo verificar se o aumento das capacidades de poder deste país tem levado a alterações do seu comportamento neste órgão. / This article analyses the patterns of China\'s voting and submissions of draft resolution IN the Security Council, in order to see if China\'s increasing power capabilities has influenced its behavior on this board.

崛起中的中國大陸，對國際政治、經濟秩序而言，是一個日趨重要的影響因素。尤其是對美外交為中共對外政策之主軸，其重要性實不言可喻，深具研究價值。 研究中共對美外交政策，可以發現在政策演變的過程中，其對美政策取向與內涵係因應內外環境的轉變及美中的互動關係而逐漸形成。因此，經由中共美外交政策的系統研究，可進一步掌握其政策思維與運作內涵，正確分析影響其外交政策的要素，以瞭解其發展與演變之脈絡。 基此，本文的研究目的在於： 一、闡明中共外交形成的因素，無論是在宏觀層面，諸如國內外環境因素導致中共外交理論與原則的改變、決策過程機制以及參與程度與範圍之變化；配合微觀層次決策者所起的作用，以檢視中共外交政策內涵，以瞭解其發展與演變。 二、經由中共與美國互動情形，分由政治、經濟、軍事、涉台外交等層面分析雙方關係內涵，以論證中共對美外交政策之發展與特質。 三、由於雙邊關係日趨密切，合作範圍與領域日增，因此經由雙邊互動模式之探討，以展望雙邊關係未來的可能發展。 四、「台灣問題」在雙邊關係的重要性日增，美中關係有可能因為「台灣問題」而面臨嚴峻的挑戰，因此格外值得探討。 經由上述議題之探討，本文歸納了影響美中關係的可能因素，並對政策的持續面與演變面加以探討，最後並提出美中關係未來發展之看法，作為本文之總結。 / China, as a rising power, is a factor with growing impact that affects international politics and economic order. Being at the core of its foreign policy, China’s US policy is of great importance and worth a close look. By examining China’s foreign policy regarding the US, we can find that China shapes the orientation and content of its US policy in accordance with changes in domestic and international circumstances and in US-China interactions. Therefore, by studying China’s US policy systematically, we can further understand its policy reasoning and course of implementation, analyze correctly the influential factors, and hence obtain a clear view of the context of its policy forming. Therefore, the purposes of the article are: 1.To elucidate influences upon China’s foreign policy, including macroscopic aspects such as domestic and international circumstances that caused China’s adjustment in the theory and principles of its foreign policy, and variations in policy-making mechanism and the extent of involvement, along with microscopic aspects such as the impact from policy makers. This is to look into the content of China’s foreign policy in order to acquire a clear picture of its development. 2.Via examining the interactions between China and the US, to analyze the China-US relation from aspects of politics, economy, military and Taiwan affairs. This is to find out the course of development and characteristics of China’s US policy. 3.With links between China and Taiwan growing stronger and scope and fields of collaboration increasing, to anticipate the possible development in cross-strait relations by studying patterns of bilateral interactions. 4.With the “Taiwan Issue” being of growing impact upon bilateral relations, the China-US relations can be serious challenged by the issue, and is therefore worth a close investigation. By exploring the above issues, the article catalogues possible factors that will affect China-US relations, observes the potential continuity and alteration of the policy, and finally concludes with a prospect of future China-US relations.

本論文選擇聯合國最主要採取的三種干預制度：成立國際法庭、部署維和行動、以及實施制裁措施等，透過統計與分析中共在安理會中對於相關決議案的投票記錄與發言記錄，來探討聯合國採取這些干預措施的特性，以及中共對於這些干預制度的政策特性。我們可以發現到，雖然這三種干預制度都各自有不同的憲章依據，其實施對象與運作特徵也都有所差異，但從聯合國的實踐結果來看，這些措施作為安理會處理危及國際和平與安全情勢的工具，是被視為一套整體的實施策略來運用的。同時也發現到，中共的政策作為與策略考量，確實是展現了其所宣稱的「立場堅定，策略靈活」的特性，尤其是到了冷戰結束以後，對於聯合國的干涉議題上，中共的作為開始展現了更多的彈性，亦即對於聯合國干預措施，展現了更大的配合程度，顯現出中共對於這些議題的利弊得失策略已經有所轉變，將對於不干涉原則的堅持，轉而為要求聯合國在進行干預時，必須具有合法性。 聯合國所實施的干預措施，有其現實考量的必要性，但也都產生了關於侵犯國家主權與介入內部事務的疑慮，因此，對聯合國而言，對這些機制進行必要的改革，已經獲得極大的共識，而對在安理會擁有否決權力的五常任理事國而言，同樣肩負著如何增進聯合國行動的效率，以及維護國家體系運作的基本原則，尤其對中共而言，如何在建立負責任大國的形象，以及爭取國家利益方面獲得平衡，更是當前中共外交政策的重要課題。