L'objectif de cette thèse est de découvrir comment les systèmes démocratiques contemporains appréhendent l'existence en leur sein de la force armée et comment ils parviennent à utiliser cette force armée, tout en respectant leur principe de gouvernement. L'angle adopté est celui de l'histoire des institutions et du droit comparé (principalement Etats-Unis et France). Les deux axes de réflexion sont mobilisés autour de la recherche d’un équilibre à la fois vertical (entre les pouvoirs constitués et la force armée) et horizontal (entre les pouvoirs constitués entre eux par rapport à la force armée). / This dissertation aims at understanding how contemporary democratic systems deal with the existence of the armed forces within them and how they manage to use them, while respecting their principle of government. The two methods chosen are, on the one hand, the history of the institutions and, on the other hand, the study of the parallels between the legal systems (mainly that of the United States and of France). Using these tools, the dissertation aims at finding a balance both vertical (between the constitutionnal powers and the armed forces) and horizontal (between the constitutionnal powers themselves regarding the armed forces).

The purpose of this thesis is to reach a deeper understanding of how boundary spanners are bridging boundaries between uniformed bureaucratic organisations and their environment, characterised by demanding conditions. The main part of this thesis is based upon empirical data gathered through 71 interviews with Swedish civil and military informants from several uniformed organisations. Four articles have been included in this thesis in order to address the overarching aim. The results show that boundary spanners are crucial to the adaption of uniformed organisations to demanding conditions. A number of aspects that are included in the process of organisational adaption have been identified. One of the tasks is to balance between structuring and improvisation where much is at stake. The other task is to create confidence among the involved actors and contribute in different ways to create a sense of symmetry between partners. Finally, the third task for boundary spanners is to recognise improvised roles such as spontaneous links in order to maintain stressful conditions and bridge a gap in the bureaucratic organisation.  The present thesis contributes to sociological theory of emotions, disaster management and military studies through a common denominator, namely the demanding context. Taken together, the findings increase awareness of how organisations act towards their environments and how individuals, especially boundary spanners, adapt the organisation to its environment. For leaders and managers, it is important to make decisions, provide mandates and authorisation, as well as invest confidence in boundary spanners. The hierarchical chain may remain in existence, but it can be made shorter and more transparent through this kind of knowledge. / BAKSIDESTEXT: Organisational adaption to the environment is a complex area of research, necessitating enquiry into how such adaption may take place. The purpose of this thesis is to reach a deeper understanding of how boundary spanners are bridging boundaries between uniformed bureaucratic organisations and their environment, characterised by demanding conditions such as disasters and war. The main body of the thesis is based upon interviews with Swedish civil and military informants. The results show that boundary spanners are crucial to the adaption of uniformed organisations to demanding conditions. Their tasks involve balancing between structuring and improvisation, creating confidence among the involved actors and recognising improvised roles such as spontaneous links in order to maintain stressful conditions and bridge a gap in the bureaucratic organisation.  Taken together, the findings increase awareness of how organisations act towards their environments and how individuals, especially boundary spanners, adapt the organisation to its environment. For leaders and managers, it is important to make decisions, provide mandates and authorisation, as well as invest confidence in boundary spanners. The hierarchical chain may remain in existence, but it can be made shorter and more transparent through this kind of knowledge. The present thesis contributes to sociological theory of emotions, disaster management and military studies through a common denominator, namely the demanding context.

本論文之研究目的是企圖從前蘇聯文武關係研究途徑與克里姆林宮政治研究途徑來探討蘇聯解體後俄羅斯軍方之政治參與範疇與背後之動機。 就軍方政治參與之範疇而言，蘇聯於1991年底解體後，俄羅斯軍方在政治舞台上扮演了重要的角色。首先，我們可以從軍方在1993年俄羅斯新軍事準則成型的過程中，其強硬主張佔了主導的地位。第二、軍方在「近鄰」與前南斯拉夫維和行動的政策即便與外交部意見相衝突仍獲得最後主導權。第三、軍方在1993年10月政爭中並未完全保持中立，而最後軍方是站在葉里欽總統一方結束了此一政治危機。第四、軍方試圖從俄羅斯獨立後歷屆國家杜馬選舉中，藉由其投票行為或是主動參與競選來表達其政治態度與影響有關軍事方面之政策。 本論文以為，蘇後俄羅斯軍方的政治參與背後動機之主要原因有二。其一是蘇聯解體以後俄羅斯軍方制度利益嚴重惡化：蘇聯解體以後，軍方在軍事改革上無法有效進展、軍事預算嚴重不足、軍中生活條件惡化以及國防工業轉產上面臨了嚴重的問題。這些皆使得軍方為了自救不得不試圖從政治層面來解決軍隊之問題。其二是受到克里姆林宮政治互動之影響：葉里欽為了鞏固政軍大權，運用高超的政治手腕以及「分而治之」的統御方式，引用軍方的力量來打擊政治對手，另一方面也運用政治危機分化軍隊之團結性，使其無法在政治上形成對統治者之威脅。 / The purpose of the thesis attempts to analyze the scope and motives of post-soviet Russian military’s political participation by using former Soviet civil-military relations approach and Kremlin politics approach. As far as the scope of military’s political participation is concerned, since the dissolution of USSR in 1991, the Russian military has been playing an important role in Russian politics. First of all, during the process of formulating Russian new military doctrine in 1993, Russian military’s hard-line position dominated this process and its opinion finally won out. Secondly, peacekeeping operation took by the Russian military in the “Near Abroad” and former Yugoslavia, especially in Kosovo, usually conflicted the peaceful option hold by the Ministry of Russian Foreign Affairs, but the Russian military still took control of the final policy initiative. Thirdly, in October 1993, the Russian military didn’t remain neutral in the political struggle between president and Congress of People’s Deputies. It sided with president and therefore ended this severe political crisis. Fourthly, in each Duma election hold after Russia’s independence, the Russian military tried to express its political inclination and exerted its influence by voting, even actively took part in the election. This thesis is taking the position that the political participation of post-soviet Russian military is driven by two motives. First and foremost is the institutional interest of Russian military suffered great damage since the breakup of the USSR：military reform hasn’t made much progress; military budget received hasn’t sufficed the need of military; military faced the growing acute social problems within itself; the conversion of defense industry encountered difficulties. These problems made the Russian military try to preserve itself by political means. The second motive is affected by Kremlin political interaction：in order to strengthen his control over politics and military, Yeltsin used brilliant political art and managed the military by means of “divide and rule”. He used the military to attack his political opponent, on the other hand, he made use of each political crisis to split the military and therefore the military couldn’t constitute a political threat to the ruler of Russian polity.

Thesis (Master of Military Art and Science)--Command and General Staff College, Fort Leavenworth, 2008. / Title from title screen (viewed June 16, 2009). "ADA482989"-DTIC URL. Includes bibliographical references (p. 77-81).

Submitted by ALESSANDRO LIBERATORI (liberatori93@gmail.com) on 2014-06-09T14:48:33Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao_Liberatori_08jun14_FINAL.pdf: 1020403 bytes, checksum: f1fc367db68d9efa99aa5310e136d736 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by ÁUREA CORRÊA DA FONSECA CORRÊA DA FONSECA (aurea.fonseca@fgv.br) on 2014-06-11T13:20:14Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao_Liberatori_08jun14_FINAL.pdf: 1020403 bytes, checksum: f1fc367db68d9efa99aa5310e136d736 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2014-06-13T18:07:19Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao_Liberatori_08jun14_FINAL.pdf: 1020403 bytes, checksum: f1fc367db68d9efa99aa5310e136d736 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-13T18:07:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao_Liberatori_08jun14_FINAL.pdf: 1020403 bytes, checksum: f1fc367db68d9efa99aa5310e136d736 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-05-29 / In recent years, great progress has been made in the study of civil-military relations and its consequences for the development of defense policies of nations. In this context, this study discussed the evolution of civil-military relations and the defense policy of Argentina in the democratic governments in the period 1983-2013. It demonstrated the strong influence exerted by the civilian control over the military in the preparation and implementation of the Argentine defense policy, which may have resulted in considerable loss of effectiveness of the country's military instrument. This study also verified the positive and negative aspects of the defense policies planned and implemented by the successive governments of the period. Finally, the use of the modern concepts of effectiveness and efficiency was proven necessary in order to improve the quality of the defense policy of the Argentine State. / Nos últimos anos foi grande a evolução do estudo das relações civis-militares e seus reflexos para a elaboração das políticas de defesa das nações. Neste contexto, o presente estudo discutiu a evolução das relações civis-militares e da política de defesa da Argentina nos governos democráticos do período de 1983 a 2013. Foi demonstrada a forte influência exercida pelo controle civil sobre os militares na elaboração e na implementação da política de defesa argentina fato que pode ter redundado na perda considerável de efetividade do instrumento militar do país. Foram verificados também, os aspectos positivos e negativos das políticas de defesa planejadas e implementadas pelos sucessivos governos do período. Por último, observou-se a necessidade da utilização dos modernos conceitos de efetividade e de eficiência com o objetivo de melhorar a qualidade da política de defesa do Estado Argentino.

Submitted by Karina Rodrigues (karinafrodrigues@gmail.com) on 2017-08-24T15:29:07Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Karina Rodrigues - Dissertation.pdf: 2879687 bytes, checksum: 26c60aad6faa17f2fdde611c63e557f1 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by ÁUREA CORRÊA DA FONSECA CORRÊA DA FONSECA (aurea.fonseca@fgv.br) on 2017-09-12T18:51:50Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Karina Rodrigues - Dissertation.pdf: 2879687 bytes, checksum: 26c60aad6faa17f2fdde611c63e557f1 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-26T19:00:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Karina Rodrigues - Dissertation.pdf: 2879687 bytes, checksum: 26c60aad6faa17f2fdde611c63e557f1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-06-30 / What were the conditions that generated change in the civilian access to military records in Brazil and Mexico? Through these case studies, this dissertation explores in depth how these changes occurred and what were the strategies used by change-agents to promote or refute change. The study presents a discussion about the concept of transparency and how it can be properly applied to restricted documents of the armed forces, using the literature on concept formation. In addition, the theory of Gradual Institutional Changes and process tracing methods in order to undertake the historical analyzes of both cases. In both case studies, I concomitantly analyze the course of civil-military relations and transparency reforms in the XX Century and the beginning of the XXI Century. The study concludes that the changes in Brazil followed a layering pattern predominantly, with a long period of gradual reforms from 1988 to 2011. Mexico in turn presented the same mode of institutional change, nevertheless, political hegemony and the cooptation model of civil-military relations of the country leaded it to less, but more drastic changes. Both countries present many challenges to transparency in defense, which is addressed in the final conclusions. / Quais foram as condições políticas que desencadearam mudanças no acesso de civis a documentos e arquivos militares no Brasil e no México? Através destes estudos de caso, este estudo se propõe explorar com profundidade como estas mudanças ocorreram e quais foram as estratégias utilizadas pelos atores para promover mudança ou preservar o status quo. A tese apresenta discussão sobre o conceito de transparência e como pode ser aplicado às forças armadas, utilizando-se de literatura focada na formação de conceitos. Além disto, utilizou-se da teoria de Mudanças Institucionais Graduais e o método do process tracing para análise histórica dos casos do Brasil e México. Em ambos os estudos de caso, analisou-se a trajetória das relações civis-militares conjuntamente às reformas em transparência durante todo o século XX e início do século XXI. O estudo concluiu que as mudanças no Brasil foram predominantemente no formato de camadas (layering), com um longo percurso de reformas graduais desde 1988 até a aprovação da Lei de Acesso à Informação em 2011. Já no México, o tipo de mudança predominante também foi no formato de camadas, contudo, a hegemonia política e o modelo de cooptação das forças armadas pelos governos levaram o país a ter menos mudanças, porém mais profundas. Ambos países enfrentam muitos desafios à transparência em defesa, o que é explorado nas conclusões finais. / ¿Cuáles fueron las condiciones políticas que desencadenaron cambios en el acceso de civiles a documentos y archivos militares en Brasil y México? A través de estos estudios de caso, este estudio se propone explorar con profundidad cómo estos cambios ocurrieron y cuáles fueron las estrategias utilizadas por los actores para promover cambios o preservar el status quo. La tesis presenta una discusión sobre el concepto de transparencia y cómo puede ser aplicado a las fuerzas armadas, utilizando la literatura enfocada en la formación de conceptos. Además, se utilizó la teoría de cambios institucionales graduales y el método del process tracing para el análisis histórico de los casos de Brasil y México. En ambos estudios de caso, se analizó la trayectoria de las relaciones cívico-militares conjuntamente con las reformas en transparencia durante todo el siglo XX e inicio del siglo XXI. El estudio concluyó que los cambios en Brasil fueron predominantemente en el formato de capas, con un largo recorrido de reformas graduales desde 1988 hasta la aprobación de la Ley de Acceso a la Información en 2011. Ya en México, el tipo de cambio predominante también fue en el formato de capas, sin embargo, la hegemonía política y el modelo de cooptación de las fuerzas armadas por los gobiernos llevaron al país a tener menos cambios, pero más profundos. Ambos países enfrentan muchos desafíos a la transparencia en defensa, lo que se explora en las conclusiones finales.

En Afrique subsaharienne, la suprématie civile sur les forces armées été l’une des principales lacunes dans l’évolution des institutions étatiques. Les forces armées, dans la plupart des pays, ont encore un rôle politique important La démocratisation tardive en Guinée résulte en Guinée a toujours butté sur les relations ambivalentes et complexes entre l’armée et pouvoir politique. Ces relations s’inscrivent dans une problématique globale de politisation de l’armée. Avec à son actif deux coups d’Etats militaires, la politisation de l’armée est allée de pair avec une dégradation des bases institutionnelles de l’Etat. Cette étude analyse le va et vient permanent entre processus de démocratisation et restauration autoritaire. Les réformes menées allant dans le sens de redéfinition de la politique de sécurité en Guinée se sont cristallisées autour du programme Réforme des Systèmes de Sécurité qui est un enjeu essentiel pour la consolidation des acquis démocratiques d’une part et la dynamique de reconstruction de l’Etat d’autre part. / In Sub-Saharan Africa, civil supremacy over the armed forces has been one of the main gaps in the evolution of the state public institution. Armed forces, in most country, still play an important political role. Late democratization in Guinea results into ambivalent and complex relations between the army and the political power. Those relations are part of the global issue of the politization of the army. With two military coup d’Etats, the politization of the army went hand in hand with a degradation of institutional bases of the State. This study is the analysis and forth between democratization and authoritarian restoration. Policy reforms carried out so far that seeks to redefine the concept of security policy in Guinea have crystallised around the Security Reform System which is on the one hand, a key issue to consolidate democratic achievements and on the other hand, the dynamics of State reconstruction.

Orientador: Eliezer Rizzo de Oliveira / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-05T00:45:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Antunes_PriscilaCarlosBrandao_D.pdf: 26356082 bytes, checksum: c01a75fdefd83ce61dece0abae7a04c2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / Resumo: Esta tese analisa as recentes reformas nos serviços de inteligência civil brasileiro, argentino e chileno, no contexto das relações civis militares. Três diferentes problemas analíticos estruturam a pesquisa: A) o desafio institucional da construção de sistemas que sejam eficientes, eficazes e consistentes com as demandas de segurança e defesa nestes países. Como os serviços de inteligência civis têm sido institucionalmente desenhados a partir dos processos de transição e consolidação democrática? B) O desafio institucional de construção de sistemas de inteligência responsáveis, responsivos e consistentes com as demandas de controle público democrático? Porque os recentes mecanismos de supervisão congressual e accountability têm desempenho diferenciado nos diversos países em termos de sua capacidade de controle sobre as atividadesde inteligência? C) Odesafio profissional da construção de sistemas de inteligência flexíveis, capacitados e analiticamente relevantes. Quais são os mecanismos institucionais mais importantes utilizados em cada país para avaliar o desempenho analítico dos serviços de inteligência? Os objetivos gerais desta pesquisa são produzir conhecimentos sobre o funcionamento e o papel dos sistemas de inteligência durante processos de consolidação democrática e aumentar o grau de expertise civil e reconhecimento público sobre a importância e os dilemas envolvidos na atuação dos serviços de inteligência / Abstract: This thesis analyzes the recent refonns of the Brazilian, Argentinean and Chilean civic intelligence services in the context of the South American civic-military relationship issues. The research is based on three different problems: A) The institutional challenge of building effective, efficient and consistent intelligence systems in order to fulfill the demands for security and defense of those countries. How have Latin American civic intelligence services been institutionally planned in the transition and consolidation periods? B) The institutional challenge of designing responsive, consistent and responsible intelligence systems to do what is required by the public democratic controI. Why have the modern means of supervising congress tasks had distinct perfonnances in the control of intelligence activities considering accountability in those countries? C) The professional challenge of structuring flexible, qualified and analytically relevant intelligence systems. How do those countries deal with the professionalization issues related to intelligence systems analysis? What are the most important institutional devices used to evaluate the analytic perfonnance of intelligence services by the national government in each of those countries? The general objectives of the research are to produce knowledge about the role and operations of intelligence systems during processes of democratic consolidation and to increase civil expertise and public awareness about the importance and the dilemmas involved in the perfonnance of intelligence services / Doutorado / Doutor em Ciências Sociais

This thesis examines the development of the soldier in late-Victorian Britain in light of the movement to rehabilitate the public image of the ordinary ranks initiated by the Cardwell-Childers Reforms. Venerated in popular culture, Tommy Atkins became a symbol of British imperial strength and heroism. Socially, however, attitudes to the rank-and-file were defined by a pragmatic realism purged of such sentiments, the likes of which would characterise the British public’s relationship with their army for over thirty years. Scholars of both imperial culture and the Victorian military have identified this dual persona of Tommy Atkins, however, a dedicated study into the true nature of the soldier’s position has yet to be undertaken. The following research will seek to redress this omission. The soldier is approached through the perspective of three key influences which defined his development. The first influence, the politics of the War Office, exposes a progressive series of schemes which, cultivated for over a decade, sought to redefine the soldier through the popularisation of military service and the professionalisation of the military’s public relations strategy and apparatus. A forgotten component of the Cardwell-Childers Reforms, the schemes have not before been scrutinised. Despite the ingenuity of the schemes devised, the social rehabilitation of the soldier failed, primarily, it will be argued, because the government refused to improve his pay. The public’s response to the Cardwell-Childers Reforms and the British perception of the ordinary soldier in the decades following their introduction form the second perspective. Through surveys of the local and London press and mainstream literature, it is demonstrated the soldier, in part as a result of the reforms, underwent a social transition, precipitated by his entering the public consciousness and encouraged by a resulting fascination in the military life. The final perspective presented in this thesis is from within the rank-and-file itself. Through the examination of specialist newspaper, diary and memoir material the direct experiences of the soldiers themselves are explored. Amid the extensive public and political discussion of their nature and status, the soldier also engaged in the debate. The perspective of the rank-and-file provides direct context for the established perspectives of the British public and the War Office, but also highlights how the soldier both supported and opposed the reforms and was acutely aware of the social status he possessed. This thesis will examine the public and political treatment of the soldier in the late-nineteenth century and question how far the conflicting ideas of soldier-hero and soldier-beggar were reconciled.

The 2016 Turkish failed coup attempt was a striking political event of the year. Although Turkey is a country with a long history of successful military intervention and deep-rooted coup culture, the coup organizers could not achieve the desired outcome in 2016. The coups of 1960, 1971, 1980 and 1997 have resulted in the government's change where the military played an important role by influencing the political sphere. However, the result was different in the coup attempt carried out on 15 July 2016. As the President, a large segment of military, political parties and a significant part of the society had an anti-coup attitude and stood up against the military coup. For this reason, the thesis attempts to compare the 2016 Turkish failed coup with the previous successful coups of 1960, 1971, 1980, and 1997's in Turkey. The comparison is based on the hypotheses built on four civil-military relation theories and concepts: Military Professionalism, Civilian Supremacy, Social Cohesion and Public Institutionalism. According to the analyses, the findings indicate that the theories of Civilian Supremacy and Public Institutionalism better explain the failure of 2016 and the success of the previous coups than other theories.